Russian Soft Power Research Articles

‘Antigenderism’ as Russian Soft Power? Comparing Discourse on Sexual and Gender Minorities in Russia and Norway

Can Russian antigenderist discourse constitute an illiberal soft-power potential for the Russian government even in a West European state such as Norway? We define ‘antigenderist discourse’ as discourse rejecting equal rights, visibility or the very existence of all or some sexual and gender minorities. Despite some important differences regarding content and actors, both Norwegian and Russian media contain discourses where the freedom to be conservative, children’s safety and identity collectives, such as nation states, are constructed as being under attack from ‘gender ideology’, an umbrella term used by some conservatives for liberal ideas on sexual and gender minorities. This discursive overlap gives Russia some soft-power potential over antigenderist circles in Norway, but this potential appears weakly realised in practice, as the Norwegian texts examined here contain few explicitly positive references to Russian antigenderist policies.

Ukraine and the Debacle of Russian Soft Power

ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine has demonstrated Russia’s incapacity to implement a foreign policy strategy without resorting to hard power means, exposing the limits in its soft power capacity to ‘attract’ and ‘persuade’. Specifically, Russian soft power in Ukraine built around the model of the ‘Russian world’ (Russkiy Mir) was unable to persuade Kyiv to align with Moscow through peaceable means. Simultaneously, EU-inspired soft power based on the idea of ‘Greater Europe’ and Ukrainian ‘Europeanness’ conceived through the normative prism of liberal-democratic values and the potential of higher levels of economic development, limited the impact of Russia’s soft power in Ukraine. Russian soft power in Ukraine was not inspired by the idea of attraction but conceived as a propagandistic means to justify expansionist policies, merging de facto with hard power. After the 2022 invasion, in the occupied regions, Moscow’s influence could only be imposed coercively as an ancillary tool of hard power through a unique combination of smart and sharp power. Overall, a comparison of the influence of Russian and EU soft power in Ukraine highlights that the latter proved to be generally more persuasive, leading Moscow to resort to military force.

Problems and Issues of Humanitarian Policy Representation in the Era of Digital Uncertainty

The article considers the problems of representation of the humanitarian policy achievements of the Russian Federation in contemporary fragmented information space conditions. Modern digital reality imposes multiple structural limitations on the objectives of the state’s humanitarian activities abroad, expressed in the problems of forming the country’s image through online platforms that actively hinder Russian soft power. The article aims to establish basic scenarios of response to the existing limitations in humanitarian policy representation. The methodological basis is scenario analysis with elements of agent-based modeling in describing the activities of digital platforms in the information moderation process. The paper explores the problems of terminological pluralism associated with “humanitarian policy,” as well as ideological and normative constraints imposed on Russian humanitarian activities. In addition, the paper describes the mechanisms of digital interference of online platforms in the information space and models three basic and one additional response scenario to such challenges. The basic scenarios include an alternative information space formation, convergence with the information space of other countries, and restoration of status in the global space. Each scenario has its own reputational and technical costs, partly addressed by the additional scenario based on less widespread but relatively independent information platforms. The main conclusion of this article is the need to develop a balanced approach within the framework of Russian humanitarian and information policy, taking into account the costs of all basic scenarios and relying on the current correlation between technical capabilities and defined objectives

Perspectives of Future Russo-Georgian War: Real Possibility or Speculation

Perspectives of Future Russo-Georgian War: Real Possibility or Speculation

Academic Diplomacy: The Educational Aspects of Chinese and Russian Soft Power in Tajikistan

Abstract Soft power draws attention to the way governments, and other actors, create a positive image of themselves so that they can attract others and influence them. In this article, we examine how Russia and China use education to implement soft power in Tajikistan and the differences between the two approaches. This article examines academic diplomacy and the role of educational programs and research collaboration in the projection of China and Russia’s soft power in Tajikistan. We conclude that a latent geopolitical rivalry exists between the two great powers that is manifesting itself in a number of ways. Russia is in a stronger position to project soft power in Tajikistan, and, although the escalation of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 will undermine this influence, China will not displace Russia’s soft power in the near future.

The Multidimensional Soft Power of Illiberal States: Russia in the Western Balkans

AbstractThis article aims to make a threefold contribution to the study of soft power. First, considering that the potential of soft power of illiberal states is both underestimated and distorted, this study presents a two-dimensional conceptualization of Russia’s soft power, distinguishing between Russia’s posture toward the liberal international order, and sources of Russia’s foreign policy. Second, it analyzes whether Russian soft power in the Western Balkan countries remains ideologically relevant beyond its hitherto conceptualizations as either the result of its historic cultural ties with the region, or a reflection of Russian foreign policy strategies. Through an analysis of elite discourses and news media as exemplified in speeches, press releases, and interviews, this article locates, challenges, and develops on Russia’s soft power indicators in the Western Balkans. Finally, it contributes to surmounting the residing liberal democratic bias in the study of soft power of illiberal states, showing that not only can they be ideologically attractive but that their scope of influence differs according to the multi-layered nature of soft power.

Methodology of Russian soft and hard power impact in Estonia.

ObjectivesSoft power elements can be the so-called persuasive means of political influence (culture, propaganda, diplomacy). The Russian Federation, with its historical legacy, by some historians referred to as the "siege complex", still seems to prefer changes in the distribution of power at the global level, while being aware of the benefits of cooperation with the wider West. Nevertheless, the position regarding some former USSR Republics, which it would most likely see directly in its sphere of influence, seems to remain the same, hence the actions taken and the methodology of conduct have their own characteristic features.MethodsIn accordance reference to the typology established by Nye - the methodology of the so-called hard influence generally implies the use of military means, compulsory diplomacy and economic sanctions to influence on the behavior or interests of other political bodies (Wilson, 2008, p. 114).ResultsRussia seems to use the hard combination in its own specific way and soft impact. However, the soft impact is primarily based on propaganda activities implementing the clear strategy of the Federation. As argued by Alexander et al. (2005, p. 31): "the theory of the image at the international level shows a clear relationship between the image of another nation and the choice of a strategic policy towards that nation."ConclusionsIn this sense, Russia will apply a shifting strategy in line with the old Latin principle: divide et impera. For this purpose, it will use a combination of soft and hard impact depending on Estonia's internal and international situation.

Казачество как фактор межкультурного сотрудничества России и Китая

Introduction: Russian-Chinese relations in the field of intercultural cooperation have a fairly wide range of contacts concerning various areas. At the same time, the interethnic factor, and especially the factor of the Cossacks in the history and modernity of China, arouses considerable research interest. Russian Cossacks have acquired the role of a bridge in the system of humanitarian relations, emphasizing their relationship with Russia, the Russian Orthodox Church, and the unified Russian culture. Methods: Through institutional analysis, the study will assess the role of the Cossacks in Russian-Chinese intercultural cooperation. Analysis: the arrival of Albazin people in China is a key moment in the Chinese vector of the history of the Cossacks, the Russian Diaspora. Having occupied a high place in society for centuries, the descendants of the Albazinians are still part of the Russian soft power in the country today. China is among the countries where Cossack emigration was sent after the Civil War of 1917–1922, and this was reflected in the historically established cultural ties of our countries. The author provides data concerning modern contacts between the Cossack societies of the Russian Federation and the Russian diaspora, cultural and scientific centers of China. The paper examines the existing approach and delivers recommendations on the assessment of international cooperation of modern Cossacks in domestic Cossack studies.

Russia’s Soft Power in Africa: Potential and Challenges of Russian-speaking Women’s Communities

The article refers to one of the integral parts of the of Russian soft power foreign policy, which lies in its interaction with the Russian-speaking women’s communities on the African continent. This topic has not previously been given an appropriate consideration in the domestic scientific discourse. The processes of current social and political transformations in the African countries require the significant increase in soft power, which could become the instrument of developing and consolidating relations between Russia and new African elites and African people. The Russian-speaking communities in Africa and organizations they create are largely composed of women and are developing thanks to their own initiatives. The potential of Russian-speaking women’s communities in Africa, as well as of associations of African graduates of Soviet/Russian educational institutions as prospective soft power providers is quite significant, yet seriously underestimated and untapped properly. Today a variety of associations, clubs, fraternities, unions comprised of Russian-speaking women is widely occurring in the majority of African countries. There are such associations in Zambia, Cameroon, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Nigeria, Uganda, Togo, Angola, Mauritius, Madagascar, Senegal, Nigeria, Rwanda, Mali, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Mozambique, and other countries. Russian-African mixed families are considered as the most probable potential mediators in Russian and African societies, cultures and markets. At the same time, the development of ties with the Russian-speaking diaspora in Africa would contribute not only to supporting the foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation on the continent, but also to the implementation of such important national priorities of our country as supporting compatriots abroad and promoting the “Russian world.” This acquires particular importance on the threshold of the second Russia - Africa summit in 2023.

The impact of Russian soft power in Kazakhstan: creating an enabling environment for cooperation between Nur-Sultan and Moscow

ABSTRACT This study of soft power applies a Gramscian notion of hegemony as consent to the international arena. Drawing on an attitudinal survey conducted in autumn 2021 among higher education students in three cities of Kazakhstan, the piece argues that Russia does enjoy cultural-ideational attraction in Kazakhstan, although this does come with some qualifications. By way of explanation, various channels through which Russia communicate with the Kazakhstani audience are presented. With regard to the impact of Russian soft power in Kazakhstan, the article points to various examples of how Kazakhstani relationships and interactions with Russia are facilitated and enhanced by soft power.

SOFT POWER І ПРОПАГАНДА У РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ ВІЙНІ: ЕПІСТЕМОЛОГІЧНИЙ АНАЛІЗ

Soft power and propaganda are two different vectors in the information front of Russia's war against Ukraine. Depending on the target audience, the Russian authorities use narratives aimed at either the external world audience or the domestic one. The purpose of soft power means is to create a positive image of Russia through the promotion of Russian culture, the sacrificial image of Russian intellectuals, blurring the boundaries between the Russian and Ukrainian people through distortion of history, linguistic expansionism. The target audience of Russian soft power is the population of other countries and expats, while the target audience of propaganda is primarily the population of the Russian Federation. The means of propaganda aimed primarily at domestic consumers are more straightforward, harsh and devoid of ethical boundaries. Since the beginning of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine, the hybridization of soft power and propaganda has taken place, becoming multi-vector and intertwined. The hybridization of instruments of influence reaches the greatest scale in the language question, where propaganda theses about discrimination of Russian speakers and denial of the existence of the Ukrainian language are mixed with soft power theses about the importance of protecting the language of the outstanding Russian culture. The condition of trust in propaganda is acceptance of its correctness and subordination to the moral goal. Therefore, decisions made under the influence of propaganda are not considered as immoral, even when they have grave immoral or inhumane effects. The epistemic basis for the acceptance of propaganda is the substitution of truth with post-truth, and the main symptom is the refusal to check undesirable information, because "not everything is so clear." The article demonstrates the existence of a common ideological basis between soft power and propaganda, reveals the epistemic means of manipulation of both instruments of Russian policy, as well as the hybrid nature of its application. The epistemological analysis of propaganda and soft power allows proving both personal and group responsibility for the acceptance and spread of its narratives.

Valdai forum as a platform of political communication: articulation of cultural, spiritual and political traditions of Russia (a review of Valdai international club agenda)

The article represents the results of an actual analysis of the discussions on the site of the Valdai International Club over the past ten years in the context of the broadcast of the Russian message to the world as one of the instruments of Russian soft power. The author shows how the articulation of cultural, spiritual and political traditions of Russia occurs at the Valdai Forum as a platform for political communication and based on the appeal of the head of state to the problems of preserving cultural and national identity, forming a positive image of the state in the international arena, preserving national values and patriotic consciousness. A brief analysis is made of a number of fundamentally important thematic contours of the discussion by the Valdai Club members, which in recent years have become significant components of the formation of the Russian message to the world. Besides, the author substantiates the actualization of the concept of cultural imperative in the political science understanding of the cultural and value matrix of the Russian state and society in the Valdai discourse, and highlights an internal axiological aspect focused on civil-patriotic values, a sense of national identity, and the ideology of social justice.

Публичная дипломатия России на постсоветском пространстве в эпоху пандемии: старые вызовы и новые тренды

This article examines the activities of Russian public diplomacy in the post-Soviet region during COVID-19 pandemic crisis. Public diplomacy is interpreted as a soft power’s key instrument in promoting socially constructed narratives, which corresponds to the national interests of transmitting actor. Moreover, the paper reveals the main methods of Russia’s public diplomacy in particular region, including such a new ones as, for instance, «vaccine diplomacy». The intensification of Russian humanitarian aid is caused by the current pandemic situation. Consequently, Russian Federation got the opportunity to enhance its image, especially in the field of healthcare industry. However, the author emphasizes the inefficiency of the «shared past» message because this narrative generates negative neo-imperial connotations and associations among post-Soviet citizens. Besides, public diplomacy of Russia is fragmented and inconsistent. Nevertheless, the potential of Russian soft power lies in the religious and traditional family values, which should be articulated by the Russian political establishment more clearly. Thus, the article is aimed at reconceptualization of soft power and public diplomacy from the constructivist perspective through the complex analysis of the Russia’s approach to the realization of the public diplomacy strategy in the post-Soviet space.

Kadife Eldiven İçindeki Demir Yumruk: Rusya’nın Orta Doğu’daki Yumuşak Gücü

The aim of this study is to discuss how the concept of "soft power" is perceived by Russian policymakers and how it is used in the Middle East geography, which is one of its application areas. In the existing academic literature, studies on Russian soft power have mainly focused on the former Soviet domain, including Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, and Eastern Europe. However, when Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East is evaluated, it is observed to have a multi-dimensional approach, which includes soft power instruments in addition to hard power elements such as military intervention, use of force, threat, political manipulation, and proxy wars. From this point of view, this study aims to fill the literature gap by revealing the effects and limitations of Russian soft power in the region. The statements and discourses of decision-makers as well as official documents, institutional reports, statistics, and surveys were also considered while examining the soft power projection of Russia in the Middle East, and the change of the Russian soft power in discourse and practice in the Middle East was analyzed by the process tracing method. In the study, it is revealed that the Russian soft power in the Middle East differs from the concept of soft power introduced by Nye in both understanding and application and had a flexible and pragmatic understanding. Although this flexibility has provided advantages to Russia in the short term, they have limitations with regard to their sustainability in the long term.

RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN CENTRAL ASIA: CONCEPTUALIZATION AND IMPLEMENTATION

This work is devoted to conceptualization of «soft power» concept in academic science, studying Russia as a particular case of a hard country with an alternative approach to soft power. The COVID out­ break provides another strong argument in favor of changing nature of power in international relations in the 21st century. By another words, the coronavirus revealed the main normative nature of the soft power paradigm, which works well enough in theory but is mostly unproven in the real world. Applying the theory of neoclassical realism to explain the logic of employing Russian soft power, this research is aimed to revealing the effectiveness of the Russian strategy in the Central Asian region, as well as the reasons and factors that determine the advantages of Russian soft power in such weak and at the same time authoritarian countries as Central Asian, where leaders, in their turns, show different external orien­ tation toward integrational process led by Kremlin. Therefore, personal transnational or «Trans imperial» communications serve as the main transmission mechanism of Moscow. Key words: «soft power», «Russian soft power», neoclassical realism, Central Asia.  

ПОЛИТИКА МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ РФ И США ВО ВЬЕТНАМЕ

According to Joseph Nye, who introduced the concept of soft power in the 1980s, soft power is a form of political influence that allows one to achieve the desired results based on voluntary participation, cultural cooperation, and the attractiveness of the country as a whole. This article examines the soft power policy of the United States of America and Russian Federation in Vietnam, examines the historical events of the 20th century, the Vietnam War, its consequences and the subsequent development of relations between the countries. The strengths and weaknesses of both countries are analyzed. The causes and consequences of the decline of Russian influence in Vietnam since the 21st century are revealed. As a result of the analysis, the author identifies the reasons for the low efficiency of Russian soft power in Vietnam, and the reasons for the high efficiency of US soft power. Author have analyzed such areas as (political, economic, cultural, etc.) in which the Russian Federation and the United States cooperate with Vietnam. In conclusion, the author draws conclusions about the effectiveness of the soft power of Russia and the United States in Vietnam, based on the analysis of bilateral relations between Russia-Vietnam and the United States-Vietnam.

The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power

The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institution-alization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014-till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy narra-tive. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final re-sults of its implementation.

Ladies Figure Skating as an Element of Russian Soft Power in the International Arena

This article examines Russia's growing attractiveness around the world through the prism of its athletic performance. With the beginning of the new millennium, Russia's status in the sports world is attracting great international and scientific attention. Over the past three decades, in the context of the geocultural paradigm of the development of the global world, the process of shaping the humanitarian dimension in world politics has clearly emerged. Humanitarian problems are of particular importance in modern international relations. Their solution depends on the state of international relations, the level of their tension and conflict, as well as the involvement in this process not only of official representatives of states, but also of representatives of the general public, including the sports community. Sport is a global phenomenon. At its best, it has the ability to bring people together regardless of their background, upbringing, religious beliefs or economic status. In a positive manifestation, sport serves as a tool for intercultural cooperation, aimed at peacemaking, overcoming conflicts and achieving intercultural dialogue. As such, sport is widely recognized as an important source of soft power resources for any international actor. This is especially true for modern Russia, since one should not forget that sports victories are associated today with the strength of the state, its authority and image on the world stage. The key research object of this article is figure skating as a sports component of the “soft power” arsenal of modern Russia. Using the sport of women's figure skating as an example, the article explores how Russia uses soft-power tools of influence in the intersecting arena of politics, sports and foreign policy to consolidate regional and global hegemony through a combination of different strategies. These include regular successful hosting and participation in major sporting events; development of national sports content; a positive cumulative rating in international competitions compared to other contenders for international influence. The article argues that in the modern world, sport is an instrument of political influence with a powerful potential and capabilities. It identifies shortcomings in the development of the Russian potential of such a sport as figure skating, examines possible prospects and highlights the main directions for a more fruitful use of figure skating as a tool of diplomacy and “soft power”.

Экспертные подходы к исследованию социальных сетей в Интернете на постсоветском пространстве (на примере Молдовы)

The impact of social networks in the modern world is difficult to overestimate. They have become a full-fledged channel of political communication and influence on public opinion. In the case of using special analysis methods (cognitive maps, content analysis, conceptual models, intent analysis, etc.), the materials of social networks offer great opportunities for predicting the collective behavior of the population. In this article, the authors set themselves the task of reviewing current research and approaches to the analysis of social networks in the post-Soviet space. The authors' hypothesis is that pro-western countries often choose Facebook as the main platform for communication on the Internet, whereas Russian-language networks VKontakte and Odnoklassniki are considered as dangerous platforms promoting «Russian propaganda». The article makes a review of statistics on the use of different social networks in the countries of the near abroad. The results show, that the most popular are still the Russian-speaking networks, despite the intensive influence of western powers. At the same time, some Central Asian countries still have no the full access to Internet and that means the limited influence of social networks on population. The material of a specific study shows how partial distortion of data and conclusions regarding the use of social networks in the post-Soviet space occurs. Due to some peculiarities of Russian soft power strategy, its politics is usually categorized as propaganda. So, the results of social networks investigation may result in political statements, but not the scientific outcome.

Multi-vector Management of Soft Power Policies: Will Russian Soft Power Be Victimized by the Moscow-Erdogan Association?

This article analyzes the potential impact of Turkeys foreign policy on Russias soft power in several regions of the world. The author believes that the policy of President R.T. Erdogan in the Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Aegean Sea can cause significant damage to the image and international prestige of Moscow. The article argues that Russian policy should minimize the toxic impact of R.T. Erdogans foreign policy on Russias soft power in the considered regions.