Royal Clan Research Articles

Restoration of Justice Based Perwatin Deliberation in Lampung

Mass violence in Central Pekurun village in Abung Pekurun sub-district, North Lampung regency, resulted in injuries and fatalities. The Perwatin Deliberation, as the leading institution for the implementation of Lampung custom, succeeded in recovering the situation by making amends. The perpetrators have provided customary money refunds of 24 million IDR, slaughtered two buffaloes, and customary fines of 60 million IDR. The criminal justice system knows that it has been resolved according to customary law provisions to process the perpetrators until punished to 4 years six months. Then it creates legal injustice. The current development of the theory of punishment objectives has shifted from a retributive approach to a restorative approach. However, law enforcement officials are still based on the principle of absolute legality. The criminal justice system should no longer force someone to be punished by criminal law. In North Lampung Regency, restoring a sense of community justice has been going on since time immemorial as a living law carried out by traditional leaders who are members of the perwatin deliberation. It is still running and relevant to penal restorative justice mediation. Law enforcement officials should accommodate this perwatin deliberation as penal mediation for the Lampung Abung indigenous people. Socio-legal, the position and authority of the perwatin deliberation as penal mediation is represented by the elements of the perwatin deliberation, namely traditional punyimbang from the family level and relatives to the royal clan so that all parties obey the decisions made. Moreover, in the new Criminal Code, the principle of legality has experienced an expansion with the enactment of the living law. Keywords: Justice Restoration, Mass Violence, and Perwatin Deliberation DOI: 10.7176/JLPG/129-05 Publication date: February 28 th 2023

Womens in Ephigraphs of Gongu Nadu

Ephigraphs of Kongu Nadu has the Evidence of Women’s Contribution both from Royal Family and poverty-stricken family. Though the disparate regions of Kongu Nadu was ruled by various kings, the evidence of women’s contribution is found only in the Ephigraphs of Pandyas, Cheras, and Cholas. However, women Contribution was at peak during Chozha Period. Women of Royal Clan was provisioned with the ability and rights to maintain and rejuvenate Temples. Devaradiyarkal contributed Gold and coins which stands as a testimony to their social standard. It also reflects their Wealth. The wives of Government officials offered lands as part of their contribution. The evidence of contributions made by lay women could be traced only in the Epigraphs of 12th or 13th Century only. It is believed that women made their contribution with regard to God but the trace of evidence couldn’t be found anywhere. Further, the glimpses on women’s right to property and in addition, their freedom to use their property regardless of any exterior interventions were also been recorded.

The Cultural Schemas in the Meranaw Folktales: A Cultural Study

The rich potential of folktales as a resource on matters of great cultural significance is revealed in this inquiry. In this study, the twenty (20) Meranaw stories (tutul) was scrutinized and evaluated with the critical lens focused this time on the area of cultural conceptualizations. To determine the cultural conceptualizations constructed in folktales, the analytical tool of Cultural Linguistics was used, specifically, the cultural schemas. Findings pertaining to cultural conceptualizations realized through folktales are the following: the Event schemas of courtship and marriage, honoring of the bride/wife (kapelawi/kalawi), thanksgiving (kakhandori), seasonal festivities (kalilang/kariyala), the Eid prayer (khutbah), and other social gatherings or communal celebrations (pakaradiyaan) are portrayed in the folktales; Role schemas which are not only about achieved and modified social roles or positions in a cultural group, it also includes an expected set of behavior associated with the roles. The role of a Sultan in his kingdom is depicted in the folktales; Closely related to role schemas are image schemas which provide a structure for certain conceptualizations. The latter is often readily imagined as iconic images, or popular conceptions of a person, for example, a datu is popularly imagined as a man of noble birth or a scion of the royal clan; Proposition schemas as models of thought and behavior are represented in the folktales by the order and customary law or norms of conduct (taritib ago igma). The two are the threads that establish and maintain relations in the fabric of Meranaw society. Strict adherence to taritib ago igma ensures harmony and order in society; Finally, emotion schemas contains affects and evaluations activated through association with other schemas. Presumably a very important emotion is Meranaw culture is the sense of shame or loss of face. Meranaw are a people who take pride in their lineage traced through the family tree (salsila).

조선 후기 宗簿寺 郎廳의 실태 및 운영체계 — 장서각 소장 『宗簿寺郎廳先生案』을 중심으로 —

조선 후기 宗簿寺 郎廳의 실태 및 운영체계 — 장서각 소장 『宗簿寺郎廳先生案』을 중심으로 —

Contests between heritage and history in Tanganyika/Tanzania: Insights arising from community-based heritage research

ABSTRACTOngoing collaborative heritage research in northwestern Tanzania engages partners from diverse backgrounds, from craftsmen and common folk to a sitting king and his royal clan. Such diversity has revealed intangible heritage in two adjacent kingdoms. In Kihanja Kingdom, the physical structures of Kanazi Palace appear to dominate the heritage landscape, yet, ethnographic and archaeological collaborations revealed that Kihanja kings engaged in heritage performances that preserved ritual knowledge the Christian church erased. Written records further misrepresented these subaltern practices, and were at odds with heritage values enshrined in practice and the archaeological record. In Bukara Kingdom, the ravages of HIV/AIDS led to the loss of oral traditions, thus obscuring a significant massacre by German troops over a century ago. By revisiting oral accounts recorded 48 years ago, we (with local participants) were able to correct the written record and justify their efforts to preserve and interpret human remains at Mazinga cave.

On Mobility in Afghan History

If we leave aside the imperial histories of those powers for which Afghanistan has been a strategic concern, Afghan historiography has tended to follow a single trajectory: the history of the Pashtuns and their principal royal clan, the Durrani. The non-Pashtun part of the human ecology of the country tends to be summed up as “other groups,” as if that 60 percent of the population only has a history in relation to the royal clan and its state. As the other essays in this roundtable argue, there are many ways to approach Afghanistan's history more inclusively than through Kabul-centric, Pashtun-dominated, top-down narratives or those that focus on the strategic concerns of superpowers. Nile Green sees a half-century gap in the historiography, between the nation-building of the 1920s and the nation-demolishing of the 1990s and beyond, and proposes the study of “subnational and transnational groups” as one way to refine our understanding of the politics of the country during that middle era. James Caron traces an imagined bond with place reflected in rural oral imagery, while Amin Tarzi approaches Afghan historiography itself as a productive field of study. Other areas hardly touched in the existing scholarship are institutional histories (judicial, educational, and fiscal), for which there is a wealth of untapped documentation; the built environment (following the seminal works of Szabo and Barfield on domestic and rural architecture and Schinasi on urban architecture); labor history (including the interconnections of work specializations and industry with ethnic groups); and the history of human bondage in the country.

The divine kingship of the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan

The divine kingship of the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan

第1次ブルガリア王国における君主号

The First Bulgarian Kingdom was established by the Turkic nomads Bulgars. Gradually the Bulgars were assimilated to the Slav majority, but the Bulgarian aristocracy kept supremacy for a long time. In the political structure of the state were existed a traditional institution and titles of the Bulgars.In this paper, the author consider the role of the ruler, especially take notice of the title, the authority and the succession of the throne. There were so many titles of the Bulgarian ruler, but six of them were used in the country. They were αρχων, καισαρ, πατρικιος, KANAσγBIΓI, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_. Kαισαρ and πατρικιος are the Byzantine title of nobility. Two titles αρχων and KANAσγBIΓI were used at the same time. The Byzantine title αρχων was used mainly externally. KANAσγBIΓI, which was a Turkic compound title, consisted of two words KANA and σγBIΓI. Professor V. Besevliev explained that KANA was a rulal title of the nomadic state qan<qaγan and σγBIΓI was a compound word sü-bäg-i, i. e. “commander in chief.” But this theory is still in a hypothesis.Bulgarian ruler came to hold both the secular power and spiritual authority. Bulgars were believers of Shamanism. They had a concept of the divine right of kings. The throne of the ruler of the Bulgarian state was exclusively in the hands of the royal clan, the Dulo, the Vokil and the clan of Krum. The position of the ruler was hereditary normally passing from father to eldest son, who was called καναρτικεινος. The order of the succession of the throne proved to be useful in stability and reinforcement of a government.

Dahomey: The development of a proto-State

We have attempted to establish that the indigenous West African polity, Dahomey, was a society in transition from kin to civil structure. Hence, it was necessarily a society divided against itself, a society in conflict. The aims of the emerging State were directly antagonistic to the traditional self-sufficient ways of life practiced by the collectivities. For all significant economic, social, political, and ideological functions had been discharged within and among the joint family units, on a personal, communal basis, prior to the Aladaxonou-Foy conquest, which set the State-building process in motion. This process consisted in the establishment of a census-tax-conscription system designed to wrest from the kin units as much of their authority and wealth as possible. The system was basically one of internal tribute. This tribute, whether in the form of human labor, as in the case of the Amazons, or in the form of material goods, as in the case of taxes in kin on the various occupational specialists, enabled an indigenous bureaucracy to develop, and balanced them against the royal clan, while the corporate dynastic group-the original war chiefs-emerged as the pivot between them. Although the strength of the Aladaxonou Kings was a fiction, recognized as such by the other two components of the civil power, the pseudo-patriarchal role of the Aladaxonou was essential to maintain at least a semblance of civil peace, patterned as this role was, after the symbolic functions of the joint family heads. The Dahomean State, then, was no more than the civil power, and this power was divided into three parts: the bureaucracy, the royal clan, and the Aladaxonou. This delicately balanced partnership, in the absence of any readily centralized economic means, such as large-scale irrigation agriculture, was unable even to begin to wrest the basic force of production-the extensively cultivated lands-from joint family control. The civil authority was, therefore, incapable of regimenting the Dahomean folk into a mature class system, without which a realized State cannot be said to exist. Dahomey, then, is a type of early or proto-State, in the service of the slave trade, organized by military conquest from without, and the civil power was essentially a tributary mechanism. This civil power, lacking the means of really efficient exploitation, in the absence of a crystallized class system, of a mature internal structure, organized the State as a huge compound, in imitation of local usage. It succeeded in diverting some of the strength of the folk to the support of the huge compound that was the State, but was never able to destroy the autonomy of the collectivities. The struggle to divert the energy of the folk to the ends of the State was reflected on every level of human behavior. Since the historical conditions noted prevented the ready reorganization of the society by the civil authority, the struggle was focused on the available cultural things traditionally utilized in one way by the folk, and in another by the State. This work, then, is offered for the possible comparison with other areas in time and space in which a proto-State has developed, and either grown into a maturer State through the reorganization of the means of production, or remained locked in kin-civil conflict, with each antagonist vying for the fruits of a system of production that could not be readily changed, as in the case of indigenous Dahomey.

8. Art Historical Issues Arising From the M5 Burial at Anyang

ABSTRACTThis paper takes the position that the “late Wu Ting” or “Period II” dating for M5, now accepted by many scholars, cannot be reconciled with the advanced typological and stylistic qualities exhibited by so many of its bronze vessels, and that therefore the reading of the M5 bronze inscriptions as “Fu Hao” and the viewing of this as the name of a single individual woman, the consort of Wu Ting, constitute a methodology which must be rejected. Instead, the inscriptions could be read as “Fu Tzu,” with Tzu ( ) recognized as the feminization of the Shang surname Tzu ( ). Since this name would have been inherited by all daughters of the Tzu clan, there would have been at any one time a sizable number of royal women of various ages appropriately titled “Fu Tzu” ; and the necessity of identifying the Fu Tzu of the M5 inscriptions only with a woman named in the Wu Ting oracle bones can be eliminated. It is, moreover, likely that even in the Wu Ting oracle-bone inscriptions the references to “Fu Tzu” actually concerned several different ladies of the royal clan—daughters or aunts of the king, as well as consorts (the royal clan being endogamous).

Biography of Lord Shang

Lord Shang was descended, through a concubine, from the royal house of Wei. His personal name was Yang, his clan name Kung-sun, and his ancestors had been of the royal Chi clan. As a youth he was interested in the study of law and served as clan officer under Kung-shu Ts'o, the prime minister of Wei, who recognized his ability but lacked opportunity to recommend him.

An Annotated Genealogy of the Royal Clan of Ch'u in the Ch'un Ch'iu Period

In doing research on the social history of the Ch'un Ch'iu period, one is constantly confronted by the problem of identifying the lineage affiliation of individuals and their genealogical relationships. These matters are treated in the commentaries in most, but not all cases; yet, there are frequent differences of opinion which the reader will be left unaware of if he reads the text with only, for instance, the Tu Yü commentary at hand. Moreover, one inevitably looses track of the genealogical relationships unless the reading is done in conjunction with one or another of the available genealogical charts. And even this does not solve all of the problems, for the genealogical charts are at odds with each other at many points. It has, therefore, become apparent to me that it would be of great assistance to students of this period to have available a reference which would bring together the data from the major sources in one place, and which would show their agreement or disagreement.The present effort is an experiment in fulfilling this need. I have chosen the state of Ch'u because it is obvious that the commentators have had the most difficulties with this state. Since what follows is the result of tedious labor which I would not wish to continue if others do not find it of value, I would greatly appreciate reader response both as to its general usefulness and as to the format.

Nilotic Kings and their Mothers' Kin

Opening ParagraphThis paper offers an interpretation of some details of the myth and custom of two Nilotic tribes, the Shilluk and the Anuak of the Southern Sudan. Each of these tribes has a noble or royal clan in a centrally important position in its political system, and the royal myths of both tell of the founding of kingship. In both also we find represented in myth a conflict between the first kings and their maternal uncles and grandfathers. It is this representation of conflict which we attempt to explain, by reference to the political structures of the tribes.