Rule Of Law In Brazil Research Articles

VIEWS ON RESTRICTIVE MEASURES AMONG BRAZILIAN LAWYERS DURING THE COVID-19 OUTBREAK

COVID-19 has had deep impacts on the lives of individuals, organizations, and polities around the globe. Legal professionals and institutions were not absent from this story. Governments adopted different approaches to deal with the pandemic, which – at a time when social relations have become ever more judicialized – inevitably triggered legal disputes. Central to these disputes were restrictive measures such as lockdown for non-essential businesses, shelter-in-place and stay-at-home orders for communities, and compulsory quarantine for infected individuals. These disputes were further entangled with political conflict and polarization, as the case of Brazil under President Jair Bolsonaro well exemplifies. Against such backdrop, this article investigates: Did Brazilian legal professionals view those restrictive measures and the power of government entities to enact them to be consistent with ‘the law’? What explains variation in their views? By exploring data from rapid research carried out during the pandemic outbreak in Brazil, this article points to the role of variables such as pandemic understandings and experiences, political orientation and attitudes, and the nexus between legal knowledge and the State in shaping the attitude of such population. The implications to studies on legal professionals, pandemics, and the rule of law in Brazil and beyond are discussed.

A importância da família como expressão dos direitos humanos e as suas intersecções com a educação e a escola na educação básica brasileira.

O artigo busca refletir sobre as diferentes concepções de Família, tanto em sua constituição histórica quanto em sua formação cultural e social atual, com ênfase na garantia legal e institucional do “direito familiar” no Estado de Direito do Brasil. Analisa as transformações históricas da Família e destaca sua importância sociológica, psicológica e cultural, para a humanização e a formação da dignidade de cada pessoa. Trata-se de um estudo bibliográfico e histórico, com um resgate institucional e conceitual, seguido de uma interpretação das interrelações entre Famílias e Escolas, postas para a promoção do sucesso escolar e cultural das crianças e dos adolescentes. Aponta a Educação como um importante campo de articulação entre as esferas familiares e a sociedade, acentuando a importância de estudos que vinculem a questão da Família como Direito Humano inalienável.

O FUTURO PASSADO DO CONSTITUCIONALISMO BRASILEIRO

Neste artigo, analisa-se criticamente a possível relação que se estabelece entre as experiências políticas e constitucionais do Brasil e a expectativa que se abre a partir daí, que limitam – e ao mesmo tempo possibilitam – o horizonte de expectativa acerca do futuro do constitucionalismo brasileiro. Para tanto, trabalha-se com a teoria da história de Reinhart Koselleck, na caracterização da percepção do tempo histórico na época moderna, segundo as categorias meta-históricas do espaço de experiência e do horizonte de expectativa, juntamente com as preocupações de Paul Ricœur sobre os desafios da hermenêutica histórica, como uma mediação constituída por perspectivas cruzadas entre a expectativa do futuro, a recepção do passado e a vivência do presente. Em síntese, sustenta-se que o futuro do constitucionalismo brasileiro precisa assumir uma relação de tensão com o seu passado, na instância mediadora do presente onde se situa a Constituição de 1988, que se abre em direção tanto ao passado quanto ao futuro, no projeto de constituição de um Estado Democrático de Direito no Brasil.

Perceptions about compliance with law and vulnerable groups in Brazil

This paper investigates the degree of effectiveness of the rule of law in Brazil by analyzing how some vulnerable social groups, such as women and black people, deals with the compliance with law and with some authorities’ orders in Brazil. We created the Bra- zilian Confidence in Justice Index (BCJI) as a validate argument for our confidence measure and the Brazil Perception of Compliance with Law Index” (BPCLI) that measure perceptions, attitudes and habits of Brazilians concerning compliance to law. We identi- fied some reasons that could explain the perceptions of these specific social groups. We found that there is a positive and significant relationship between the Brazilian Confidence in Justice Index (BCJI) and Per- ception of Compliance with Law Index (BPCLI). This paper innovates when it shows some patterns regard- ing two vulnerable groups analyzed here: women and blacks believe that there are few reasons for a person like them obey the laws. In addition, we concluded that women have a higher level of BPCLI than men, which means, women comply with the law more than men; and blacks have a worst perception of the com- pliance with law comparing with whites, since they understand that Brazilian society seldomly comply with law. We also found a positive relationship of BP- CLI with variable age and income.

Health legislation and democratic rule of law in Brazil.

Health legislation and democratic rule of law in Brazil.

Compliance to Law and Effectiveness of the Rule of Law in Brazil

The goal of this paper is to debate the degree of effectiveness of the rule of law in Brazil, through a survey measuring perceptions, attitudes and habits of Brazilians in regard to compliance to law. The survey conducted in Brazil is based on the study conducted by Tom R. Tyler in the United States, entitled Why People Obey the Law? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990). The main argument of Tyler´s study is that people obey the law when they believe it’s legitimate, and not because they fear punishment. We test the same argument in Brazil, relying on five indicators: (i) behavior, which depicts the frequency with which respondents declared to have engaged in conducts in disobedience to the law; (ii) instrumentality, measuring perception of losses associated with the violation of the law, specially fear of punishment; (iii) morality, measuring perception of how much is right or wrong to engage in certain conducts in violation of the law; (iv) social control, which measures perception of social disapproval of certain types of behavior in violation of the law, and (v) legitimacy, which measures the perception of respect to the law and to some authorities. Results indicate that fear of sanctions is not the strongest drive in compliance to law, but more than legitimacy, indicators of morality and social control are the strongest in explaining why people obey the law in Brazil.

História da Educação no Brasil: a escola pública no processo de democratização da sociedade

This paper analyzes aspects of the history of education in Brazil related to the consolidation of public schools and educational policies. The period marked begins with the 1930s, a time when the organization and implementation of a public school system in the country has become a condition for the socio-economic development, and extends to the 2000s with the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law in Brazil. It is based on documentary sources developed by governmental and scientific organizations and the literature produced by researchers. The data show that over the period there was an increase in all levels of education, however, continues to persist traces of elitism and exclusion. Moreover, there is contrast between the quality of graduate and public school, which has failed its essential function. These findings highlight the need to solve these problems in order to advance democracy in the country.

Dangerous Spaces of Citizenship: Gang Talk, Rights Talk and Rule of Law in Brazil

This article considers an apparently perplexing aspect of democratization in Brazil: the use by notorious criminal gangs ( comandos) from the poor urban peripheries and prisons of the discourses of democratic citizenship, justice, and rule of law to represent their own organizations and intentions. I situate this use within an unsettling development in Latin America generally during the last 30 years: the coincidence of increasing political democracy and increasing everyday violence and injustice against citizens. My discussion considers these new territorializations of power and violence and their consequences for citizenship, democracy, and urbanization. To bring them to light, I focus on public pronouncements by Brazilian criminal gangs that typically combine rationalities of crime with those of democracy, citizen rights, rule of law, and revolution. I also compare them with public declarations made by the police. I analyze both in relation to the historically dominant paradigm of Brazilian citizenship that democratization destabilizes. I then evaluate this destabilization with regard to the new kinds of violence and paradigms of insurgent citizenship that have emerged as characteristics of urbanization and democratization worldwide.

Anthony W. Pereira, Political (In)Justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile and Argentina (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005), pp. xvi+262, $27.95, pb.

Anthony W. Pereira, Political (In)Justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile and Argentina (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005), pp. xvi+262, $27.95, pb. - Volume 39 Issue 4

Political (In)Justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Political (In)Justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. By Anthony W. Pereira. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005. 280p. $27.95.Pereira's new book is a fascinating comparison of the legal systems of the military dictatorships in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. It focuses on the concept of “authoritarian legality,” which at first seems to be an oxymoron. As the book unfolds, however, and the differences among the regimes' legal strategies become clear, the usefulness of the concept becomes apparent. This book highlights the importance of the legal dimension of authoritarian regimes, thereby providing important new insights into the nature of both authoritarianism and judicial systems. A broadly comparative chapter also extends the argument to Nazi Germany, Franco's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, and the United States after 9/11.

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Book Review: Political (In)Justice, Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Book Review: Political (In)Justice, Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. By Anthony W. Pereira. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005. Pp. xvi, 262. Illustrations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.95 paper.

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. By Anthony W. Pereira. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005. Pp. xvi, 262. Illustrations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.95 paper.

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. By Anthony W. Pereira. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005. Pp. xvi, 262. Illustrations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.95 paper.

Political (In)justice: Authoritarianism and the Rule of Law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. By Anthony W. Pereira. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005. Pp. xvi, 262. Illustrations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.95 paper.

Estado democrático de direito e políticas públicas: estatal é necessariamente público?

O presente texto tem como cenário o "apartheid social contemporâneo" que caracteriza a sociedade de controle globalizado onde, apesar da precarização do mercado de trabalho, difunde-se cada vez mais a subjetividade do trabalho formal como a verdadeira natureza do homem. Nesta perspectiva, o "cidadão humano" é aquele que se vincula, rápida e prontamente, à lógica capitalista. Neste contexto, coloca-se em análise o que significam as políticas públicas formuladas e implementadas por este Estado capitalista. Para tal, apresenta-se um pequeno histórico do mito do Estado Democrático de Direito no Brasil, em especial, a partir dos chamados novos movimentos sociais que emergem na segunda metade dos anos de 1970 e por toda a década seguinte. Utilizando-se da perspectiva foucaultiana que se contrapõe aos postulados tradicionais da esquerda, pensa-se o poder como relação de forças imanentes materializadas em práticas, técnicas e disciplinas, diversas e dispersas, presentes em todo o campo social, envolvendo igualmente dominadores e dominados. A partir daí, parte-se para a afirmação de práticas publicizantes que necessariamente não precisam estar vinculadas ao Estado; de direitos construídos na experiência concreta dos homens, de suas lutas, e não do Homem idealizado, de direitos idealizados. Parte-se, enfim, para repensar a relação entre Estado e políticas públicas.

Political (in)justice: authoritarianism and the rule of law in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina

Why do attempts by authoritarian regimes to legalize their political repression differ so dramatically? Why do some dispense with the law altogether, while others scrupulously modify constitutions, pass new laws, and organize political trials? Political (In)Justice answers these questions by comparing the legal aspects of political repression in three recent military regimes: Brazil (1964-1985); Chile (1973-1990); and Argentina (1976-1983). By focusing on political trials as a reflection of each regime's overall approach to the law, Anthony Pereira argues that the practice of each regime can be explained by examining the long-term relationship between the judiciary and the military. Brazil was marked by a high degree of judicial-military integration and cooperation; Chile's military essentially usurped judicial authority; and in Argentina, the military negated the judiciary altogether. Pereira extends the judicial-military framework to other authoritarian regimes - Salazar's Portugal, Hitler's Germany, and Franco's Spain - and a democracy (the United States), to illuminate historical and contemporary aspects of state coercion and the rule of law.

Criminal Obsessions, after Foucault: Postcoloniality, Policing, and the Metaphysics of Disorder

800 1. MichaelWilliams,The EighthMan (Oxford, 2002), p. 163.Williams is also the general manager of the Cape TownOpera at the Artscape Theater, one of Cape Town’s premier cultural centers. His detective novels, one of which has been dramatized for local schools, are published in the Oxford University Press Southern African Fiction series. 2. In our forthcoming study, Policing the Postcolony: Crime, the State, and theMetaphysics of Disorder (esp. chaps. 1 and 5), we interrogate patterns of crime and their representation in South Africa, past and present—and annotate, in detail, both primary and secondary data on the topic. Given constraints of space in this context, we are compelled to offer a relatively sketchy set of references in support of our statements here and below. For further relevant evidentiarymaterials, andmaterials on evidence, see theNedbank ISS Crime Index and the monographs published by the Institute of Security Studies; these are to be found on the web at www.iss.org.za Criminal Obsessions, after Foucault: Postcoloniality, Policing, and the Metaphysics of Disorder