Roman Visual Culture Research Articles

Destinations in Mind: Portraying Places on the Roman Empire’s Souvenirs By Kimberly Cassibry. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2021. Pp. xvii + 278. $99. ISBN 9780190921897 (cloth).

<i>Destinations in Mind: Portraying Places on the Roman Empire’s Souvenirs</i> By Kimberly Cassibry. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2021. Pp. xvii + 278. $99. ISBN 9780190921897 (cloth).

Taskscapes, Landscapes, and the Politics of Agricultural Production in Roman Mosaics

In recent years archaeologists have put forward explanations of the design and impact of mythological and allegorical scenes in mosaics as part of elite Roman visual culture. While scenes of labor have served as evidence to accompany archaeological data on rural life, depictions of labor have received comparatively less attention as part of Roman ideological structures. Through an analysis of mosaics of the imperial period, this article demonstrates the value of adapting Timothy Ingold’s concept of ‘taskscape’ for explaining shared similarities in the communication strategies underlying depictions of agricultural work in Roman art and showcases an approach to the Roman economy rooted in this body of anthropological theory. Elites were able to reinforce normative values about the agricultural world by controlling not just what was seen, but what was not seen. Their mosaics present certain generic and hidden views of work that allowed fellow elites to use their own imaginations to continually ‘fill in the gaps’ and reinforce their control over agricultural production, a strategy that endured across the Roman world for generations.

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Discussing the scenario of future resurrection in 1 Cor. 15, Paul touches on the visual aspects of the bodily transformation which he claims will take place as a part of eschatological fulfilment. The con-cept of image plays a crucial role in this transformation as he believes the resurrected body will be shaped according to a “heavenly” exemplar, which he refers to as an image. Using examples drawn from Roman visual culture, both visual and textual, the article describes what type of image Paul’s Corinthian readers would have been inclined to think of in connection with a discussion of bodily transformation such as the one imagined by Paul.

Looking and laughing in ancient Rome

Summary Humor, both verbal and visual, is culture-specific. This essay examines humorous visual representations in their original archaeological and social contexts to understand Roman attitude-formation, or acculturation. Social theories of humor that distinguish between humor meant for individuals within a group (intragroup humor) and humor targeting individuals outside one’s group (intergroup humor) help explain the dynamics of the humor in Roman visual culture. Pompeii offers two examples of intragroup humor: representations in the Tavern of Salvius make fun of the non-elite people who frequented the tavern; the parodies of Aeneas and Romulus from an elite house make fun of the cultural pretensions of other elites with regard to Augustus’ propaganda. The Tavern of the Seven Sages at Ostia uses intergroup humor, with non-elite men mocking the Seven Sages. In this case Mikhail Bakhtin’s hermeneutic of the carnivalesque enriches the analysis by revealing multiple strategies employed to elicit laughter, including the world-turned upside down, analogies between bodily and spatial representation, and oppositions between philosophical and colloquial speech. In both the Tavern of Salvius and that of the Seven Sages written texts, ranging from crude Latin speech-bubbles to elegant iambic senarii, indicate the levels of literacy of the audiences.

La imagen estereotipada del sacrificio del buey en la cultura visual greco-romana

The aim of this article is to analyze the iconography of the immolatio boum in the Roman visual culture of the late-republican period and at the beginning of the principality. For this we will use the presence of a Greek painting in particular, the immolatio boum of Pausias of Sicyon (Greek painter of the 4th century BC) that was exhibited in the Pompey portico. This certainty is well documented in literary sources, and we will study how the formal, stylistic and visual novelties introduced by the Pausias pictorial avant-garde had an impact on the visualization of the Roman viewer. The main novelty of this article lies in analyzing the intersignification of Greek painting in a Roman public space in which it acquired interpretative nuances that were designed by the Roman political and religious culture. The literary testimonies of Pliny the Elder, Horace, Pausanias or Athenaeus offer us enough information to reconstruct the visual impact of the work in the Roman context. In addition to these written sources, the methodology of image analysis is constructed from a wide range of contemporary examples from the time of Augustus. Finally, the article aims to show how this characteristic iconography survived through different channels of visual transmission to be present in the work of Rafel Sanzio or Pedro Pablo Rubens.

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF SHEEP IN THE VISUAL CULTURE OF THE PAGAN PARADISE: AN EXAMPLE OF LATE ANTIQUITY IN ANTIOCH

The presence of certain animals in the iconographic programs of Late Antiquity is closely linked to different conditions. In our particular case, we propose to analyze a mosaic of the Allard Pierson Museum in Amsterdam: a fat-tailed sheep (c. AD 475) from an early Christian Church near Antioch. Greek culture was strongly rooted in Antioch, and Roman visual culture had a strong influence on the artistic currents that reached the oriental city. These geographical and cultural factors, in addition to the iconographic program of Paradise, form a context of analysis that will allow us to identify how the presence of the sheep has evolved in the visual culture of Antiquity.

THE BED CANOPY IN XENOPHON OF EPHESUS AND THE ICONOGRAPHY OF MARS AND VENUS UNDER THE EMPIRE

This paper discusses how Roman visual culture might be useful for deciphering the ecphrastic passages of the ancient Greek novel. Whereasecphrasishas been one of the blossoming topics in the field, the examination of novelisticecphrasisalongside particular works of art is still a desideratum. As a test case I will use Xenophon of Ephesus’ecphrasisof the bed canopy depicting Ares’ and Aphrodite's embrace, in theEphesiaca,a novel that might have been written as early as AD 65. In what follows I will argue that the scene described on the canopy would have stimulated a variety of intertexts, both literary and visual, in the minds of the imperial audience: that is, Xenophon's reader would have been encouraged to recall not just Demodocus’ song of the love of Ares and Aphrodite but also the idealised Roman version of the myth, which was so frequently depicted on frescoes and mosaics in Roman villas in the first century. I then explore Xenophon's ‘interpretatio Romana’through the adaptations of the Ares and Aphrodite myth found in Plutarch and Lucian.

The Boundaries of Art and Social Space in Rome: The Caged Bird and Other Art Forms by Frederick Jones

Reviewed by: The Boundaries of Art and Social Space in Rome: The Caged Bird and Other Art Formsby Frederick Jones Michael Squire F rederickJ ones. The Boundaries of Art and Social Space in Rome: The Caged Bird and Other Art Forms. Bloomsbury Classical Studies Monographs. London: Bloomsbury, 2016. 10 black-and-white figs. xii + 196 pp. Cloth, $114. This is a short book with grand designs. Frederick Jones explores how "boundaries" were delineated in Roman culture, literature and art—in his words, "the way certain cultural artefacts imply a pattern of concentric circles dividing insides and outsides, but dividing in such a way as to allow the boundary to be crossed and recrossed" (115). However "peripheral" the subject, though, the book also stakes a central question about the "limits" of art in the late Roman Republic and early Empire: "the uncertainty of the boundary," Jones nicely puts it, "says something about what art is and how we decide what is art" (vii). Rather than offering a theoretical introduction or historiographical overview, the book is structured around four particular case studies, topped and tailed with an introductory chapter ("Art") and conclusion ("Self-projecting inside and outside"). Jones explains the thinking at the outset: "this book is about four elements of Roman visual culture that have special connections with the domusand manifold connections with the cultural and cognitive contexts of the Roman citizen" (1). The chapters that follow explore artistic "boundaries" through the respective lenses of gardens, garden-paintings, tapestries and the "caged bird" motif. What we have here, in effect, are four self-contained studies (three of them adapted, in fact, from published journal articles). The introduction tries to [End Page 161]explain the interconnections, homing in on the limits of art, and asking whether or not we can talk about Roman "art" as meaningful hermeneutic category. Jones makes no mention here of the Kantian parergon—or indeed its Derridean deconstructions: some readers will no doubt be grateful. Instead, there are some timely comments concerning the "literary learnedness and intertextuality of Roman painting and statuary" (13), for example, and the status of artists (10–11). Yet the precise argument—about Roman aesthetics, or about the relationships between pre- and post-Enlightenment traditions—is unclear. Generalizations abound ("Art is mimetic, not primarily in the sense that it imitates its subjects, but in the sense that the incipient artist has a subjective experience of art and thinks 'I can do that,'" 2). But the comparison with art in the "nineteenth and sixteenth-seventeenth centuries" (3) yields little, and ancient sound-bites are introduced without adequate contextual or interpretative focus. Jones seeks to introduce the "problematic" question "of what art is" (1), but relies heavily on the online Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy; the references to "Bordieu" ( sic) are especially unfortunate (132, n. 10; 172). The author is on a firmer footing in the second chapter, which turns to "The Roman garden." Here Jones revisits some of the themes from his eloquent 2011 book, Virgil's Garden: The Nature of Bucolic Space: approaching the Roman garden "as cultural phenomenon," and introducing a host of ancient authors (among them, Cicero, Varro, Horace, Ovid, Pliny and Seneca), the chapter demonstrates how "'the garden' becomes a place for mental play and for thinking about literature, history, identity, gender, and pleasure" (25; John Henderson's pioneering 2004 book, Hortus: The Roman Book of Gardening, might have been helpful here). Less successful, in my view, are the long digressions about "cognitive processes," "concept formation" and the "cognitive development of the Roman child" (44–5). The argument seems to be about "mental modelling" (48)—that is, about concepts of "inside" and "outside" which structure Roman horticultural attitudes. But the precise relevance of such excursions, at least for this reader, is indecipherable ("The domus-garden pattern, as a model of a whole set of inners and outers, influences the way the subject's thinking about the world develops, but in addition, as observed above, the element of imagination in child-play prepares for the adult flights of the imagination we considered earlier," 48). The third chapter, dedicated to "The garden room at Prima Porta," at once extends and narrows...

Female power that protects: Examples of the apotropaic and decorative functions of the Medusa in Roman visual culture from the territory of the Central Balkans

The motif of Medusa had significant importance in Roman visual culture, reflecting the comprehension of ancient people about this frightful being. Visual material from the territory of the Central Balkans suggests a widely known understanding and belief of the protective as well as apotropaic functions of Medusa. The motif of Medusa i.e. the Gorgoneion, was one of the well known and most represented motifs in architecture, funerary art and artiminori and a widely appreciated decoration of jewellery, signifying the importance of Medusa?s protection for people, especially for women.

Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth by Tara S. Welch

BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 217 the Lives emerges from the translation as a more elegant stylist than he deserves. Roisman and Worthington are responsible for the commentary on the Lives, which constitutes the bulk of the book. It is thorough, with particularly comprehensive and up-to-date citation of bibliography. A large quantity of often difficult material is very usefully analyzed. It is not intended as any serious criticism to observe that in places the commentary is fuller than strictly necessary (e.g., 218–219 on Meidias). At the same time, it is dense with cross-references, parentheses both square and round, and abbreviations. In this regard, I wish that Roisman and Worthington had come up with a more elegant way to refer to the author of the Lives than as “[Plut.].” In short, as a commentary it serves its purpose admirably, and for anyone who works on the Attic Orators it will be an essential resource. The commentary is followed by separate sections on Photius, on the Suda, and on the texts of three Athenian “decrees” that have been transmitted along with the Lives (Mor. 850f–852e). In each case the translation is furnished with footnotes rather than a separate commentary. For Photius and the Suda this is a good choice, since many of the comments consist of cross-references to the fuller commentary on the Lives. The three Athenian texts are loosely referred to as decrees or inscriptions; they are in fact petitions: by Demosthenes’ nephew Demochares requesting posthumous honours for his uncle, by Demochares’ son Laches asking for honours for his father, and by Lycophron requesting privileges for himself on the basis of a decree in honour of his father Lycurgus, which he quotes. There is thus only one actual decree, which is also partially preserved on stone (IG ii2 457 + 3207).4 The statement that pseudo-Plutarch “quotes” these texts (23) is also slightly inaccurate; he certainly alludes to their substance, but the texts themselves are merely appended to the Lives. Both because of their interest and for ease of reference it might have been preferable to leave them attached to the individual Lives, where they could have benefited from detailed commentary. In particular, whilst I have no reason to dispute the claim that “Except for some editorial changes and omissions, the inscriptions appear authentic” (23), I would have liked to see the point demonstrated. One final point of information may be of use to readers of the book: Craig Cooper’s unpublished PhD dissertation (1992), to which frequent reference is made, can be freely downloaded from the University of British Columbia’s library website.5 York University Jeremy Trevett Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. By Tara S. Welch. Columbus: The Ohio State University Press. 2015. Pp. xii, 331. This is an interesting and wide-ranging book, the first comprehensive monograph on the topic since Ganszyniec’s now out-dated work of 1949.1 Welch’s book makes two useful contributions to the scholarship. Firstly, it brings Tarpeia up to date, demonstrating how the many variations of this myth can be better understood in light of current scholarship on broader themes in Roman culture (including constructions of gender, trends and techniques in ancient historiography, the role of the gaze/viewer in Roman visual culture, and the social and political tensions operative in Augustan elegy). Secondly, Welch’s book recognizes and embraces the multivalence of Tarpeia’s story, and 4 Translated at https://www.atticinscriptions.com/inscription/IGII2/457-3207. 5 https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/831/items/1.0086535. 1 Z. Ganszyniec, Tarpeia: The Making of a Myth (Wroclaw 1949). 218 PHOENIX especially the diverse ways in which the ancients used it to explore issues of identity and belonging. The book is divided into three parts (“Tarpeia, Ethnicity and Being Roman in the Republic”; “Tarpeia and the Caesars: From Republic to Empire”; and “Tarpeia from the Outside In: Greek Sources and the Roman Empire”). With the exception of Chapter One, which sketches out the theme of the treasonable woman in myth in general, each chapter concentrates on the portrayal of Tarpeia in a specific source or context. Welch covers Fabius Pictor (Chapter...

The Museum of Augustus: the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii, the Portico of Philippus in Rome, and Latin poetry

In the Odes, Horace writes of his own work, “I have built a monument more enduring than bronze,”—a striking metaphor that hints at how the poetry and built environment of ancient Rome are inextricably linked. This fascinating work of original scholarship makes the precise and detailed argument that painted illustrations of the Trojan War, both public and private, were a collective visual resource for selected works of Virgil, Horace, and Propertius. Carefully researched and skillfully reasoned, the author’s claims are bold and innovative, offering a strong interpretation of the relationship between Roman visual culture and literature that will deepen modern readings of Augustan poets. The Museum of Augustus first provides a comprehensive reconstruction of paintings from the remaining fragments of the cycle of Trojan frescoes that once decorated the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii. It then finds the echoes of these paintings in the Augustan-dated Portico of Philippus, now destroyed, which was itself a renovation of Rome’s de facto temple of the Muses—in other words, a museum, both in displaying art and offering a meeting place for poets. It next examines the responses of the Augustan poets to the decorative program of this monument that was intimately connected with their own literary aspirations. The book concludes by looking at the way Horace in the Odes and Virgil in the Georgics both conceptualized their poetic projects as temples to rival the museum of Augustus.

Corpus imperii: verbal and visual figurations of the Roman ‘body politic’

This article examines the political metaphor of the body in ancient Roman words and images. The verbal metaphor of the ‘body of state’ (corpus rei publicae) gained particular rhetorical currency in the late Roman Republic; likewise, following Augustus’ rise to power in the later first century bc, related ideas about the corpus imperii (‘body of empire’) played a critical role in legitimising a system of effective one-man imperial rule. But how did this discursive verbal figure relate to the material bodies of Roman visual culture? The recourse to the body as political metaphor, it is argued, revolutionised the workings of Roman figurative imagery; by extension, the search for appropriate visual forms in which to render Augustus’ own body fleshed out discursive political ideas concerning the Augustan figurative corpus imperii. To understand how the figure of the body was rendered into political metaphor in Late Republican/ Early Imperial Rome, no less than how that political metaphor was turned back into iconic figurative form, therefore requires working across visual and verbal categories. No less importantly, it means tackling larger questions about how words and images construct ideas about the body in at once related and different ways.

Dancing with decorum. The eclectic usage of kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers in Roman visual culture

This article examines two groups of motifs in Roman visual culture: females modelled on kalathiskos dancers, and males modelled on pyrrhic dancers. Eclecticism is emphasized as a strategy which was used to introduce novelties that were appropriate within a Roman cultural context. The figures representing kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers were both changed in an eclectic manner and this resulted in motifs representing the goddess Victoria, and the curetes respectively. Kalathiskos dancers and eclectic Victoriae occur on many different media at least from the Augustan era and into the 2nd century AD. It is argued here that the establishment of these two motifs in Roman visual culture is closely related to the aesthetics which came to the fore during the reign of Augustus. Thereafter, both kalathiskos dancers and eclectic Victoriae lingered on in the Roman cultural context until many of the material categories on which they were depicted ceased to be produced. Unlike the kalathiskos dancers, the male figures modelled on pyrrhic dancers are so rare within Roman visual culture that we can only assume they were, to some extent, perceived as an inappropriate motif. This can most likely be explained by the negative attitude, amongst the Roman elite, towards male dancing.

Introduction: Collecting the Eclectic in Roman Houses

This paper introduces the four essays in this collection on eclecticism and display in Roman houses; works by Emanuel Mayer, Eugene Dwyer, Lauren Petersen, and Francesca Tronchin address archaeological evidence from Pompeii and Herculaneum as well as ancient written sources on decorating and collecting from the perspective of social history. The essay also provides a historiographic account of discussions of eclecticism in Roman visual culture, noting that this stylistic heterogeneity has long been acknowledged in the material, yet has only rather recently been described in a positive light. As pertains to domestic decoration, this introduction and the papers that follow note that employing various eclecticisms within the home could have addressed an audience diverse in religious affiliations, economic status, and intellectual abilities.

Tragic Imagery of War in Roman Visual Culture

In this paper, the scope of Roman attitudes towards warfare is examined through an analysis of Roman artwork and inscriptions in victory monuments. Due to the integral nature of warfare to Roman society, the portrayal of victorious campaigns was essential to the maintenance of the Roman perception of their own indomitable nature. This paper argues that this inherent reinforcing of Roman attitudes was especially important in the wake of the various civil wars and related disputes of the last century of the Republic, and undertakes this analysis with a special emphasis on the portrayal of the conquered to examine the subtleties of perspective towards Roman warfare.

Book Review of Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250, by John R. Clarke

Book Review of Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250, by John R. Clarke

The animals of the arena: how and why could their destruction and death be endured and enjoyed?

Ludi (games) (spectacula) were important in Roman visual culture. Those involving animals (venationes) developed from moderately sized ritualized killing and hunt into carnage. Their popularity and development in scale and frequency contrasted sharply with the Romans' love of pets, good veterinary medicine, and fascination with animals. I explore factors that contribute to explaining the spectators' endurance and enjoyment of the venationes. Contextual factors were hunting traditions and a political system where power and popularity was gained through donations (euergetism). I suggest that the explanatory psychological factors are: hunter-insensitivity, psychological and neurological processes connected to enjoyment of cruelty (killing, aggression, horror), desensitization, neurological feedback loops, curiosity, envy, competition, mass psychology, diffusion of responsibility (bystander effect), and changed states of mind through identifications and emotional turmoil. Finally, I scrutinize psychologically one exceptional case of divergent mass behaviour at Pompey's games in 55 bc. I deconstruct what has been described as a compassionate attitude by the spectators, and by Cicero, who commented on the incident.

Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250. By John R. Clarke (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2007) 322 pp. $55.00

<i>Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250</i>. By John R. Clarke (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2007) 322 pp. $55.00

Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.—A.D. 250 by John R. Clarke

426 PHOENIX engaged in sporting activities) communicate about the childhood experience. Collectively, these articles illustrate how indispensable case studies of material culture are in mapping ancient childhood. Not all contributions, however, focus on archaeological or art-historical evidence. Louise Pratt's discussion centers on mythological parent-child (and pseudo-parent-child) relationshipsin Homer's Iliad thatconveyand exemplify culturally significant ideasabout personal sacrifice. In two particularly welcome contributions, Lisa Alberici, Mary Harlow, and Phyllis Katz attempt to illuminate further our rather limited picture of late antique childhood.Alberici andHarlow analyze the work ofmedical, legal,and patristic writers, from the second through seventh centuries a.d., in an effort to understand better the life course of females. They are especially interested to know what signaled a girl's transition from childhood to adulthood, and whether this transition was immediate or gradual. In classical Rome, marriage had traditionally marked this change and this belief seems to have carriedover intolateantiquity. Butwhat happenedwhen girls intheChristian community did notmarry and insteadchose to devote theirlives toChrist? How and atwhat age did theybecome adults in the eyesof thecommunity?PhyllisKatz also toucheson the life-course ofwomen in her rigorous and insightful reassessment of Jerome's letter to Laeta (Epistle107),who had soughthis adviceon the futureeducationofher infant daughter Paula. Katz argues, contrary to conventional views, that the unusual curriculum Jerome recommends demonstrates no real understanding of children's development, nor a genuine fondness for Laeta's baby daughter. Instead, it reveals his fervent desire to prepare another femalefora lifeof celibacyand servicetoChrist. Some readers will undoubtedly have reservations about the choice and treatment of the art-historical and archaeological evidence, finding it too selective to be meaningful or perhaps too controversial. Others may consider certain contributions to be more descriptive than analytical. For the most part, however, this collection has only one limitation, and thisshortcoming isone readilyacknowledgedby theeditorsthemselves: Roman childhood is not well represented here. A disproportionate number of articles focus on Greek and Aegean society from the Bronze Age to the hellenistic period, and this imbalance gives a false impression about the state of research on ancient children's history.1 In spite of this weakness, Constructions ofChildhood offers the present generation of scholars a great deal to digest, and is bound to influence, in a highly positive manner, future research on children and childhood in the ancient Mediterranean. Mount Allison University Leslie Shumka Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 b.c.-a.d. 250. By John R. Clarke. Berkeley: University of California Press. 2007. Pp. xi, 322. Most who have studied Rome have some understanding of Roman humour. But while we have a sense of what the Romans found humorous, it is a more difficult matter 1As a remedy see the collections of V. Dasen (ed.), Naissance etpetite enfance dans lAntiquite: Actes du colloque deFribourg, 28 novembre-ler decembre 2001 (Fribourg 2004) and K. Mustakallio etal. (eds.), Hoping for Continuity: Childhood, Education, and Death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 33; Rome 2005). BOOKREVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 427 to explain it.What made Romans laugh? Putting asidemodern notions of political correctness and recognizing that different strata of society will find different words and images amusing, Clarke attempts to answer that question, always taking care to explain Roman humour in a Roman social context. Clarke's study treats humour under three headings:VisualHumor (Chapters One toFour), SocialHumor (ChaptersFive toSeven), and SexualHumor (ChaptersEight toNine). The volume iswell-illustrated,including twenty-four colour plates at the end of Part 2. As one would expect, while he touches on a wide range ofmaterial, Clarke's main focus is on visual images, and those familiar with his earlier works will notice the return of some familiar "faces," for example, the hyperphallic Aethiops fromthebaths. The first chapter,"Words or Images?Degrees ofVisuality inRoman Humor," looks first at verbal humour, situating it largely within the context of the elite classes of Graeco Roman society, and emphasizing its use in political oratory. Some of the themes towhich Clarke will return throughout the study are introduced here: humour based on physical peculiarities, apotropaic laughter, and role reversal. For the last, he invokes the Saturnalia, and with that brief examination...

Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250. By John R. Clarke. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007. Pp. [xii] + 322. 119 figures + 20 plates. $55.00 (cloth).

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewLooking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250. By John R. Clarke. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007. Pp. [xii] + 322. 119 figures + 20 plates. $55.00 (cloth).Michael SquireMichael SquireChrist’s College, Cambridge Search for more articles by this author Christ’s College, CambridgePDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Classical Philology Volume 104, Number 1January 2009 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/603578 Views: 13Total views on this site © 2009 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.