Samguk Sagi Research Articles

Exploring Miracles and Wonders in Pre-Modern Korean Society through the Samguk yusa

Samguk yusa 三國遺事 (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), compiled by Iryŏn 一然 (1206–1289), a prominent Buddhist monk in Koryŏ, stands as one of Korea’s most valued historical classics. This classic weaves together a collection of captivating and unconventional narratives—marked by their peculiarity, miracles, and wonder—diverging from the usual societal norms. Unlike traditional historical chronicles such as Samguk sagi 三國史記 (Histories of the Three Kingdoms), Samguk yusa presents a diverse mosaic woven with historical anecdotes, legends, and folklore, especially emphasizing connections to Buddhism. The tales of miraculous events hold historical significance, serving as reflective mirrors that not only shaped the beliefs of pre-modern Korean Buddhists but also influenced the wider population of that era in Korea. This paper delves into the cultural significance and societal roles of miracles and wonders within pre-modern Korean society, particularly through a thorough exploration of narratives and accounts within the Samguk yusa. Through these miraculous stories, the Samguk yusa not only validates the spiritual power of Buddhism but also redefines concepts like filial piety and national protection by integrating them into the Buddhist framework. This ensured Buddhism’s enduring significance in Silla society and reinforced the importance of the supernatural as an integral part of a holistic view of history and culture.

The Written Sources of the Goryeo Period about Incense and Buddhist Olfactory Practices on the Korean Peninsula

Having originated in ancient China during the Neolithic era, the tradition of using aromatic substances spread to other countries of the Sino-hieroglyphic area. On the Korean Peninsula, under the influence of internal features based on the Chinese version of aromatic culture and the Buddhist religious component, even a special type of maehyang ritual rite was formed, which consisted of burying a piece of wood in the ground in the presence of representatives of the Buddhist community on some important occasion. In this case, it was necessary to record in writing form the fact of burial on a stele, which was installed in memorial of such an event at the burial site of the wood, or on a stone located near the site of the ritual. A whole range of Korean written sources contains information about the use of incense for ritual and medical purposes. To identify the specific features of olfactory practices in the early Korean Middle Ages, this article will analyze “Historical Records of the Three States” (三國史記 Samguk sagi, 1145); “Lives of Eminent Korean Monks” (海東高僧傳 Haedong Goseunjeon, early 13th century) and “The remaining information [about] the three states” (三國遺事 Samguk yusa, late 13th century). An analysis of written sources, the use of folklore and mythological materials make it possible to reveal characteristics of olfactory practices in the context of the development of Buddhism on the territory of the Korean Peninsula. All these sources demonstrate many facts related to the use of incense at the court of the Korean king, in monasteries and temples for ritual and hygienic purposes. Analysis of sources not only allows us to trace the history of the spread of Buddhism across the Korean Peninsula and identify the peculiarities of interaction between cultures of the East Asian region in the chronological period under consideration (1–10th centuries), but also provides rich material about the flora of Korea, Korean ideas about plants and herbs, and as well as methods of their use.

Hero’s Journey in Korean Confucian Historiography: Biographies of Kim Yusin and Kungye in the Context of J . Campbell’s Monomyth

For the first time in Russian (and world) Korean studies, biographies of real historical characters are analyzed within the framework of the concept of monomyth (or hero's journey) coined by Joseph Campbell. Previously, such an approach was practiced only in the study of narrative prose. This paper focuses on practical evaluation of monomyth as a prism with regard to Confucian chronicles. Critical analysis of the text showed us to conclude that the concept of monomyth is quite suitable — with some reservations — for describing the historical narrative of the biographical section of the Confucian chronicle Samguk sagi (Historical Record of the Three Kingdoms). The research revealed life paths of the chosen hero, who embodies the ideal of a loyal subject, and his antagonist generally follow the three-part model proposed by Campbell (departure — initiation — return). This allows us to conclude that a powerful autochthonous Korean cultural stratum contributed to the formation of a specific syncretic worldview in Korea during the Three States and United Silla period (traditional dates: 1st century B.C. — 10th century A.D.), which integrated Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism into a single system and was reflected in the official chronicle compiled in the 12th century. The Confucian historiographer's representation of these substrates (given a certain ability of these teachings to assimilate each other's concepts) was cemented by myth, which, together with the Confucian canon, set the principles of text organization, plot models, and ways of presenting historical events. The susceptibility of Korean Confucianism at this historical stage to mythology allowed mythological cosmology to integrate quite easily into the Confucian world-building narrative, and to deal with subjects that were previously considered taboo for Confucian ethics in classical Orientalism, such as the manifestations of the Oedipus complex. The interpretation of history as a moral and ethical drama brings official Confucian historiography closer to political myth in its modern interpretation and allows us to evaluate the historical text in a new way.

Russian orientalism vs. Korean positivism: reflections on the translation of biographies (Yŏlchŏn) from the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk Sagi) into English

The recent (2018–2020) appearance of a voluminous (though incomplete) corpus of annotated translations of the biographical section of the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk sagi) — the oldest surviving Korean chronicle — into English warrants us to compare it with the Russian translation undertaken in 2000–2002. A comparative analysis will allow us to highlight the characteristic features of both styles, identify discrepancies in the representation of historical realities of the Three Kingdoms period and the nuances of interpretation of basic concepts and principles of historical philosophy. First, we will take on the primary aspects of world-building (including principles of state management, combination of Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist spiritual substrata in the general philosophy of the text, features of allocation of certain virtues to the heroes of historical narration), as well as manifestations of supernatural forces and phenomena. We will conclude by offering arguments both for and against the idea put in its title.

북한에서 이루어지는 고구려 인물의 담론 형성 양상

The purpose of this thesis is to reveal the modernization strategy for Goguryeo characters in North Korean society. Among the historically existing figures of Goguryeo, Eulduji and Eulpaso are famous figures in the records of the Samguk sagi. In South Korean society, Eulpaso, a prime minister’s house, is mainly circulated in textbooks and children’s books. Eulpa-so is the person who prepared the first grain harvest system in which the content of the Jindaebeop is to release relief rice in the spring when grain is scarce and pay it back with a little interest in the fall. On the other hand, in North Korean society, the discourse on Eulduji, which is in charge of the soldiers and horses, dominates. Accordingly, through the process of forming discourse on Eulduji in North Korean society, it was possible to internalize wisdom, courage, and devotion through the figures who contributed to the war in North Korean society, and to explore the meanings that demanded individual sacrifice in North Korean society.
 In addition, the history of Goguryeo is regarded as important in North Korean society because the people of Goguryeo were wise and courageous. It is highly likely that North Korea took the history of Goguryeo, which actively responded to foreign aggression and expanded its territory, as an important historical mirror to maintain its regime. Eulduji’s ‘Cheongyasuseong’ of strategy, which showed maximum effect with a small military force, resembles the current situation in North Korea. This is because it is a good material that can be used in school education and story education to maintain North Korean society at a low cost. It is necessary to further explore how historical figures, who are called differently in South and North Korea, are combined with the demands of the times.

너무 많은 희생? 삼국 시대 순장 관습에 대한 논의

Sunjang or retainer burial is a peculiar characteristic of Silla and the Gaya polities in an early stage of the Three Kingdoms period on the Korean Peninsula. The existence of this practice is attested by an entry in the Samguk sagi and by the occurrence of multiple graves in the archaeological record. There is a general tendency to interpret all graves that have more than one interment as representative of the sunjang practice, as long as the synchronicity of the burial appears to be plausible. Other reasons that may lead to the formation of multiple graves are often not systematically excluded or considered at all. The present article argues that too many multiple burials are uniformly interpreted to include human sacrifices. Although the existence of the practice of sunjang is not questioned at all, it is pointed out that the available evidence is often ambiguous and may be interpreted in different ways. Based on general considerations and insights of recent research, the central concept of synchronicity for the identification of retainer burials is contested. This is because the preparation time for the construction of a monumental or big grave may affect the number of interred individuals aside from the possibility of disease and frequent violent conflict. Matrilineal family ties of the interred individuals, as ascertained for burials with sufficient bone material, can be plausibly explained as a result of reusing the grave, which was possible due to the construction as a chamber tomb. Besides it is being argued that the mounded graves were not static structures, they were frequently altered, renovated and merged, which was due to their function as reference points for the identity construction of the community.(Busan University of Foreign Studies)

고려시대 선도성모 이야기의 전래와 정착

Since it is stated in Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms[Samguk yusa 三國遺事] that goddess of Seondo Mountain[仙桃山] gave birth to Hyukgeose[赫居世], the progenitor of Silla, the theory of mother goddess of Seondo Mountain has been generally accepted. However, according to Historical Record of the Three Kingdoms[Samguk sagi 三國史記]”, doubts arise about her origin. Why did the official of Song[宋], who was hosting the Goryeo[高麗] delegation who came to Song in 1116, introduce the goddess at Taoist temple in his own country as the mother goddess of Goryeo?<BR> At that time, Northeast Asia was a period of upheaval. Song had a strategy to take advantage of rising Jin[金] to defeat the old enemy Liao[遼], and for this, Song needed Goryeo

여말선초의 효자전 양상 − ｢우인효자군만전｣을 중심으로 −

The background of &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon,&quot; which has the form of Jeon, was the late Goryeo Period. The author was Kwon Geun, well-known as a Neo-Confucian scholar and politician. Considering that he wrote a poster and a book titled &quot;Hyo Haengnok,&quot; compiled by his great-grandfather Kwon Bo and his grandfather Kwon Joon, he was highly knowledgeable about Confucianism and was interested in filial piety. The concept of filial piety expressed in the &quot;Samguk sagi,&quot; &quot;Yeoljeon,&quot; and &quot;Hyo Seonpyeon,&quot; which were published earlier than &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon,&quot; is fundamentally different from that expressed in &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon.&quot; Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the differences between the narrative and the aspects expressed in the previous in describing filial piety, and to this end, we will examine them in terms of composition, technology, and logic. The method that highlighted filial piety in the story of filial piety was mainly about the lyrical atmosphere and filial piety of the main character, who adapted from Chinese, toward elderly or sick parents, which are blessed. On the other hand, &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon&quot; showed that technological expressions were developed in de-Chinaization of the main character's setting, de-lyrical atmosphere of parents who were filial piety, and de-breeding from the conclusion that filial piety would be blessed or helped by heaven. In other words, it logically states that the ten sins of filial piety referred to in the &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon&quot; are obvious in the application of &quot;Hyogyeong,&quot; &quot;Myeongsim Bogam,&quot; &quot;Mencius,&quot; and Goryeo Dynasty. This can be seen as an alternative tool to emphasize filial piety. The new aspects attempted in the late Goryeo Period &quot;Wooin Hyoja Gunmanjeon&quot; were believed to have influenced the publication of the &quot;Samganghaengsildo&quot; during the Joseon Dynasty, and emphasized filial piety through newly attempted expressions and logical evidence.

『삼국사기』 천문 기록의 재검토: 중국 사서(史書) 의존성 기록을 중심으로

To reexamine the authenticity of astronomical records in Samguk sagi, this paper analyzes two types of records in particular formats: 1) the records displaying dates by sexagesimal signs, and 2) the records informing the positions of astronomical phenomena regarding the constellations. My analysis shows that all records with sexagesimal date signs have corresponding records in Chinese historical books. This implies that the sexagesimal date signs were added to the original records, when Samguk sagi was compiled in 1145, using the information available in corresponding Chinese records. All records informing the positions of astronomical phenomena regarding the constellations, before the late 7th century of unification, except for two cases, have Chinese corresponding records. This implies that the constellations were also added, when Samguk sagi was edited, to the original records by adopting those positional information specified in the corresponding Chinese records.

Making and Remaking Silla Origins

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; The official narrative on the early history of the Korean state of Silla (trad. 57 BCE–935 CE) was constantly under revision and probably not initially charted until the late seventh or early eighth century. This narrative continued to evolve throughout the remainder of the Silla and early Koryŏ period (918–1392), achieving its final form in the mid-twelfth century with the publication of the Samguk sagi. King Mich’u (trad. r. 262–284) was modeled closely on King Pŏphŭng (r. 514–540) to push Silla origins back several hundred years. Sŏk T’arhae (trad. r. 57–80) and Naemul (trad. r. 356–402) were crafted based on Chinese historiography. The late emergence of the legend of Pak Hyŏkkŏse (trad. 57 BCE–4 CE) as the ultimate founder of Silla in the Koryŏ period reflects the relevance of the Pak descent group in the Silla-Koryŏ transition period and rise of the Pak lineage in the early Koryŏ period.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

양맥 · 숙신의 난(難), 변경에서 본 3세기 후반 동아시아와 고구려

This paper aims at exploring the international situation of East Asia in the late 3rd century and the change of Goguryeo society at that time. For this aim, the views and positions of Yangmaek(梁貊) and Suksin(肅愼) that were on the borders of Goguryeo and East Asia are emphasized. The Struggles of Yangmaek and Suksin can be found in “Goguryeo’s Records(高句麗本紀)” of Samguk sagi(三國史記). The invasion of Suksin and the military activities of Dalga(達賈) in 280 which is seen in the article of 11th year of King Seocheon(西川王) were parts of it. Yangmaek of that period was a tribe of the west of Goguryeo that lived in the eastern part of the Liaodong Peninsula. Suksin belonged to the same political force of King of Suksin, Yok(褥) in the Book of Jin(晉書) and Suksin gukgi(肅愼國記), and was a school of Yilou(挹婁) that lived in northeastern Goguryeo. Yangmaek was governed as a different tribe-subjugated people of Goguryeo since the middle of the 2nd century, and the exploitation of Yangmaek was stronger than that of general people. The Struggle of Yangmaek was a resistance to it. In contrast, Suksin was an outside being of Goguryeo until the late third century. Suksin, however, was pressured and pushed against Goguryeo’s Northeastern domination in the late third century, but fight against it. This was the struggle of Suksin. These two struggles were separate events, but there was something in common that they resisted Goguryeo in response to the Eastern policy of Western Jin(西晉) in the late 3rd century. It was the way Yangmaek and Suksin read and actively responded to the international situation in East Asia. Through these struggles, Goguryeo could be isolated internationally if the various forces of East Asia, including not only Yangmaek and Suksin, but also related Western Jin and Buyeo(夫餘), put pressure on Goguryeo. In this regard, Goguryeo named it the struggles of Yangmaek and Suksin, and seemed to remember it as a serious national crisis until later. Since the late third century, Yangmaek was changed to the general people of Goguryeo. Most of the Suksin people still existed as different tribe-subjugated people, but the exploitation and discrimination against them was relaxed. This was reflection of the historical experience gained through the struggles. The exploitative domination based on military control caused resistance, which could lead to national crises. Resistance was the result of political and social growth. The struggles of Yangmaek and Suksin shows the growth of the different tribe-subjugated people and the history of resistance that changed the society of Goguryeo.

Chapter 46 of the Samguk sagi: An Annotated Translation of Biographies of Gangsu and Others

Chapter 46 of the Samguk sagi: An Annotated Translation of Biographies of Gangsu and Others

『삼국사기』 악지의 고구려 음악에 대한 재고

『삼국사기』 악지는 삼국시대의 음악상황을 알려주는 1차 사료로서, 고구려악에 관한 거의 유일한 문헌사료이다. 그러나 『삼국사기』는 기본적으로 편찬자인 김부식에 의한 신라 중심의 역사관에 입각한 역사서로, 역사의 패자인 고구려에 관한 정보는 매우 간략하고 편찬자의 역사관에 의해 왜곡 또는 축소된 부분도 상당히 많다. 고구려의 음악에 관한 『삼국사기』 악지의 기록은 『통전』, 『책부원귀』 등의 중국의 사서를 인용한 정보이다. 이외에도 각종 중국 사서에는 수당시기 이전의 고구려 음악문화에 대한 기록이 있다. 그렇기 때문에 중국 사서에 기록된 고구려 음악문화에 대한 통시적 이해가 있어야 『삼국사기』 악지에 기록된 고구려악의 실체를 제대로 이해할 수 있을 것이다. 고구려의 악기를 최초로 열거한 중국 정사인 『수서』 (동이)열전과 『북사』를 인용한 기록은 당대 고구려 음악이었을 것이다. 이 기록은 중국의 사방악(四方樂)에 대한 기록으로 수나라와 당나라의 구부기 또는 십부기와는 다른 악기를 기록한 것이다. 이 기록에 열거된 오현금, 쟁, 필률, 횡취, 소, 고 등의 악기는 고구려 고분 벽화 등에 묘사한 악기이다. 그러므로 이들 악기는 당대에 고구려에서 연주되던 악기였을 가능성이 많다. 그러나 이들 악기를 『삼국사기』 악지에서는 실제로 기록되지 않은 『책부원귀』를 인용했다고 기록했다. 『삼국사기』 악지에서 인용한 『통전』의 고구려악은 실제 고구려에서 연행되던 음악을 기록한 것이 아니다. 이는 기본적으로 7~8세기 당나라 궁중에서 연행되던 고구려악을 기록한 것이다. 고구려인들은 이미 경험 주체로서의 자기 설명 기회를 잃었고, 표상된 역사에 자기 기억을 남기지 못하였다. 그리고 『삼국사기』 악지의 고구려악에 관한 정보는 실제적인 고구려 음악이라는 ‘대상의 진실’이 아니라 편찬자들이 선택한 중국 사료에 근거한 왜곡된 정보이다. 고(구)려악은 수나라 개황 연간(581-600)에 칠부기와 구부기 중의 하나로 수용되어 당나라의 십부기 중의 하나로 전승되었다. 고구려가 멸망하기 전인 7세기 중엽까지만 해도 고(구)려악은 모국과의 문화 교류가 있었기에 활발하게 연행되었을 것이다. 당나라 무태후 당시만 하더라도 고(구)려악에 25곡이 있었다는 사실이 이를 입증한다. 그러나 7세기 중엽 이후에 고구려가 멸망하면서 고(구)려악은 모국과의 문화 교류가 끊어지고 당나라 왕실도 혼돈기를 맞아서 이들 음악은 급격하게 쇠락한다. 고(구)려악은 한 곡만을 익힐 정도이고 의복이 낡고 없어져서 원래 풍습을 상실했다. 이렇게 『통전』을 인용해 『삼국사기』 악지에 기록된 고구려악은 실제로는 당나라 궁중에 전승되던 고(구)려악이지 실제로 고구려에서 연주되던 음악이고, 고구려악의 악기로 기록된 탄쟁, 국쟁, 수공후, 와공후, 의취적, 횡적, 소필률, 대필률, 도피필률 등은 고(구)려악에 연주되던 악기이다. 결국 『삼국사기』 악지에 기록된 고구려악은 실제 고구려 음악이 아니라 기본적으로 당나라 궁중에서 전승되던 고구려악을 기록한 것이다. 김부식은 당시 존재했던 우리 사서를 인용하여 고구려 음악을 기록하지 않고 중국 사서를 인용했다. 그러다보니 고구려악에 관한 ‘객관적 사실’을 기록한 것이 아니라 당나라 궁중에서 전승되던 고구려악을 기록하였다.

Note from the Editor

Note from the Editor Sem Vermeersch, Editor-in-chief For the first time since June 2016, we are presenting a theme issue. In 2015 Jonathan Best had organized a panel for the annual Kyujanggak Symposium on Korean Studies that reexamined the historiography of the Silla Annals of the Samguk sagi. Following the presentations at the symposium, Professor Best then guest-edited five articles for a theme issue that challenged the conventional historiography of the Samguk sagi, using insights gleaned from archeology and other sources to provide new ways of understanding the chronology of events in Silla’s history. This theme issue, guest edited by Javier Cha, also started with a panel; I first witnessed the contributors’ incipient ideas about Korean periodization issues at an Association for Asian Studies Annual Meeting panel in 2014. The ideas were further developed at a Hong Kong University workshop in 2016. When Professor Cha proposed to submit the papers to the Seoul Journal, we were very happy to again have the chance to publish on a very important and timely historiographical topic. This time the papers look at the issue of periodization of Korean history from various angles. The way we look at Korean history shifts across time and place. Following a small boom in research on periodization in South Korea in the 1990s, it is high time to take stock and see how our perceptions have shifted again. The insights presented here are not meant to present a new paradigm, but rather to make us rethink the categories used to make sense of history. Since the papers are expertly introduced by Prof Cha in his guest editor’s introduction, I will say no more here. The two other articles that complete this issue are from quite different fields of history. Richard McBride analyzes two texts attributed to the famous Silla monk Ŭisang. Known as the founder of the Hwaŏm tradition in Korea, he is perhaps most closely associated with the symbolism and exegetic system of that school. Yet as McBride shows, during the Silla and Koryŏ periods there was also [End Page v] a tradition that associated him with the vows for rebirth in the Pure Land, usually thought of as a popular tradition. Analyzing two vow texts attributed to Ŭisang, McBride shows that they bear the imprint of the Koryŏ Dynasty, and the need by the religious community at the time to associate places and practices with famous masters from the past. Finally, Hyoung Wook Park’s article analyzes the ambivalent responses to hepatitis B in South Korea during the Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan eras. Prevalence of hepatitis B has famously been associated with Korean drinking culture: The sharing of soju cups was often assumed to transmit the disease. Though proven by medical research not to be a factor in transmission, cultural anxieties continued to shape government and medical responses. It is perhaps fitting then that this issue closes with John DiMoia’s review of Sonja Kim’s Imperatives of Care, a book that deals with another aspect of the intersection of culture, government, and medicine, in this case the gendering of the field of medicine during the colonial period. Starting with this issue, we welcome two new members to the editorial board: Balázs Szalontai, who is an expert on North Korea, and Erik Mobrand, who works on modern South Korean politics. I would like to welcome them on board and look forward to their contributions to the journal. I would also like to thank Ruediger Frank, outgoing board member, for his years of dedicated service to the journal. [End Page vi] Copyright © 2019 Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

맥족의 분포와 『삼국사기』소전 ‘맥국’에 관한 고찰

맥족의 분포와 『삼국사기』소전 ‘맥국’에 관한 고찰

Chapter 41, 42, and 43 of the Samguk sagi: An Annotated Translation of Biography of Kim Yusin

Chapter 41, 42, and 43 of the Samguk sagi: An Annotated Translation of Biography of Kim Yusin

Sino-Korean coda -l and the syllabic structure of Old Sino-Korean

Old/Middle Chinese codas of the entering tone are well preserved in Sino-Korean except for Chinese *-t, which changed to Sino-Korean -l. This article claims that Old Chinese coda *-t changed to Sino-Korean -l because coda -t was not fully developed in Old Korean by the time the Sino-Korean phonological system was formed in the eighth century. This article also proposes that the syllabic structure of Old Sino-Korean was (C)V at the earliest stage and gradually changed to (C)V(C). Evidence is presented from place names of the Samguk sagi along with other relevant Old Sino-Korean materials. The results of this study suggest we must reject the views that Sino-Korean coda -l developed under the influence of similar changes that occurred in Chinese dialects, that Middle Chinese coda -t remained the same in Sino-Korean until the sixth century but changed to -l in the seventh century, or that it was realized as -r due to phonetic adjustment caused by released codas of Old Korean.

Can the Samguk sagi Be Corroborated through Epigraphy?: An Analysis of the Capital-Rank System and Councils of Nobles

Kim Pusik’s 金富軾 (1075–1151) Samguk sagi 三國史記 (History of the Three Kingdoms) is arguably the single most important document for understanding the history of the early Korean state of Silla 新羅 (traditional dates, 57 bce–935 ce). Despite the existence of other literary and archeological materials, as a royally sanctioned “standard history” the Samguk sagi continues to enjoy a position of power in determining the “history of Silla.” One of the most distinctive features of Silla society is its highly stratified social system as articulated through the establishment of its bureaucratic rank system (kyŏngwi 京位) and councils of nobles (hwabaek hoeŭi 和白會議). The Samguk sagi presents a narrative that functions as an “officially authorized” account of the institution of the seventeen-level system of capital ranks and other institutions of government administration in the first three centuries of the Common Era. To what extent can the historical narrative of the Samguk sagi be verified by epigraphy and other early literary materials? The uncomfortable truth is that inscriptions from the early Silla period provide no evidence that the capital rank system was established prior to the sixth century. More important, epigraphy shows that unlike the story found in the Samguk sagi, the formation of the capital rank system was probably more of a process that evolved vigorously during the crucial sixth century and probably achieved something close to its final form during the reign of King Chinhŭng 眞興 (540–576). Furthermore, despite the sequence of events reported in the Samguk sagi, administrative and managerial offices associated with the council of nobles in Silla—the Administration Chamber (chŏngsadang 政事堂) and Southern Chamber or South Hall (namdang 南堂)—probably did not take concrete form until at least the late seventh century. More than merely the ideological or rhetorical necessity of demonstrating that Silla and its institutions were “older” than those of Koguryŏ and Paekche, Kim Pusik and his associates—or perhaps even earlier historiographers—sought to create new historical memories of Silla, and by reshaping the past they strove to fashion the future.

Some Problems with Early Koguryŏ-Silla Relations Described in the Samguk sagi

According to the Samguk sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms), exchanges between the kingdoms of Koguryŏ and Silla commenced with military engagements in the middle of the third century. The broader interregional circumstances of the time, evidenced by both historical and archaeological data, make such an early encounter between these two polities highly unlikely. In this paper I examine data from historical and archaeological contexts to identify contradictions in accounts of the mid-third-century circumstances of the Korean peninsula, demonstrating the anomalous nature of the early depictions of Koguryŏ-Silla relations found in the Samguk sagi. Further, I will discuss how the issue at hand points to a much more pervasive problem with the early chronology of the Silla records in the Samguk sagi, demanding a considerable degree of caution for scholars who use that resource for the study of the history of the Korean peninsula. Lastly, I will discuss briefly how current trends in Korean academia (involving forces that are not limited to the academic realm) pose a challenge for an open and critical evaluation of the chronology of the Samguk sagi.

Unreliable Narratives: Historical and Archaeological Approaches to Early Silla

This paper surfaces the major contradictions between the “Account of the Han” in the third-century Sanguozhi 三國志 (Records of the Three Kingdoms) and the twelfth-century records of early Silla in the Samguk sagi 三國史記 (History of the Three Kingdoms) with regards to the formation of the Silla kingdom in southeastern Korea during the third and fourth centuries. Archaeological material, specifically grave goods and cemeteries, is then employed to assess the conflicting historical accounts. Analysis of burial customs and tomb styles does suggest that there was a high degree of cultural cohesion evident in the region, which broadly agrees with both the above textual accounts. Nevertheless, the inconsistent adoption of grave construction techniques, differing levels of commitment to a uniform ritual practice between sites, and variable grave good displays attest to a high degree of diversity and the lack of an overarching governmental authority in southeastern Korea. The picture that emerges from the ritual evidence is one of many independent groups with a fundamentally similar cultural grammar. While the archaeology does concur with historians that favor the “Account of the Han” and the Sanguozhi, there are still problems with both texts’ assertions of regional political structures and centralization. And while the two texts may be fundamentally incompatible, there is still potential value in the Samguk sagi’s accounts of Silla’s incipient warfare with neighboring groups.