Sacred College Research Articles

A bíboros legátusok kancelláriái a 14. században

From 1305 to 1378, the popes involved in 64 missions 40 cardinals (that is 26,7% of the members of the Sacred College of that period), either as legate (41%), or as legate and vicar general on the Papal States (7%), or only as nuncio (35%), excluding the vicars generals who were neither legate nor nuncio. In a (temporary) synthesis are studied the composition and the working of the legatine chanceries: the functions and the value of the chancellors, their relations with the judiciary court of the cardinal’s curia (audientia causarum curie); the various members of the chancery, notaries, secretaries, abbreviatores, scribes, registratores and all the familiares working in the „writing offices” of cardinals. On the other hand, the relations between the legatine chanceries and other chanceries (specially papal and royal ones) are observed in order to see their reciprocal influence and the effects on the development of the papal diplomacy. Two tables are proposed in appendix, a chronological table of all missions of these cardinals from 1305 to 1378 and a synthetic table of the members of the „writing offices” during legations and nunciatures or nor.

Lateran V and the Reform of the Roman Curia

Lateran V and the Reform of the Roman Curia Nelson H. Minnich The bull convoking the Lateran Council set as one of its principal goals the reformation of the morals of both ecclesiastics and secular persons who by law and custom are subject to reform by a council. In his speech read at the opening session, Julius called for leading depraved morals back to a more honest state. This reform would be one in head and members and begin with the Roman Curia.1 Popes of the previous century had studied various proposals for a reform of the Roman Curia, even drawing up bulls to regulate it, but they never promulgated them.2 It was not until the Lateran Council that a comprehensive reform of the Curia was enacted. Scholars who have studied the conciliar reforms of the Curia by Julius II and Leo X have been dismissive of them. In the previous century, the great German historian of the Curia, Walther Hofmann, complained that Leo X's reforms dealt mostly with taxes, which for many offices he significantly raised, while claiming to moderate or limit them in comparison to their recent terrible outgrowth. Hubert Jedin repeated the claim, stating that while Pastoralis officii enforced a firm system of taxation, it 'also yielded to the demands of officials to such an extent that the result proved a step backwards rather than forwards'. More recently the Italian scholar of the Renaissance papacy Marco Pellegrini stated: 'Attempts to reform the system under Leo X paradoxically led to [End Page 135] an increase in taxes, which was primarily dictated by pressures from 'officiales' to bring a quick return on their investments'.3 Julian Reform Commission To stave off criticism before the council opened, Julius II shaved off his beard and let it be known that he wanted all prelates to behave more honestly and the Church and the Roman Court to be reformed. He set up a commission to begin the reform of the Roman Curia. It consisted of eight cardinals: two cardinal bishops (Raffaello Riario, bishop of Ostia, dean of the Sacred College, and Camerarius; and Marco Vigerio OFM, bishop of Praenestina), four cardinal priests (Tamás Bakócz of the titular church of St. Martin in the Mountains; Leonardo della Rovere of the titular church of St. Susanna and Major Penitentiarius; Antonio del Monte of the titular church of St. Vitale; and Pietro Accolti of the titular church of St. Eusebius); and two cardinal deacons (Alessandro Farnese of the titular church of St. Eustachio; and Luigi d'Aragona of the titular church of St. Maria in Cosmedin). He added to the commission some prelates and two secretaries, namely Tommaso Inghirami and the unnamed secretary of the deceased Oliviero Carafa, possibly Jacopo Sadoleto). The commission apparently worked on its task for fourteen days.4 [End Page 136] On 30 March 1512 Julius II issued the bull Etsi Romanus Pontifex in which he rehearsed the complaints of the faithful regarding the excessive fees they are charged by many officials of the Roman Curia for their services. Without permission and with cunning these curialists have increased their fees. Led by avarice many officials have violated the rules setting the fees they may charge in justice and equity for their services. They abused the kindness and indulgence of previous popes and their own consciences and thereby incurred excommunication. This behavior has resulted in complaints, the endangerment of souls, and the scandal and bad example that injuries the reputation of the Roman Court. The pope out of his pastoral concern for protecting his flock, the salvation of souls, and the restoration of the good name of the Roman Curia has taken on the burden of trying to remove these intolerable abuses. He has therefore set up a commission of eight cardinals to discuss and examine the problem. After mature deliberation, the pope has decided (motu proprio) to renew the rules of his predecessors Nicholas V, Calixtus III, and Paul II that set the fees for curial services. Officials are to follow these rules and receive no additional recompense, not even if freely offered. Violations incur excommunication. On the first offense a fine of 100 ducats; on...

Как «Священная коллегия» превратилась в «Императорскую дорогу», или о значении слова πλατεῖα в надписях Малой Азии

Как «Священная коллегия» превратилась в «Императорскую дорогу», или о значении слова πλατεῖα в надписях Малой Азии

Establishing the Tudor Dynasty: The Role of Francesco Piccolomini in Rome as First Cardinal Protector of England

Between 1492 and 1503, Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503) was the first officially appointed Cardinal Protector of England. This paper focuses on a select few of his activities executed in that capacity for Henry Tudor, King Henry VII. Drawing particularly on two unpublished letters, it underscores the importance for King Henry of having his most trusted supporters translated to significant bishoprics throughout the land, particularly in the northern counties, and explores Queen Elizabeth of York’s patronage of the hospital and church of St Katharine-by-the-Tower in London. It further considers the mechanisms through which artists and humanists could be introduced to the Tudor court, namely via the communication and diplomatic infrastructure of Italian merchant-bankers. This study speculates whether, by the end of his long incumbency of forty-three years at the Sacred College, uncomfortably mindful of the extent of a cardinal’s actual and potential influence in temporal affairs, Piccolomini finally became reluctant to wield the power of the purple.

A Stranger in the Sacred College of Cardinals: contextual and heuristic problems in investigating Cardinal van Rossum

In the first decades of the last century, non-Italian curia cardinals were rare. In our paper, we look at some of the problems historians encounter when dealing with their life and work. Our example is the Dutch cardinal Willem van Rossum CSsR (1854-1932), president of the Pontifical Biblical Commission since 1914 and prefect of Propaganda Fide since 1918. As such, he was an influential member of the curia, responsible for an important turn in the Vatican mission policy, but he is almost absent in the historiography. Several factors seem to account for that, both of a contextual and heuristic nature. The fact that he was a non-Italian made him an outsider, as well as being a religious and stemming from a humble social background. He did not easily move in the elitist circles and networks in Rome, nor did he clearly belong to one of the factions inside the curia. Unlike other foreign curia cardinals, he was ill-disposed toward politics and lacked the support of his national government and episcopate. Moreover, his personality and strong principles made him less than pliable, while on the other hand he liked to keep in the background. He was never granted access to some of the most influential bodies inside the curia. All this seems to have kept him in the shadows, while the official archival papers are unclear about his personal actions and influence. At the same time many informal documents are written in Dutch and therefore out of reach of most historians. Finally, several important Vatican sources proved to be untraceable or inaccessible.

Une tentative pontificale de reprise en main du Midi : la légation du cardinal Pietro Beneventano en 1214-1215

Pascal Montaubin, A pontifical tentative to take in hand the south of France again : the legateship of Cardinal Peter Beneventano in 1214-1215 In 1213, Innocent III sought to give priority to his project of a crusade towards Jerusalem. This project implied, first of all, the pacification of the south of France that the Albigensian Crusade had profoundly destabilised. In order to contain the territorial appetites of the crusaders and to obtain the submission of the southern barons, the Pope resolved to send a legate drawn from the Sacred College to replace Arnaud Amalric, who was too favourable to Simon de Montfort. Announced in May 1213, the despatch of this alter ego of the Pope was delayed by the rebellion of Pedro II of Aragon. Innocent Ill’s choice fell in January 1214 on his faithful cardinal Peter Beneventano, a great jurist with a good experience of the affairs of the Curia. From spring 1214 to summer 1215, the legate travelled through Provence, Languedoc and Aragon, trying to limit the consequences of the battle of Muret. He worked towards the submission of the Occitan barons, in the conditions of the Roman peace, which constituted the means of protecting them from the crusaders while awaiting the pontifical judgement provided for by the Fourth Lateran Council. His success was particularly remarkable in the Kingdom of Aragon, vassal of the Apostolic See, where he preserved the interests of the young James I. His religious action was less visible than his political overtures, but the Council of Montpellier of 8th January 1215 constituted a high point of the ecclesiastical reform and manifested itself in the work of cardinal-legate Robert de Courson on the subject. But this encounter demonstrates also the solidarity of the Languedocian episcopacy with Simon de Montfort, and the legate is obliged to apply, from May onwards, a policy more favourable to the crusaders, consistent with the orders of Innocent III, who is more and more surrounded by the enemies of the Raimondins.

The Cardinals: Thirteen Centuries of the Men behind the Papal Throne (review)

Reviewed by: The Cardinals: Thirteen Centuries of the Men behind the Papal Throne Aidan Bellenger O.S.B. The Cardinals: Thirteen Centuries of the Men behind the Papal Throne. By Michael Walsh. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing. 2010. Pp. vi, 250. $23.00 paperback. ISBN 978-0-802-82941-2.) Michael Walsh has over many years been much engaged in the writing and compilation of ecclesiastical biography, not least in his editing of the revised Oxford Dictionary of Popes (Oxford, 2006). It is not surprising, therefore, that he has published this general study of cardinals, a companion piece to his Westminster Cardinals (New York, 2008) and his study of the conclave. It begins with a useful introduction on the development of the cardinalitial office and continues with some sixty pithy character sketches, which take their inspiration from the brief-lives formula adopted by Trevor Beeson, the former dean of Winchester, in his series of informative and sometimes sardonic vignettes of leaders of the Church of England. The cardinals lack the comfortable provincialism of the Anglican clergy but still form an inner elite, an intimate circle, in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church that is manageable enough in scale; only some 4000 men have received the title, and there have been generally fewer than 100 at any one time to make them eminently accessible. The origins of the cardinalitial dignity are obscure (despite there being little doubt about the etymology of the word, taken from cardo, a hinge) but by the high Middle Ages, like much else in the Western Church, the cardinalate had received definition and focus. By the end of the twelfth century they formed a college, met with the pope regularly in consistories, and conducted papal elections in conclaves. By the end of the thirteenth century they had acquired a very distinctive hat. What makes the cardinals historically important is their role in the election of the pope—“the men behind the papal throne”—and whatever else they do or are is secondary. Their corporate identity outside the conclaves remained unclear; they never quite constituted a senate in the Church and were not a separate order. Their individual contributions—whether as curial officials, politicos and diplomats, scholars, crown cardinals of high birth, or [End Page 69] leading bishops in their local church—have been diffuse. Walsh provides an excellent overview of the variety of “the princes of the Church” over a wide chronological span. He delights in the quirks and singularities of the saints and sinners who have made up the Sacred College. Most of the biographies are of Europeans, as most cardinals have been from that continent and within Europe mainly Italians. He looks at “nearly men”—those who came close to receiving the papal crown. None came closer than the Englishman Reginald Pole. Among the saintly figures he features is one with strong North American ties: Breton-born Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus (1768–1836), who was an exile in England as a young priest, spent twenty years in Boston, became the Boston Archdiocese’s first bishop, became notable for his work among Native Americans, and died as cardinal archbishop of Bordeaux. Walsh also presents an affectionate portrait of Thomas Weld (1773–1837), a widower from an English recusant Catholic family who was ordained as a priest in 1821 and appointed five years later as a bishop in Upper Canada—a place he never visited. In 1830 he became a cardinal in Rome and became celebrated as the cardinal who was accompanied openly in the city by his (legitimate) grandchildren. This book makes interesting and sometimes amusing reading and is an insightful and well-informed introduction to the subject. It would have benefited from a concluding section, balancing the opening part of the book, which might have provided some unifying themes to the book. It also could have allowed the author to show how the internationalization of the Sacred College beyond Europe to the developing world has been so significant a feature of the office over the last century, a mirror (as so often with the cardinals) of the wider Church. The Catholicity of the Church is now firmly wedded to its Mediterranean roots...

Souverain et Pontife: Recherches prosopographiques sur la Curie Romaine à l'Âge de la Restauration (1814-1846) (review)

Reviewed by: Souverain et Pontife: Recherches prosopographiques sur la Curie Romaine à l'Âge de la Restauration (1814-1846) Leopold Glueckert O.Carm. Souverain et Pontife: Recherches prosopographiques sur la Curie Romaine à l'Âge de la Restauration (1814-1846). By Philippe Boutry. [Collection de l'École Française de Rome, 300.] (Rome: École Française de Rome. 2002. Pp. xviii, 785.) This hefty volume is not for the casual reader. But it provides a wealth of information for researchers on nearly any subject dealing with the Papacy and the Roman Curia during the Restoration period of the nineteenth century. As the title indicates, the Popes of that period were not only pontiffs, but sovereigns as well, princes of the second largest of the pre-unification Italian states. Boutry's work provides the reader with a highly detailed study of the Papal Government of that age, from the restoration of Pius VII in 1814 until the election of Pius IX in 1846. Because of the idiosyncratic nature of the Papal administration, the regime had both spiritual and political aspects, not always clearly distinguished from one another. One of the most troublesome issues that Pius IX faced was how to acquit his duties to his secular subjects in the Papal States, while still maintaining his position as head of the Universal Church. Boutry sets out to present the details of this intricate organization in two phases. He portrays the Roman Curia in all its labyrinthine complexity, then gives a thumbnail biography of each cleric or layman who held one or more positions in those offices. Although the book appears at first to be just a complicated profile of an outdated bureaucracy, it also provides a fascinating glimpse of a unique ecclesiastical state which has vanished forever. Although [End Page 186] this society disappeared less than two centuries ago, the close blending of Church and State gives it an "other worldly" look to the modern reader. It is also a pleasant surprise that the author maintains a great deal of clarity in such a multifaceted study. In the first section, the author describes the structure of the Papal government, with a capsule explanation of the history and function of each office, as well as a precise, dated list of all those prelates who served in those offices during the Restoration period. This section fills about 300 pages. In addition to the Sacred College of Cardinals, the list includes a large number of Congregations (permanent and temporary), Tribunals, Curial Secretariats, and such institutions as the Pontifical Chapel and Pontifical Family. The catalogue concludes with a detailing of the Legates and Delegates (who were the clerical governors of the civil provinces), and of the thirteen foreign Nunciatures. It is in this first section that the careful reader will reap the most interesting reward. Some of the Congregations (State, Holy Office, Index, and Propaganda Fide) are familiar, but others reflect the secular side of the Papal States. There is a Congregazione di Buon Governo, resulting from a 1588 reform of Sixtus V to provide the communes near Rome with officials who were more interested in efficient government than political careerism. There are departments to oversee water supply and road maintenance, as well as the military administration for the Papal army. There were presidencies to supervise the grain supply and the oil and cooking fats for the city of Rome, which had more hungry mouths than the local farmers could easily feed. The administrative governors of the State's twenty-one provinces were all clerics. The five most important provinces were called Legations, each governed by a Cardinal Legate. The others were Delegations, governed by a Delegate, who had to be a bishop. The Pontifical Chapel included the Latin Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. But there were also the Prince Assistants to the Pontifical Throne, including hereditary members of the Orsini and Colonna families, as well as the ceremonial Senator of Rome. Finally, there were the appointments of Apostolic Preacher, always a Capuchin, the Confessor to the Pontifical Family, always a Servite, and the Sacristan of His Holiness, always an Augustinian Canon. In the second section, the author provides a more detailed biographical portrait of each...

Cardinal Pamphilj Builds a Palace: Self-Representation and Familial Ambition in Seventeenth-Century Rome

In reconstructing the palace commissioned by Cardinal Giovanni Battista Pamphilj between 1636 and 1638, this article brings to light a previously unstudied earlier building phase of the Palazzo Pamphilj in the Piazza Navona, Rome. The revised history alters our understanding of the palace, which was formerly thought to have been designed in its entirety after 1645, by Girolamo Rainaldi and Francesco Borromini, as half its design can now be attributed to Francesco Peperelli, who was an active palace builder though little known today. This new information also changes our perception of Cardinal Pamphilj, whose patronage prior to his pontificate as Innocent X (1644-55) has not been considered by historians. On the contrary, Cardinal Pamphilj emerges as an active patron who engaged in conspicuous consumption-specifically the building of a palace-to fashion an image representing his newly acquired identity as someone at the top of the social hierarchy, acting similarly to, and in competition with, his peers in the Sacred College.

Court and Politics in Papal Rome, 1492-1700

Introduction Gianvittorio Signorotto and Maria Antonietta Visceglia 1. A turning-point in the history of the factional system in the Sacred College: the power of the pope and cardinals in the age of Alexander VI Marco Pellegrini 2. The court and the city in the ceremony of the possesso in the sixteenth century Irene Fosi 3. 'Rome, workshop of all the practice of the world': from the letters of cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici to Cosimo I and Francesco I Elena Fasano Guarini 4. The 'world's theatre': the court of Rome and politics in the first half of the seventeenth century Mario Rosa 5. Factions in the Sacred College in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Maria Antonietta Visceglia 6. The Secretariat of State as the pope's special ministry Antonio Menniti Ippolito 7. The cardinal protectors of the crowns in the Roman curia during the first half of the seventeenth century: the case of France Olivier Poncet 8. The squadrone volante: 'independent' cardinals and European politics in the second half of the seventeenth century Gianvittorio Signorotto 9. Roman avvisi: information and politics in the seventeenth century Mario Infelise 10. Hegemony of the social scene and zealous popes, 1676-1700 Renata Ago.

The drug prohibition church and the adventure of reformation

Whatever the origin of the UN Drug Treaties, and whatever the official rhetoric about their functions, the best way to look at them now is as religious texts. They have acquired a patina of intrinsic and unquestioned value and they have attracted a clique of true believers and proselytes to promote them. They pursue a version of Humankind for whom abstinence from certain drugs is dogma in the same way as other religious texts might prohibit certain foods or activities. The UN drug treaties thus form the basis of the international Drug Prohibition Church. Belonging to that Church has become an independent source of security, and fighting the Church’s enemies has become an automatic source of virtue. In the history of Western culture, we have known many churches. The best known are the Roman Catholic Church, with its Rome-based Central Office of the Faith, but also the Church of Communism as ultimately ruled by its once Moscow-based Central Committee. All these churches know and worship central texts that do not serve to promote scientific understanding and social development, but rather to promote the Church’s own dogma, faith, and the reign of its Institutions. When, for reasons that no longer count, the USA became inspired to write the first versions of the first global drug treaties slightly more than a century ago, no one could have foreseen the results. But then had anyone foreseen the ramifications of setting up central texts and later central headquarters of Christianity, or, indeed, of Communism? Sociologically seen, the equation between the UN Drug Treaties and Faith may not be immediately selfevident. As I have written elsewhere, (Cohen, 2000) the mid eighteenth century birth of individualism, with its ensuing fights against dependence, colonialism and slavery should be seen as the cradle of our modern mythologies about drugs and addiction. The concept of a drug and the concept of addiction were sincere expressions of that new ideology, the religion so to speak, of the ‘free individual’. In the cradle of individualism new movements and cultures were born and raised, trying to create ‘independence’ and ‘emancipation’ of both peoples and persons. The aim that would define Humanity, acquiring God’s ‘grace’ for the soul, was from the eighteenth century on replaced with ‘independence’ and later ‘health’ for the body. Here, I will not discuss the specific interpretations of ‘independence’ or ‘health’ that are chosen, because they do not matter for this short paper. The socialist ideologies, too, can be understood as expressions of that new vision of individuality and freedom, of which the best known and the best researched was Marxism. We should understand that The First Communist International and the First Global Drug Treaty have the same secular philosophical parents, begot similar institutional empires, and had similarly destructive Inquisitions as their consequences. In the Catholic Church, congregations of the Sacred College of Cardinals or administrative departments thereof, would decide on matters of saints, heretics and secular strategies of the Papal Office. One of the famous Congregations*/the Congregation of the Index*/would decide on what books could be read by the faithful, and for instance in one of their meetings, in 1616 (March 5) it was decided that reading Copernican astronomy would be banned, as it was ‘false and contrary to Holy Scripture’ (Sobell, 1999). In the Prohibition Church we have several of these Congregations, where the Cardinals of Prohibition compare the sacred texts with policies the world over, and decree if these policies are holy or not. It makes no sense to try to show the Congregations where the anti * Tel.: /31-20-525-4278; fax: /31-20-525-4317. E-mail address: pcohen@cedro-uva.org (P. Cohen). International Journal of Drug Policy 14 (2003) 213 /215

Les Dominicains et la Papauté d’Avignon

Dominicans and the Papacy of Avignon. The Order of Friar Preachers was basically loyal to the Popes during their settlement in Avignon. The Master of the Sacred Palace -i.e. the official theologian- was provided by the Order, which was moreover honoured by the canonization of St Thomas Aquinas, had representatives in the Sacred College of Cardinals and was encouraged to continue its missionary action in Asia, then dominated by the Mongolians. The Order nevertheless avoided to vindicate John XXII’ s views on beatific vision and managed to go through the reform that Benedict XII wanted to impose. The Cardinals from the Order never played a prevailing role. Master Eckart’ s spiritual experiments were suspected or ignored, so were those of the German Mystics. The existence of the Order was not characterised by an active presence at the Curia.

Passing the Keys. Modern Cardinals, Conclaves, and the Election of the Next Pope (review)

Passing the Keys. Modern Cardinals, Conclaves, and the Election of the Next Pope. By Francis A. Burkle-Young. (Lanham, Maryland: Madison Books. 1999. Pp. xxxi, 522. $35.00.) An unusual book. The introduction provides the mise-en-scene for what is to follow: a succinct account of papal elections from the early Middle Ages down to present times. It explains why, for almost the past thousand years, the election of the popes has been restricted by canon law exclusively to the choice of the cardinals. Such was the gravity of the crises that the papacy has had to ride out in the past, that on more than one occasion many doubted they would ever see another conclave, in 1799, for instance, after the death of Pius VI at Valence, in exile, hostage of the French Revolution, after the loss of the Papal State and the occupation of Rome, in 1870, and the death of Pius IX eight years later. And yet the succession continues unbroken, the keys of the kingdom have been passed securely from hand to hand. How? In six increasingly detailed and informative chapters the author narrates the conclaves of the past century, from 1878 until 1978. A long succession of popes and pontificates: Leo XIII (Gioacchino Pecci), in 1878; Pius X (Giuseppe Sarto), in 1903, Benedict XV (Giacomo Della Chiesa), in 1914; Pius XI (Achille Ratti), in 1922; Pius XII (Eugenio Pacelli), in 1939;John XXIII (Angelo Roncalli), in 1958; Paul VI (Giovanni Battista Montini), in 1963; John Paul I (Albino Luciani) and John Paul II (Karol Wojtyla), both in 1978. For each conclave, a roll call is made of the cardinal electors and why they were ever aggregated into the Sacred College. Possible papabili are considered, sometimes immediately dismissed. An attempt is made to reconstruct the shifting phases of the balloting, down to the decisive count. All very interesting. Given the stringency of the norms binding the cardinal electors to absolute secrecy on what takes place during the conclave and the fact that the author declines to reveal his sources (p. ix), the work presumably depends on earlier published accounts based on able conjecture and surmise. Regarding more recent events, Andrew Greeley and Peter Hebblethwaite seem likely sources (p. 505), and John Cornwell is explicitly acknowledged (p. 261). One episode is lifted from Pontiff (p. 265), though this great work of fiction is not listed in the bibliography. No better than that, or is there something really fresh? Who can tell? These are followed by two chapters on the cardinals created since 1979, until the most recent consistory of 1998, a total of 155 porporati, the twenty-year span being divided into the earlier years of this pontificate, and the later years. This is not an exercise in adulation, and in assessing them, criticism is not spared. Not all come out with flying colors. …

Calendar of Documents and Related Historical Materials in the Archival Center, Archdiocese of Los Angeles, for the Most Reverend J. Francis A. McIntyre, Volume One: 1948-1960; . . . for His Eminence, James Francis Cardinal McIntyre, Volume Two: 1961-1970, ed. by Sister Mary Rose Cunningham, C.S.C.

BOOK REVIEWS 333 Catholic chaplain Medal of Honor winner may have expanded to include mention of the Four Chaplains, or perhaps Midway—arguably a significant turning point in the Pacific conflict. He does note that he will limit his study to the "principal theaters of conflict" (excluding the Atlantic and Pacific). The shifting back and forth between theaters of operation potentially could confuse the reader. These observations, however, are more a matter of writer's choice than a criticism. These suggestions, however, do nothing to minimize Crosby's achievement. He has successfully examined an important topic, placed it in context, and used varied archival resources. The author has provided valuable insights and information regarding the impact of these men and their lives on the armed services during wartime. Moreover, he has laid a strong foundation for his following works about chaplains on the home front, and theJesuit role as chaplains in the conflict. Both this book and the trilogy will be a valuable contribution to military and church history. Edward J. Sheehy, F.S.C. LaSaIIe University Calendar of Documents and Related Historical Materials in the Archival Center, Archdiocese of Los Angeles, for the Most Reverend J. Francis A. Mclntyre, Volume One: 1948-1960; . . .for His Eminence, James Francis CardinalMclntyre,,Volume Two: 1961-1970. Prepared by Sister Mary Rose Cunningham, C.S.C. With a Preface and Historical Introduction by Francis J. Weber. (Mission Hills, California: Saint Francis Historical Society, 15151 San Fernando Mission Blvd., Mission Hills, California 91345. 1994. Pp. ix, 294; vi, 265. $50 per volume.) This two-volume calendar ofcorrespondence to and from the Most Reverend J. Francis A. Mclntyre (1948-1953) and James Francis Cardinal Mclntyre (1953-1970) describes the collection held by the Archival Center of the Archdiocese of Los Angeles. While the Archival Center is a private ecclesial depository , accredited scholars may consult its resources made more accessible by this carefully prepared compendium. During the past decade the collection, gathered from myriad sources, has been catalogued by Sister Miriam Ann Cunningham, C.S.C, and Sister Mary Rose Cunningham, C.S.C. Employing a system used by the Academy of American Franciscan History, the cataloguers coded each document and summarized the contents. Each entry has also been identified by date, origin, and correspondent , with added notations regarding language and length. The items are grouped by year, although entries within the year are not necessarily chronological . Entries are indexed by name, but not by subject. Mclntyre's homilies, addresses , and lectures are also listed. 334 BOOK REVIEWS The catalogue is particularly significant in view of the eventful decades of Cardinal Mclntyre's archiepiscopate. When he became the eighth head of the diocese in 1948, Archbishop Mclntyre applied his considerable administrative experience to reorganizing the commissions, secretariats, and social agencies of the rapidly expanding region. He expanded the office of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, initiated an outreach to the Latino community, and in 1956 organized the Lay Mission Helpers. Most importantly, in response to southern California's explosive postwar expansion he built approximately one school a month, tripling the number of parochial schools to 347. When Mclntyre became the twelfth American member of the Sacred College of Cardinals, he assumed additional responsibilities as papal legate to the Marian Congress in Nigeria and as a member of the commission planning Vatican Council II. The new role is reflected in a few letters to fellow cardinals and with Curia officials. One letter sent by aVatican official in 1969,noting the amount of news coverage the archdiocese had received, observes that efforts are needed to offset such attention. But there is neither a response nor collateral correspondence which sheds light on the cause of the publicity. Instead, the collection includes largely ceremonial letters expressing condolences, accepting gifts, and conferring appointments to lay religious organizations. There are numerous inquiries from genealogists, only slightly outnumbered by missives from ruffled parishioners. One writer queries the cardinal about his purported sighting of a UFO. A widower seeks assistance from a non-existent diocesan introduction service. Despite such marginalia the nearly 6000 items written by and to the cardinal and his staff provide insights into the Church's position on the civil rights...

Julius II: The Warrior Pope by Christine Shaw

Julius II: The Warrior Pope. By Christine Shaw. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell. 1993. Pp. vi, 360; 23 black and white plates. $39.95.) As the title of this book suggests, Christine Shaw views Julius II (ca. 1445-1513, pope from 150) as primarily a political figure whose preferred tools for achieving his primary goal of restoring the temporal authority of the pope over the Papal States were diplomacy and warfare. While her central thesis may seem to have come out of nineteenth-century historiography, her treatment is at times original because she has used new sources and challenged a number of oft-repeated dicta about this pope. Shaw's research has been conducted principally in contemporary diplomatic reports: mostly printed collections for Florence, Venice, Spin, France, and the Empire, and archival materials for Milan, Mantua, Ferrua, and Bologna. Her use of the previously neglected reports of the agents of the Sforzas and Gonzagas has allowed her to trace in detail Giuliano della Rovie's checkered career as a cardinal and to detect patterns of behavior that would continue into his pontcate. Because these reports concentrated on political affairs, the image of della Rovere that emerges is almost exclusively that of a political figure. Given h topic of the forty-two-year career of a cardinal and pope, her work in the Vatican Library and Archives is surprisingly limited-she provides only twenty references to five codices of papal briefs in the Vatican Secret Archives and cites not one of the over one-hundred Vatican Registers for the pontificate of Julius II. On the bass of firsthand diplomatic reports, Shaw is able to challenge some commonly held views about Julius II. She finds little evidence for the claim that as a young cardinal he was serious, studious, and sober, and notes instead his penchant for display, lack of academic interests, and affair with a mistress that begot his daughter Felice. While he later provided for Felice an Orslni husband and for a niece and nephew other Roman matches, he tempered his nepotism. He appointed never more than two nephews at a time to the Sacred College and was restrained in conferring on his ungrateful and disloyal nephew Francesco Maria delle Rovere fiefdoms in the Papal States. His relatives had little influence in shaping papal policy, and he seldom used them to win support for his plans. Nonetheless, his concern to further the interests of his family took precedence over his desire to free Italy of foreign domination The famous words, fuori i barbari, so often associated with Julius in history books, Shaw cannot find to have ever been spoken by him. Ironically, as Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, he had urged the French to invade Italy to depose Alarvlder VI and establish their rule in Naples. …

The Schism of Anacletus II and the Glanfeuil Forgeries of Peter the Deacon of Monte Cassino

When in the early morning hours of February 14, 1130, Pope Honorius II closed his eyes forever, a crisis within the Church of Rome broke into the open which long had been in the making. The forces which had dominated the Curia for eighty years, which had given to the world the great popes of the Reform, were challenged and swept aside by the revolution of an energetic minority which during less than a decade had steadily increased its influence in the Sacred College. Its undisputed leader was the Chancellor Haimeric, a Frenchman who had been appointed to his high office in 1123 by the French Pope Calixtus II. It was he who devised the measures which were to insure the succession to his party, measures which under the circumstances were bound to result in an uncanonical election, and, as a natural consequence, in a second election by the outraged majority.

Saint Pius V and the Sacred College

Amongst the many tasks that St. Pius V was faced with when he ascended the papal throne was the reform of the College of Cardinals decreed by the General Council of Trent. One source of abuse had been the demands made on the Holy See by secular governments for the elevation of royal children or favoured ministers to the purple, also the appointment of unworthy relatives of the Popes. Much against his will St. Pius, early in his reign, allowed himself to be persuaded by the cardinals to admit his nephew, Michael Bonelli, into their ranks; but although he had agreed to their request he insisted on the young cardinal retaining his Dominican dress, refused him permission to wear the red biretta or the silk robes of his new dignity, to use silver plate at his table, and other cardinalitial privileges. He had hopes that Bonelli would prove himself another Charles Borromeo, but if this was beyond his nephew’s powers St. Pius’s choice was nevertheless a good one, and Bonelli remained until his death thirty-two years later one of the best prelates in Rome.

SAINT PIUS V AND THE SACRED COLLEGE

New BlackfriarsVolume 21, Issue 224 p. 440-446 SAINT PIUS V AND THE SACRED COLLEGE Walter Gumbley. O.P., Walter Gumbley. O.P.Search for more papers by this author Walter Gumbley. O.P., Walter Gumbley. O.P.Search for more papers by this author First published: July 1940 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1940.tb07768.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume21, Issue224July 1940Pages 440-446 RelatedInformation

Cardinals of English Sees

With the elevation of the present Archbishop to the Sacred College the see of Westminster has seen all its rulers raised to the purple, Nicholas Wiseman, Henry Edward Manning, Herbert Vaughan, Francis Bourne, and Arthur Hinsley. The ancient see of Canterbury saw only four of its archbishops made Cardinals: Robert Kilwardy, Simon Lang- ham, Thomas Bourchier and John Morton, and of these the first two had to surrender their see on their promotion. Three others, Stephen Langton, John Kemp and Reginald Pole were already Cardinals when appointed Primates. There is no truth in the statement that Archbishops Chichele (1414-1443) and John Stafford (1443-1452) were Cardinals, though this statement, based on careless seventeenth century writers, has crept into so good a reference book as the Catholic Encyclopedia under the article, Canterbury, and has been several times repeated. Henry Chichele, far from being a Cardinal, was the cause of Pope Eugenius IV publishing a decree, dated 1439, declaring the precedence of Cardinals over all other prelates, particularly mentioning primates and archbishops. In this Bull, known as Non mediocri, the Pope tells Chichele of the displeasure with which he has heard that the archbishop, for close on fourteen years, has given precedence to the Cardinal of St. Eusebius, Henry Beaufort, presumably because of his royal birth, yet now refuses a like precedence to the Cardinal of St. Balbina (John Kemp, Archbishop of York). The Pope orders him to desist from this conduct, reminds him of the precedence of Cardinals over all other prelates in the Church, and instances the custom observed in the General Councils.

The Cardinal

All English Catholics will be rejoiced that His Grace the Archbishop of Westminster is to be raised to the Cardinalate in the forthcoming Consistory; for it is something greater than a personal honour, since he is the representative of English Catholicism in the Universal Church.The unity of the Church has never implied a barren uniformity among nations. It is one of the miracles of Catholic life that the acceptance of a common rule and of a single Faith has only emphasized national traits and diversity of cultures; grace has strengthened nature, not destroyed it. It is something some than a coincidence that in our own time Irish, Scottish and Welsh nationalism have all found leaders in the only vitally international society upon earth. While looking back through the past of which we are ourselves the heirs we come to realise it as a unity. Ullathorne, Milner, Challoner, St. Thomas More, all are linked not merely by a common purpose but by the means through which that purpose was achieved. Their lifeworks were only phases in a continuous tradition marked by an indomitable loyalty to the Holy See and an ineradicable Englishry. It would be naive to assert that our own tradition is necessarily better than others. It would be disloyal to forget that it is our own. It is right that we should rejoice when it is to be once more represented, and so fitly represented, in the Sacred College.