Russian Foreign Ministry Research Articles

Diplomatic efforts of Russia on the eve of the First World War

The article shows chronology of measures being undertaken by Russian diplomats to resolve the conflict between the states of the opposing military-political blocs of “Entente” and “the Triple Alliance” on the eve of the First World War on the basis of the archive documents of the Department of History and Records of the Russian Foreign Ministry.

Russian-Vietnamese Partnership in Progress: on the Occasion of 30th Anniversary of the Treaty on the Foundations of Friendly Relations

The review of a series of scientific and practical events held in April-June 2024 and dedicated to the 30th anniversary of the Treaty on the foundations of friendly relations between Russia and Vietnam assesses the evolution, current state, problems and prospects of these relations, the impact of international events on them, and the active foreign policy of Hanoi and Moscow. In particular, the author highlights main reports of experts on Vietnam at the plenary conference of the Moscow Academic Economic Forum on the topic “Intensification of economic ties between Russia and the countries of Asia and Africa”, the ninth Vietnam Day at MGIMO of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the round table “Russia-Vietnam” in IOS RAS, the international conference “Mekong: problems of the region and possible solutions” in ICCA RAS. Vietnam's participation in the multilateral formats of Russian foreign policy was also briefly reviewed, and it was recognized as extremely restrained. Vietnam's participation in the multilateral formats of Russian foreign policy was briefly reviewed too, and it was recognized as extremely restrained. According to experts, the results of cooperation between the two countries lag far behind their official format and actual potential.

“Outrageous” Diplomacy: Investigating the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Twitter

ABSTRACT Diplomacy is traditionally associated with politeness and civility. As a fundamental element of international relations, diplomacy is rooted in professional skills and codified practices. By moving diplomacy to online platforms, diplomatic statements have been accelerated, sometimes resulting in aggressiveness. The purpose of this paper is to identify outrage in diplomatic communication. Outrage can be defined as uncivil expressions evoking emotion in the audience. This concept is examined based on the tweets produced by the Russian Foreign Ministry account between 1 December 2021, and 24 April 2022 (total: 2485 tweets). Based on the framework proposed by Berry, Jeffrey M., and Sara Sobieraj (2014. The Outrage Industry: Political Opinion Media and The New Incivility. Oxford: Oxford University Press), qualitative analysis identifies 370 outrageous tweets. Frame analysis shows how outrage acts as a narrative tool for activating (self-)representational devices. Moreover, outrage influences the diplomatic tone, international actors’ characterisation, and international institutions’ delegitimization.

Research into the capacities of the global digital environment for obtaining cultural and conceptual information at institutional and individual levels

Introduction. The article examines the problem of using the global digital environment as a resource of information about the concepts of German linguistic culture. The purpose of the article is to study the functions of the digital environment, identify its capacities for institutional and individual familiarization with cultural-conceptual information, justify the criteria for selecting media texts, and summarize recommendations for using the environment as a source of information about linguistic concepts. Materials and Methods. The study of the digital environment was conducted during two semesters in 12 groups of undergraduates studying German at MGIMO University of the Russian Foreign Ministry. During the research, the following methods were used: survey and study of written and oral statements of students in the process of their immersion into the digital environment, analysis and systematization of the accumulated experience in teaching the concepts of German culture. Results. The article summarizes the experience of researching the global digital environment as a resource of cultural and conceptual information. The functions of the environment used in teaching a foreign language are determined: informational, educational, motivational,and diagnostic. The prospects for institutional and independent familiarization with information about key concepts of culture are identified. The criteria for selecting media texts used as a resource of cultural-conceptual information are substantiated: the availability of data on the concepts being studied, compliance with the value guidelines of Russian society, relevance and novelty of materials, matching with the level of foreign language proficiency of international relations students. Conclusions. The authors have revealed the capacities of the digital environment for obtaining cultural and conceptual information at institutional and individual levels. Implementing the research provisions in teaching practice will contribute to the effective use of the virtual cultural and linguistic space and improve the quality of language and professional preparation of international relations professionals.

Соотношение проектов статей, предусматривающих составы преступлений в сфере незаконного оборота и применения оружия, основанного на новых физических принципах, с действующим уголовным законодательством

The purpose of the study is to conduct a criminal law analysis of Articles 355 and Articles 356 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, which provide for liability for the circulation and use of weapons of mass destruction, to identify the features of their norms, as well as the relationship with the draft articles, which include the elements of crimes in the field of illicit trafficking and use of weapons based on new physical principles. The author of the scientific article used general and private scientific methods: the analysis of the norms of national and international legislation prohibiting the circulation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the scientific approaches of scientists in the field of international humanitarian law, public international law and comparative law have also been studied. The main results of the work consist in the fact that the author of the study proved the fundamental difference between the elements of crimes provided for in Articles 355 and 356 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, establishing criminal liability for the circulation and use of weapons of mass destruction and the elements of crimes provided for in draft Articles 222.3. and 222.4. of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation on the prohibition of illegal trafficking and use of weapons based on new physical principles. The necessity of their differentiation and, accordingly, the expediency of criminalizing criminal acts committed with the use of weapon based on new physical principles is justified. The results of scientific research were tested during the International Scientific Readings “Law. Bar. Notary”, organized by the Russian Academy of Lawyers and Notaries on April 19, 2023, as well as within the framework of the 3rd International Scientific Student Conference “Current Problems of International Law in the context of challenges to maintaining peace and security”, organized by the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) The Russian Foreign Ministry on April 25, 2023 and other scientific and practical events. The proposals formulated in the study can be used in the legislative process, as well as in establishing criminal liability in the law enforcement practice of existing criminal law norms.

ВВЕДЕНИЕ ВОЕННОГО ПОЛОЖЕНИЯ В ВЕЛИКОМ КНЯЖЕСТВЕ ФИНЛЯНДСКОМ В ПРОЕКТАХ РОССИЙСКИХ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЙ И ДОЛЖНОСТНЫХ ЛИЦ (1907-1911 ГГ.)

The article considers the projects of the introduction of martial law in the Grand Duchy of Finland after the end of the first Russian Revolution in 1907–1911 and the discussions in the ruling circles on that issue. It analyzes the reasons for the desire of the bureaucratic elite to introduce martial law in the Principality. Based on documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Historical Archive funds and published sources, it is concluded that the introduction of martial law was associated with the need to fight the Russian revolutionary movement, whose participants actively used the Finland’s special status when hiding from the Russian police and gendarmerie. A comparison is made of the positions of Nicholas II, Grand Duke nikolai nikolaevich, P.A. Stolypin, A.F. Zein, V.n. Kokovtsov regarding the possibility of martial law in Finland. Their views, as well as the position of representatives of the ministries, show that the imposition of martial law has always been considered by the Russian side as an extreme measure, an undesirable and ineffective way of governing the Grand Duchy. That is why, despite the difficult political circumstances, it was not introduced and official St. Petersburg sought to resolve issues through negotiations.

Prerequisites, International Context and Features of NATO’s Proxy War against Russia in Ukraine (2022–2023)

The purpose of the article is to clarify the prerequisites, international context, and features of the armed conflict in Ukraine, which in the conditions of a Special Military Operation (SVO) has acquired the character of a protracted and exhausting proxy war between Russia and NATO countries. By now, Russian social scientists have generally developed an adequate understanding of the causes of the war and the goals of the warring parties. Their methodological position is clear and is mainly determined by political attitudes that have been repeatedly voiced by the President of the Russian Federation, the Head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, other senior officials, and representatives of interested departments. As a rule, this does not raise questions since the official Russian position is not actually imbued with ideology. At the same time, the publications of Western political scientists, experts, and journalists, especially those who adhere to the realistic paradigm, deserve attention. Their assessments and forecasts contribute to the formation of an objective picture of the Ukrainian crisis. During the study, it was found that the intentions of the NATO countries led by the United States, and, therefore, the background of their rivalry with Russia, have not changed during the SVO. They still expect to inflict a strategic defeat on our country and thereby prolong the existence of a unipolar world. Believing in Russia’s weakness, Western elites associate the end of the conflict with the victory of the Kiev regime on the battlefield. Therefore, the United States and its NATO allies continue to saturate Ukraine with more and more modern weapons. The main sponsor and organizer of the ongoing war is the United States, which pays two-thirds of Ukrainian military expenses. At the same time, their behavior is characterized by caution and even a certain responsibility. The United States fears an uncontrolled escalation of the conflict, every time it emphasizes its non-involvement in military actions and seeks to localize them within the borders of Ukraine. Even though the Russian Federation is also wary of striking at the territory of NATO countries, the conflict between them continues to develop in an escalating spiral. The war is gradually moving beyond the mediated relations between Russia and the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. With the expansion of supplies of increasingly destructive weapons and the direct involvement of NATO members in the confrontation with the Russian military, it acquires a full-fledged character with the prospect of going beyond the borders of Ukraine and using unconventional weapons.

«Появление таких трудов необходимо для пользы русского дела на Востоке»: постановка вопроса об аккумуляции и систематизации «знания о Востоке» в публикационных проектах МИД (1909–1915 гг.)

The article is devoted to the reflection of the officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry on the problem of accumulating “knowledge about the Orient”, bringing them into the system and implementing into political practice. The key source for the analysis was the two issues of the “Materials on the Study of the East” published on the eve and at the beginning of the Great War, the authors and editors of which sought to raise this problem and propose ways to solve it. The question is raised about the role of expert knowledge in determining the strategy of St. Petersburg in the Near and Middle Eastern policy.

Российско-американское противостояние в Арктике

The study is based on a comparative analysis of the rhetoric of the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry and the US Secretaries of State, as well as an analysis of the policy of the United States and the Russian Federation in the region in three areas: the Northern Sea Route, energy projects, and militarization of the region. Comparison of the real policy and discourse of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in this region will help identifing risks and opportunities for resolving conflict situations in the region and building a territory of peace and dialogue in the Arctic. The chronological scope of the study will be limited to 01.02.2013–20.10.2022 in order to reveal the dynamics of Russian-American relations in the region over a given period of time, since their interaction will also depend on Russia's relations with Western countries in the Arctic due to the geopolitical influence of the United States on the foreign policy of its allies.

An unsolved case from mediation activities of the Spanish diplomacy during World War One

During World War One the diplomats of neutral Spain carried out important mediation activities, supporting Russian citizens on enemy territory and trying to facilitate the return of the Russian citizens from the enemy countries. The Spanish assistance consisted, among other things, in the transfer of funds to the Russians. One of the episodes of that humanitarian mission was the rescue of a Russian journalist D.G. Yanchevetsky, a correspondent for the Novoye Vremya newspaper in Vienna, who was arrested by the Austrian authorities in July 1914 on charges of espionage and sentenced to death for «high treason». A similar case is found in the memoirs of the Spanish ambassador to Russia, Anibal Morillo y Pérez del Villar, Count de Cartagena, «Memories of my Embassy in Russia», without indicating the name of the person who was assisted. The Spanish ambassador, using the example of a so-called Ivanov, reports on the pan-Slavist propaganda of the Russian Foreign Ministry on the territory of Austria-Hungary. Based on the analysis of the memoirs of the Spanish ambassador and the correlation of that information with the facts from the Spanish and Russian sources, mainly the press, the article aims to figure out whether the Spanish ambassador described the same episode of the rescue of Yanchevetsky or he meant some other person. Discrepancy in some dates urges to express various assumptions on the issue under consideration and dwell in more detail on the role of Spanish diplomacy in the return of Yanchevetsky to Russia. The article attempts to characterize this fragment of the memoirs of the Spanish ambassador and tries to comprehend the goal set by Count de Cartagena in mentioning that case in his memoirs.

Проблема сокращения стратегических вооружений в контексте современных российско-американских отношений

Introduction. The article presents an analysis of the process of reducing strategic arms of Russia and the United States. The author gives an assessment of the Soviet-American détente and the Soviet-American disarmament treaties as laying the political normative and legal foundation for the development of the disarmament process after the end of the Cold War. The study analyzes the Russian-American New START Treaty concluded by Presidents B. Obama and Dmitry Medvedev in 2010. Particular attention is paid to the problem of mutual inspections by Russia and the United States during the implementation of START-3. Materials and methods. The study is based on the analysis of Soviet-American and Russian-American treaties in the field of disarmament, materials from the Russian Foreign Ministry, the American administration of J. Biden, and publications in the American press. A systematic integrated approach, specific historical and comparative historical methods were used. Analysis. According to official data from the Russian Foreign Ministry, the American side resorted to certain “tricks” - not only actually reducing weapons, but achieving final results by converting some weapons into non-nuclear or training ones. The Russian department could not confirm that these strategic weapons were rendered unusable as provided for by the treaty. In the context of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis and the beginning of the Russian SVO the following issues became particularly difficult in the process of mutual verification of disarmament: the cessation of regular air traffic, the extension of flight times, which could contribute to the “leakage” of confidential information; the complexity of the visa regime for Russian specialists, especially in transit countries; difficulties in making Russian payments for verification services; the lack of unambiguous guarantees of providing the opportunity for aircraft of the Russian Ministry of Defense with inspectors on board to fly through the airspace of Western countries closed to Russia. Results. A conclusion is drawn about the importance of signing New START treaty, which became a major milestone in the development of relations between Moscow and Washington in the military-political sphere. Violation of mutual inspection activities in the context of sanctions imposed by the West against Russia violated the principles of equal access to the Treaty verification mechanisms, created clear advantages for the American side and led to the suspension of Russia participation in New START.

Foreign Companies’ Behavior in the Russian Market under Sanctions: Speculation and Reality

This study aims to assess the scale of foreign companies’ withdrawal from the Russian market after the start of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine as well as the possibility of replacing them with counterparties from jurisdictions that have not joined anti-Russian sanctions. Expert assessments are based on the original database on foreign business behavior compiled by the Institute for International Studies at the Russian Foreign Ministry’s MGIMO University. The analysis shows that relatively small foreign companies are leaving the Russian market, while large international corporations are scaling back their operations in Russia and are more inclined to adapt to the new conditions. The negative impact on the Russian economy as a whole appears to be not as big as the assessment based on the Yale Database of foreign companies would suggest. The Russian IT sector, the business services sector, and the financial sector have expectedly proved to be relatively more vulnerable. At the same time, the natural resources sector (power and mining industries) is relatively more stable, and cooperation with state-owned (or state-affiliated) companies in jurisdictions that do not support sanctions against Russia has the best prospects.

Living in Interesting Times

The transformation of the Russian Foreign Ministry will require the state to make large-scale financial investments, train new personnel, change the training programs for diplomats and improve their qualification, and rebalance regional and language specialists.

Gender Aspect of Politeness Expression (Based on the Material of Briefings by Official Representatives of the Russian Foreign Ministry)

The article is devoted to the study of the expression of politeness in the Russian language, based on the material of briefings and the influence of gender parameters. Most of the works devoted to the category of politeness are currently comparative studies of different languages. This work requires continuation in both theoretical and practical aspects, and the problem of gender specificity of speech acts is one of the most pressing in sociolinguistics and gender linguistics. For the first time, the texts of briefings were used as material for studying the category of politeness and its manifestations. Briefing as a genre belongs to the periphery of political discourse and intersects with the sphere of diplomatic discourse; texts of this type are characterized by the presence of both official business and journalistic features, the analysis of which complements the study of polite expression and political discourse. Polite expressions in briefing texts are classified by speech acts, politeness models of various speech acts are listed, and the total number of polite expressions in the material and the number of polite expressions in different categories are calculated. Statistical results are used to analyze the characteristics of polite expression in the briefing, preferences and gender differences in politeness expression. The results of the study contribute to the study of the specifics of the use of politeness expressions in different texts, as well as the observation of the modern influence of gender factors on the expression of politeness and trends in the development of gender differences in society.

Russian-Chinese Partnership and the United States

A number of important documents have recently been published that, in my opinion, deserve serious analysis. These are the two Russian-Chinese declarations signed at the Moscow summit (Joint statement of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation on deepening the comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for the new era and stress settling the Ukraine crisis through dialogue. 21 March 2023; Joint statement by the President of the Russian Federation and the Chairman of the China People’s Republic on a plan for the development of key areas of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation until 2030. 21 March 2023). Soon after, a new concept of Russian foreign policy and a report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 2022 were published (The Concept of The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. 31 March 2023; Foreign Policy and Diplomatic Activities of the Russian Federation in 2022. Review of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Moscow, March 2023); Earlier, the US Administration released the National Security Strategy (National Security Strategy. The White House. Washington, D.C., October 12, 2022; National Defense Strategy. The Department of Defense. Washington, D.C., October 27, 2022).

Organization of the Russian Diplomatic Representation in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th Centuries

The Scandinavian vector in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire was far from a priority, but at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries, the calm and non-conflicting European North, which it remained for many years, became involved in the political and strategic interests of the great powers, primarily Russia, Germany and Great Britain, and therefore attracted the attention of Russian diplomacy. The aggravation of the Swedish-Norwegian political crisis in the 1890s — 1900s, which ended with the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian union and Norway's independence in 1905, caused a lot of concern to the Russian Foreign Ministry, forced it to pay attention to many issues of bilateral relations with Sweden and Norway, which had previously remained in the shadows, to closely monitor not only the development of the conflict between two Scandinavian states, but also the position of other interested great powers. The reports of the Russian envoys in the United Kingdom, who closely watched the course of events, were one of the main sources for the Foreign Ministry. The main objective of this article is to identify the peculiarities of the work of the Russian diplomatic corps in Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries. An attempt was also made to determine the range of sources of information of Russian diplomats, the degree of influence of foreign policy tasks on the selection and presentation of information by envoys to the central office, as well as the presence of their personal attitude to the events on the Scandinavian Peninsula in diplomatic correspondence. It was concluded that the specifics of the activities of the Russian imperial mission in the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway was due to the peripheral position of small countries in the region in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The work of the mission was influenced by current foreign policy tasks, legal features of the Swedish-Norwegian union, personal preferences and the existing experience of the diplomatic representative of Russia.

Provincial Revolution and Regional Anti-Colonialism: The Soviets in Iran, 1920–1921

By focusing on the northern Iranian province of Gilan, this article rethinks the role of non-socialist revolutionary movements in the Soviets’ early retreat from West and South Asia. Drawing primarily on the records of the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive, it probes programmatic divisions within the Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran (SSRI, 1920–1921), a self-governing provincial exclave where the Soviets attempted to reorient social democratic currents toward socialism. This article asks how, in a moment of revolutionary optimism, internal factionalism and the consequent collapse of the SSRI impeded Soviet designs not only in Iran, but also on the colonized and semi-colonized fronts that lay beyond Iranian borders. In so doing, it reflects on the directions of early Soviet engagement with West and South Asian revolutionaries, and the importance of bridging socialist and non-socialist political projects to realizing the broader aim of regional decolonization.

30th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations Between Russia and South Africa

On March 14, 2022 the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences held a round table discussion to mark the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of South Africa, organized by the Centre for Southern African studies. The history and current state of relations between the two countries and peoples were discussed by African studies researchers, Russian Foreign ministry officials and diplomats in South Africa, South African public figures and civil society activists, veterans of the national liberation movement. Among issues discussed were historic ties between Russia and South Africa dating back to the 18th century, first diplomatic contacts in the 19th century, participation of Russian volunteers in the Anglo-Boer war of 1899–1902, Russian emigration to South Africa, Soviet aid to the national liberation struggle against the apartheid regime, particularly relations with the ANC, first Soviet-South African diplomatic ties, influence on them of perestroika and the dissolution of USSR. Current problems of cooperation and development of relations in different fields within strategic partnership between the two countries, particularly, within the framework of BRICS, were also discussed.

Not All Quiet on the Culinary Front: The Battle Over Borshch in Ukraine

Borshch (also spelled as borscht and borsch) has lately become heavily contested as the intangible heritage of both Ukraine and Russia. Media reports trace the roots of the dispute to a 2019 tweet by the Russian Foreign Ministry describing the soup as part of Russia’s significant heritage. In response, Ukrainian cultural activists have moved the traditional beet soup from intimate vernacular settings into the political spotlight. Borshch contests, workshops, and festivals are now organized in Ukraine at the highest state levels involving top-ranking politicians and activists—all meant to legitimize borshch as a Ukrainian, not Russian, dish. This paper focuses on the complex political trajectories of borshch in Ukraine. I show that the fight over the ownership of the dish, while it may appear humorous to outsiders, communicates “unlaughter” [Billig 2005] to those who reside in close geographical and emotional proximity to the real problems that the dispute communicates. This seemingly innocent dish has come to symbolize the serious matter of resistance to external threats in the context of the ongoing Ukraine-Russia crisis, simultaneously serving as a unifying tool within Ukraine. In other words, external gastroanimosity shaped by the crisis is directly related to the efforts of internal “gastrodiplomacy” [Ruddy 2014]. Additionally, unlike many other forms of traditional culture discussed in resistance and protest-related literature, borshch in Ukraine follows a cyclical trajectory. A dish that found its way from intimate family tables to the large international

Greetings to Current and Former Russian Foreign Ministry Staff on Diplomats' Day

Greetings to Current and Former Russian Foreign Ministry Staff on Diplomats' Day