The soldier, nobleman, and multicide Gilles de Rais ranks among most notorious criminals of fifteenth century. Executed at in 1440 for host of crimes, which apparently included heresy, invocation of demons, and murder of an undetennined number of children, he is figure tailor-made for lasting infamy. However, Gilles has also enjoyed an extraordinary posthumous career, even undergoing something oi&prooes de rehabilitation in vein of his former companion Jeanne d'Arc. This exoneration seems to have begun at very moment of his death. He was apparently followed to gibbet by a great crowd of people praying to God for condemned, and some years later his daughter Marie built memorial fountain on site of his execution. Other contemporary observers are no less forgiving. The fifteenth-century chronicler Monstrelet, for instance, strove to convince his readers of Gilles 's ultimate merit: In spite of false and inhuman will he had, at end he was very graceful and pious . . . The greater part of Breton nobility, and especially those of his family, had very great pain and sadness.2 Among these medieval witnesses, therefore, there is tacit desire to reintegrate this deviant figure into codes he violated.3 The gestures of Monstrelet and Marie de Rais show common desire to draw this criminal, the savage baron more terrible than ravening wolf, back into value-system of his society.4Interestingly, this redemptive project seems not to have ended with Middle Ages. Since interest in case was revived in nineteenth century, large volume of commentary on Gilles and his crimes has been generated. Much of this scholarship has also sought to absolve him in some way. At times this intent is explicit: Salomon Reinach, for instance, utterly dismissed charges against Gilles, advising the good people of Nantes to raise an expiatory monument to him, while Margaret Murray turned him into nothing less than martyr to covert Old Religion.5 But even outside such revisionary discussions, more moderate voices have followed same course. There have been numerous later attempts to rationalize Gilles 's crimes which have often shared this exculpatory dimension. Just as Monstrelet sought to reconcile him with moral and social order he inhabited, so modern analysts have tried to square him with history, transferring responsibility from him to wider, external factors.It is purpose of present article to examine how this tendency has manifested itself in some of major examinations of Gilles's career. Although literature on this subject is not uniform in its approach or findings, as recent surveys by Val Morgan and Michel Meurger have shown, in certain respects discussions of crimes have remained strikingly constant.6 Throughout this scholarship there has been sustained attempt to rehabilitate Gilles, in which key set of tactics is often evident. The article will also judge whether these efforts can in fact be wholly justified, or whether they are borne out of other, more tacit concerns.The most important early study of Gilles and his activities was that published in 1886 by Eugene Bossard, abbot of Sainte-Marie in Cholet.7 While Bossard cannot be considered first modern commentator on case, since earlier studies and fictional versions were produced by Gueraud, Lacroix, Michelet, and Des Essarts, amongst others, his work does provide first comprehensive overview of Gilles's life.8 Even now Bossard's monograph remains an authoritative account: despite his occasional inaccuracies, most subsequent writers have followed sequence of events established by Bossard.9 If nothing else, his study remains valuable for printing records of civil and ecclesiastic trials, which are appended in an edition by Marie la Claviere, albeit with some of more graphic passages excised.10From first, Bossard makes it clear that Gilles cannot simply be thought an aberrant figure but instead key element in wider social system. …
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