Russian-Ukrainian Relations Research Articles

Analysis of Cultural Narratives in Works of Art for the Study of Ukrainian-Russian Relations

The article is devoted to the consideration of cultural narratives in works of art as a reflection of the nature of Ukrainian-Russian relations. The purpose of the article is to analyse the cultural narratives presented in works of art during the war, from the perspective of studying Ukrainian-Russian relations. The research methodology includes a qualitative analysis of works of art created during the war, using methods of content analysis and semiotic analysis. The research used the method of narrative analysis to reveal subjective ideas about the given problem. The presented factual information is analysed in the explicit content of the narrative. Content-oriented analysis is aimed at clarifying the implicit content: meaning and significance, manifestations of certain motives, features of the formulation of the narrative, its meaningful changes. Formal analysis consists in clarifying the structure of narratives, the sequence of changes, their relationship with the temporal axis, complexity and interconnectedness; feelings and images reflected in works of art. Semiotic analysis is used to study works of art, the meanings embedded in them in view of the change in the socio-political situation (from annexation to full-scale invasion). Scientific novelty. Its use, along with the traditional one, creates a new path for the development of conceptual art, which is now relevant, since it allows not only to restore one’s identity on the basis of ancient cultural traditions, but also to form a new awareness of oneself in the world space. Conclusions. As a result of the study, it was found that the pro-Russian narratives that existed in the cultural space of Ukraine before 2014 have disappeared, and pro-Ukrainian ones are being promoted more actively, which indicates an awareness of their identity and a desire for national independence. A rather dramatic change can be traced in relation to Russian culture, which is recognised as imposed from the outside and implanted over the centuries by force. Subsequent research involves systematisation and analysis of modern symbolism that arose during a full-scale war and evokes lasting associations.

Navigating the Legacy of Westphalia: The European Union’s Role in Managing Russian-Ukrainian Relations

This article explores how the principles established in the Treaty of Westphalia continue to shape contemporary geopolitics, particularly in the context of the EU’s efforts to maintain stability in its eastern neighbours. Focusing on the volatile relationship between Russia and Ukraine in the 1998-2021 period, this article aims at analysing the complex dynamics between the Westphalian concept of international order, the EU and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, shedding light on the complexities of contemporary European geopolitics. Ensuing from the research goal is the threefold research focus: 1/ Assessment of the influence of the Westphalian principles on modern European geopolitics; 2/ Assessment of EU efforts and policies to mediate conflicts and promote dialogue between Russia and Ukraine; 3/ Identification of challenges and opportunities faced by the EU in its aspirations to promote peace, stability and democracy in the region. The study puts forth the hypothesis that while the Westphalian concept of state sovereignty continues to influence international relations, the supranational model of the EU offers a unique approach to managing conflicts and promoting cooperation between European nations. By early 2022, the EU, through its diplomatic initiatives, legal mechanisms and integration efforts, is said to play a central role in mediating Russian-Ukrainian tensions and promoting the principles of peace and democracy in Eastern Europe. Methodologically, the study builds upon a comparative approach to analyse the historical context, political frameworks and diplomatic commitments related to the role of the EU in Russian-Ukrainian relations.

რუსეთ-უკრაინის ურთიერთობა და პერსპექტივები

The article is dedicated to the Russian-Ukrainian relations, that finds its roots from the deep historical past and issues number of important aspects of these relations. Russia views Ukraine as a part of its own strategical objective, which does not give the ability to the latter to form itself as an independent and sovereign nation. The key issue in the article is dedicated to the western role and its importance, which brings the occurring Russian-Ukrainian crisis on the global scale. In the article, main reasons of the escalation of RussianUkrainian relations are factors, such as Ukrainian aspiration of joining NATO and the general integration process in the European Union, as well as the asymmetrical attitude between the two nations including Russian perception of Ukraine as underdeveloped and failed state. The main reason of these intensified relations is the fear of insecurity by the Russian Federation, which finds its roots from its loss of influence on Ukraine. Meanwhile, the article also stipulates such a formidable conception as the theory of mutual dependance and the balance of power. In the section of above-mentioned theories is analyzed not only Russian-Ukrainian relations but objectives and missions of other nations with the state-of-interest as well. Research proves that the regulation of current crisis between the Russian Federation and Ukraine is possible in case of declaring Ukraine as the neutral state, which can become a possibility after the governmental changes in Ukraine.

The Impact of Russian Aggression On Ties Between Ukrainians and Russians

This study deals with the profound changes in the relationship between Ukrainians and Russians after the aggression of 2014 and the full-scale invasion of 2022. The goal is to outline the dynamics of Ukrainian-Russian relations and provide a deep context for politicians and academics who ponder the issue of reconciliation. The article presents the results of an anonymous online survey conducted by a group of Ukrainian researchers among citizens of Ukraine from May 1 to May 31, 2023. 1088 respondents were covered. The survey covered the dynamics of contacts between citizens of Ukraine and the Russian Federation before 2014, in the period 2014-2022 and the period after the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022; the quality and content of such contacts; views of Ukrainians on the prospects of reconciliation, terms and prerequisites for its beginning; attitude to the myths that frame Ukrainian-Russian relations regarding states and nations. The obtained results are compared with the results of representative surveys that were previously conducted in Ukraine and Russia to track the attitudes of citizens of both countries. The research was conducted on a volunteer basis. The study showed that before the war, almost half of Ukrainians had contacts with Russians. After the invasion, many Ukrainians tried to cooperate with the Russians to counter the propaganda, but only a small number of Russians openly condemned the war. Only 5% of those polled expect reconciliation within the next decade, most believe it is impossible. The respondents consider gestures of repentance and significant socio-political changes in Russia to be the basis of real reconciliation. Thus, efforts to challenge Russian imperial narratives used for disinformation campaigns around the world are critical to deterring Russian aggression.

Third War of Independence? The Anti-Colonial Dynamics of Ukraine’s Politics of Memory after 2014 on the Example of the National Museum of the History of Ukraine in the Second World War in Kyiv

The article discusses the transformation of Ukraine from a peripheral colony to a European nation-state. It examines changes in the interpretation of UkrainianRussian relations in historiography, public perceptions, and museum exhibitions related to the ongoing war. It demonstrates that since 24 February 2022, Ukraine’s politics of memory has exclusively followed a continuously expanding anti-colonial perspective. The article highlights a shift in Ukrainian society’s view of its past, with growing interest in the country’s history and a move away from the Soviet perspective. Museums are crucial in shaping these narrative changes and fostering Ukrainian national identity. The article also explores societal transformations since 1991, showing an increased identification with the state and a gradual distancing from Russia. This is accompanied by a westward turn in geopolitical orientation and a desire to join the European Union. The National Museum of History of Ukraine in the Second World War in Kyiv serves as an example of these processes, reflecting a nuanced portrayal of the war and of its human dimension. The museum’s commitment can be seen as a pillar of a nation-state building project, with symbolic identification shifting from the East to the West, towards the EU and NATO.

Russian-Ukrainian Relations in the Historical Context of the Formation of Sovereign Ukrainian Statehood

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analy- sis of historical factors, features and political and legal patterns of the formation of modern Ukrainian statehood, taking into account the difficult and constantly escalating Russian-Ukrainian relations, the growing Ukrainian nationalist radicalism, Russophobia and neo-Nazism, the formation of the state of a rigidly pro-Western-oriented regime of government. Special emphasis is placed on the problems of dynamically increasing difficulties in preserving and strengthening state sovereignty, ensuring financial, economic and military-political independence of the country, difficulties and prospects for implementing the European choice strategy in Ukrainian.Methodology and methods. dialectical-ma- terialistic model of research; principles of scientific, historicism and objectivity; methods of retrospection and comparison, analysis and synthesis, mental mod- eling, ascent from the abstract to the concrete.The results of the study. In the leading posi- tions of the presented research, the political and legal problems of destabilizing and disintegrating processes in the conditions of radicalization of the ruling Ukrainian regime of anti-Russian orientation, taking into account the historically difficult dialectics of the development of intra-national and interstate issues. In a comparative cross-country context, the features of the concept of building Ukrainian statehood as an- ti-Russia are analyzed, the author's concept of turning Ukraine into an instrument of Western forces in the fight against Russia, into a mercenary state and a springboard for military-ideological struggle with the Russian world in order to inflict strategic defeat on it is presented.Discussion and conclusion. Using the example of the difficult Ukrainian experience of post–Soviet state-building, the validity of the fact that the policy of the modern West is a policy of gross violation of international law, a policy of hegemonism and striving for world domination with the help of allied countries and at the expense of satellite countries and the enslavement of mercenaries is substantiated. Hence the gross interference in the internal affairs of other countries and peoples, direct interventions, the export of corruption, the imposition of morals of meanness, hostility and destruction, the unleashing of interstate, interethnic and interfaith conflicts, the policy of lies and provocations. Some judgments are formulated concerning the complex and far from un- ambiguously interpreted problems of state-building in the post-Soviet space in accordance with the ideals and values of a true democratic, legal, social, secular state.

WEAPONIZING COMMUNICATION. WORDS VS. BULLETS IN THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

In the light of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the article is built around the aim of contributing to a better understanding of the current information environment, as it is necessary both for the public opinion and for the authorities to adapt and respond effectively to the security environment dynamics. The present paper seeks response to the following research question: “How did the Ukrainian Strategic Communication (StratCom) campaigns function in supporting the Ukrainian state to resist the first year of war?”. For the development of the answer, we relied on a qualitative approach, analysing several discourses of the Ukrainian President in mass-media, in the first year of the war. We started from identifying some key-aspects regarding the background of the Russian-Ukrainian relations that Kremlin has exploited in developing their hostile information campaigns, such as common historical landmarks or the religious, cultural and linguistic values shared by these two states. Next, we observed how these issues were included in the Russian officials’ discourse through various messages. Further, we presented Ukraine’s information strategy, implemented beginning with 2014 (after Crimea’s annexation), that was mainly carried through their StratCom campaigns, so that in the final part of the article to analyse some elements of Ukraine’s President discourses, starting with the first days of the war. Our conclusions lead to the fact that Ukraine’s StratCom campaigns have decisively contributed to supporting its resistance in the first year of constant attacks from an undeniably stronger enemy.

ЯДЕРНЫЙ ФАКТОР В РОССИЙСКО-УКРАИНСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЯХ В 1990-Е ГГ.

The article considers the impact of the issue of Ukraine’s denuclearization on the development of Russian-Ukrainian relations in the 1990s. It describes in detail the difficult negotiations on the withdrawal of Soviet tactical and strategic nuclear weapons from Ukrainian territory, which first took place in a bilateral format between Russia and Ukraine, and then joined by the United States. The author notes that Russia sought to maintain a monopoly in possession of that type of weaponry in the post-Soviet space. Washington was also not interested in increasing the number of nuclear states, especially in the Commonwealth of Independent States. The position of the Ukrainian side was characterized by inconsistency and contradiction. The author explains why Ukraine’s renunciation of nuclear status was necessary and in the interests of all parties, including, first and foremost, Ukraine itself. In particular, the signing of the Budapest Memorandum not only helped ease tensions in Russian-Ukrainian relations in the mid-1990s, stabilized the international situation in the post-Soviet space, but also allowed Ukraine to receive international recognition and financial assistance. The article clearly refutes the thesis, quite popular in modern Ukraine, that it was possible for the country to retain a part of the Soviet nuclear arsenal after the collapse of the USSR. It was ruled out, among other things, because Ukraine did not have the technical capability to maintain such arsenal under the new conditions.

Państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (V4) wobec wojny w Ukrainie. Dyplomacja obronna podczas pierwszego roku wojny

Tense Russian-Ukrainian relations, sparked by the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Ukraine’s pro-European and pro-NATO ambitions, led to a Russian invasion on the country, significantly undermining the sense of security in the region. Especially the countries in close proximity to Ukraine, including Visegrad Group states, felt the threat from Russia and took a series of actions to provide a solid and decisive response to Moscow’s neo-imperial actions. The support extended had a multidimensional character, encompassing political, diplomatic, military, financial, and humanitarian areas, playing a fundamental role in sustaining Ukraine’s functioning and its military capabilities, particularly in the initial period after the invasion. The aim of the article is to synthetically depict, from a Polish perspective, the engagement of Visegrad Group countries in implementing the ideas and tasks of defense diplomacy in the first year of the war in Ukraine, from February 24, 2022, to February 24, 2023.

The State and Prospects of the Relations Between Russia and Western Countries Against the Background of the Ukrainian Crisis in the Focus of Chinese Socio-Political Expertise

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is the most serious crisis in international relations since the Cold War. This is not only a turning point in Russian-Ukrainian relations, but also a deep crisis in Russian-Western relations, which marked a change in Moscow’s approach to relations with the West, and the transition from past dialogue to today’s struggle. China, as a third party in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, took a neutral position from the very beginning, and ignored any requests from the United States and the West to somehow influence Russia. China’s position has increasingly attracted the attention of the Western media, and Beijing has begun to receive accusations from the West of supporting Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine. This paper analyzes the articles published by Chinese academic experts on the media, and analyzes the content of Chinese popular media websites, such as CCTV News The Paper, Guanchazhe for the period from April 1, 2022 to December 1, 2022. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that the Chinese media mostly cover the events in Ukraine in a neutral way, they try to balance and not criticize Moscow when it comes to Russian-Western relations. Chinese experts have different views and thoughts when talking about the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and Russian-Western relations. Some Chinese analysts talked about Russia’s victory over the West, while others believe that Russia may end up with nothing. The authors concludes that the West and Russia may fall into a new Cold War, and this Cold War may turn out to be even more brutal than the last one for three main reasons: because of the all-encompassing military confrontation, because of economic isolation, and because of breakdown of humanitarian ties.

Economic analysis of the performance of Russian manufacturers of equipment for the dairy industry

The collapse of the USSR led not only to the formation of 15 independent republics, the emergence of the CIS, but also to the rupture of those complex long-term stable cooperative ties between the countries that have been formed and developed for more than half a century. The manufacturing industry, as in many countries, accounts for a large share in the structure of the Russian gross domestic product: according to Rosstat, in 2020, the weight of manufacturing industries in the output structure was 26 %. One of the most significant types of production is the production of equipment for the dairy industry. In this regard, the authors raised the question of the level of development of this industry in Russia and its indicators. Currently, the Russian dairy industry is one of the industries with a high share of imported equipment, which is about 70 %. The purpose of the study is to identify and prove that, despite the high degree of dependence on imports, this category of products is also produced by domestic enterprises, which, respectively, account for about 30 %. Basically, Russian manufacturers of equipment for the dairy industry satisfy the demand of small and medium-sized businesses, while the demands of large businesses are replenished by imports. The authors analyzed the financial condition and efficiency of dairy machinery enterprises using the example of the following companies: Ice water generators, “SOMZ”, TD “Russian Armor”, MNPP “Initiative”, “PROTEMOL”, “Vologda machines”, “Dairy machinery Plant”, “Dagprodmash”, “BLS Engineering”, The plant of capacitive and food equipment “Grand”, “KFTEHNO”, “AGROS”, “Plant Aggregate”, “Selmash Dairy Machines”, “Color”, “KULTEK”, “Lenprodmash”, “Russian meal”, “Kolaks”, ICP “TECHNOCOM”, JSC “Plant Molmash”, “KR-Tech”, “NPO GIGAMASH”, Elf 4M “Trading House”, “VKP Signal-pak”, “PLANT TECHTANK”, “SLAVUTICH”, “NMZ”. Based on the data for 2016-2020, the future financial indicators of the companies in question for 2021-2022 were predicted. The short-term nature of the forecast compiled by the authors is related to the fact that budgets for the next year are formed at the end of the calendar year, and the analysis did not take into account the current conditions of Russian-Ukrainian relations.

Russian-ukrainian Relations In 2014–2022: The Main Geopolitical Dimensions

The article considers the prerequisites and problems of the evolution of Russian-Ukrainian relations in the period from 2014 to 2022. Geopolitical causes of the reunification of Crimea with the Russian Federation in 2014, as well as the consequences of the mentioned event have been analyzed. The results of negotiations for settlement of the conflict in Ukraine within the framework of the Normandy format have been studied. It is emphasized that in the result of the failure to implement the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements the process of resolving the conflict in the South-East of Ukraine has reached a dead end. Moreover, the Ukrainian side, with the support of the states of the socalled collective West, has initiated the preparations to finish the conflict under consideration by military means. In addition, the transformation of the doctrinal documents that determined the Russian-Ukrainian relations has been analyzed. The active influence of the member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization on the foreign policy of Ukraine during the period under consideration is noted. The military and technical, reconnaissance, financial and diplomatic support provided to Ukraine by Western states, as well as the politics of Ukraine for implementation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism and Russophobia into society have been studied as the factors of transformation of Russian-Ukrainian relations, as well as the prerequisites for the Special Military Operation initiated by the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022.

2022년 러시아의 우크라이나 침공과 중부유럽

This study outlines Russian-Ukrainian relations, summarizes Czech support for the Ukrainian war effort following the 2022 Russian invasion, and compares Czech and Hungarian responses to the invasion. While the Czech Republic and most of the rest of Central and Eastern Europe have fully supported Ukraine, Hungary has strengthened its energy sector ties with Russia and confronted Ukraine regarding policies concerning Hungarian minorities in Ukraine. These differing responses of Hungary and the Czech Republic are informed in different ways by their historical memory of the Cold War. In the Czech Republic, the Ukrainian crisis has evoked memories of the 1968 Soviet invasion of then-Czechoslovakia and the dismantling of Czech sovereignty. Czechs associate the injustice of the Russian invasion of Ukraine— purportedly to control the “contagion” of freedom—with the Soviet invasion of their homeland in 1968. Similarly, some Hungarians remember the significance of the democratic developments of 1956. However, this memory is politicized by erasing any criticism of Russia as a party to the invasion and emphasizing the responsibility of the U.S. in the present situation.

The Russian-Ukrainian Relations after 2014

The Russian-Ukrainian relations have been undergoing an unprecedented change since February 2022 although these relations have not been perfect over the decades, since Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and the subsequent Russian–Ukrainian disagreements about Russian gas and the process of its transportation to Europe through Ukrainian territory. The repercussions of this crisis have been mixed with the American–Western hostility to the Russian Federation, which has always feared for its national security from the expansion of the North Atlantic Alliance Organization (NATO) and its approaching to Russian territory. The West, led by the United States, is working hard to encircle Russia and isolate it from its regional and international surroundings. All this has influenced the escalation of the crisis between Russia and Ukraine, and the Russian special military operation in Ukraine has become a hybrid war led by Westerners and Americans against Russia on Ukrainian territory.

INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS ON THE PAGES OF «NASH LEMKO» («OUR LEMKO»): THE UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN CONFRONTATION

The purpose of the article is to find out the peculiarities of the interpretation of the past and current state of Ukrainian-Russian relations by the authors of «Our Lemkо». The research methodology is based on the combination of principles (historicism and objectivity) and methods (philosophical, general scientific and special-historical) of scientific research, which are usual for works on the historical science. The scientific novelty of the article consists in an attempt to comprehensively reconstruct of the problems of Ukrainian-Russian relations, presented on the pages of the flagship Ruthenian periodical of the interwar period, the magazine «Nash Lemko». Conclusions. Summarizing the reconstruction of Ukrainian-Russian relations presented on the pages of «Nash Lemko», we will point out its conceptual thoughtfulness and content saturation. In the first case, the editors were concerned with the consistent affirmation of Sobornist thinking among their readers. Through this prism, Moscovia became the eternal enemy of Ukrainians, which destroyed its unity by all possible means with the aim of further physical subjugation and spiritual extermination. This worldview model was carefully substantiated by the magazine's publicists with numerous examples from the Middle Ages to modern times. They consistently proved to the reader the civilizational difference between European Ukrainians in terms of their values and the barbaric world of Russian despotism. Affirming the optimism of life among the Rusyns, who were impoverished by the troubles, the authors of «Our Lemkо» emphasized the historical invincibility of Ukrainians in this unequal and cruel struggle, based on the ethical principle of the teleological superiority of good over evil. Finally, let us point out the success of the national policy of the publishers of the Ruthenian periodical, because despite the powerful leveling influences and the lack of their own statehood, the Lemkоs mostly remained with the Ukrainian national choice.

The Maidan Massacre Trial and Investigation Revelations: Implications for the Ukraine-Russia War and Relations

Abstract This study analyzes revelations from the trial and investigation in Ukraine concerning the mass killing that took place in Kyiv on 20 February 2014. This Maidan massacre of protesters and police led to the overthrow of the Yanukovych government and ultimately to the Russian annexation of Crimea, the civil war and Russian military interventions in Donbas, and the Ukraine-Russia and West-Russia conflicts which Russia escalated by illegally invading Ukraine in 2022. The absolute majority of wounded Maidan protesters, nearly 100 prosecution and defense witnesses, synchronized videos, and medical and ballistic examinations by government experts pointed unequivocally to the fact that the Maidan protesters were massacred by snipers located in Maidan-controlled buildings. To date, however, due to the political sensitivity of these findings and cover-up, no one has been convicted for this massacre. The article discusses the implications of these revelations for the Ukraine-Russia war and the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations.

Views of V. B. Antonovych on the processes of state formation in Ukraine

The purpose of the study а the analysis of the life and works of a prominent Ukrainian historian and the public figure V.В.Antonovych. Basing on the published sources, the author of the article endeavors to render the scholar’s biography, overview the life conditions and peculiarities of his academic interest formation, define the intellectual circle of the historian, present his work in Ukrainian research institutions and abroad, as well as to analyze his academic achievements.. The methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientificity. Such methods as historical-genetic, analytical-synthetic, comparative analysis, retrospective, historical-typological, local history methods were used. Scientific novely. The article analyzes journalistic and memoir materials belonging V.В.Antonovych on the basis of methodological tools of social constructivism, generational history and collective memory. The views of scientists on the formation of statehood in Ukraine are studied, especially during the constitutional processes that were developed during the formation of an independent Ukrainian state; justification of the philosophical position of the nonviolent way of fighting for national liberation inherent in the Ukrainian political tradition. Conclusions. The influence of the idea of federalism in the scientific and political concepts of the scientist, the evolution of V.В.Antonovych views on Ukrainian-Russian relations are investigated. It is noted that many ideas and concepts of a scientist and a statesman are consonant with the present day and have not lost their relevance at the present stage of state-building. The weak and contradictory aspects of V.В.Antonovych historiographical heritage are singled out, which have not stood the test of time and cause reservations in modern geopolitical realities. In the article V. B. Antonovich views concerning the peculiarities of the Ukrainian nation from the position of state formation. His conclusions about the leading role of the nation in the society development, in establishing the Ukrainian state system are given.

Underestimated Ally: Ukraine during the Polish–Soviet War of 1920 in Polish Underground Publications (1976–1989)

This article examines Polish underground publications (samizdat) interpreting Ukraine’s role in the Polish–Soviet war of 1920. The research analyzes a large number of underground journals, newspapers, and books. It shows the relationship between the political thought of Polish émigrés and the opposition within the Polish People’s Republic. The article argues that the Polish oppositionists considered rethinking the history of relations with Poland’s eastern neighbors an essential precondition for gaining its sovereignty. They regarded the Polish–Soviet war of 1920 as one of the most critical episodes in Polish–Ukrainian–Russian relations in recent history. A common feature of most opposition publications on the Polish–Soviet war was emphasizing the joint struggle of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks. The authors often emphasized the combat value of Ukrainian units and stressed that Poland did not correctly appreciate their contribution to the common struggle. They also believe that the conditions of Polish aid were too painful for Ukraine. The defeat of the project for an independent Ukraine laid the foundations for the Soviet attack on Poland in 1939. The main conclusion from this historical episode, for most Polish oppositionists, was that supporting Ukraine’s independence was of strategic interest for Poland. In turn, Poland must abandon competition with Russia for Ukraine as a sphere of influence in the future. Only equal relations with its eastern neighbors will give Poland lasting security.

Rosja kontra Ukraina: front historyczny

«Memory wars» are an integral part of relations between Ukraine and Russia. The modern Russian-Ukrainian war is not only a war for Ukrainian territory, which the Russian Federation seeks to capture, but also a confrontation between the Ukrainian world, as an organic part of Europe, and the so-called "Russian world", which is based on the idea of imperial revenge. The author believes that the real essence of Ukrainian-Russian relations is the opposition of the Ukrainian world to the plans of Russia (Muscovy) to absorb Ukraine, which has been going on for several centuries.

КОНЦЕПТУАЛЬНОСТЬ ДОНБАССА: ФРЕЙМЫ ИДЕЙНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО СОДЕРЖАНИЯ И КОГНИТИВНЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ РАЗВИТИЯ

The current geopolitical turbulence, in which our country is located, requires comprehension of several key topics and concepts that are used as the basis for the formation for the formation of Russian-Ukrainian relations, one of such complex concepts is the Donbass. Based on the totality of the theory of political conceptology, cognitive strategies and frames, the article analyzes the specifics and vision of Donbass, identifies groups of the most relevant submissions about the historical features and the current state of the concept of Donbass. The authors come to the conclusion that it is necessary to dive deeper into the philosophical and political discourse of the key ideas and values of the modern confrontation.