Role Of Germany Research Articles

Diverging Memories? Durs Grunbein's Mnemonic Topographies and the Future of the German Past

While walking the streets of Berlin these days, one can clearly observe the last visible remains of WWII and the Cold War years gradually vanishing from sight: bullet holes, smoke-blackened buildings, and rubble give way to restored classicist palaces, while new buildings ornamented with steel and glass emerge on every corner. While the war and the years that followed remain, in Reinhart Koselleck's term, an always-- present Zeitschicht of Berlin's visual palimpsest, they nevertheless seem to drift into oblivion.1 Only rarely does the lurking past shimmer through the facades of the old-new German capital, calling to mind the interdependency linking its past, present, and possible future. Berlin's topography is currently being rewritten according to the city's central role in Germany's new self-image and its unique position in Europe's reawakening middle. Yet, Berlin's new topography-the visual result of fierce artistic and political debates-represents only one result of the much larger process of what Andreas Huyssen has called rethinking German nation, or, as I would phrase it, discussing alternative future German narratives, that is historical, political, and cultural conceptions and representations of the German past (74). Indeed, the disputes over the future of the German history haven't ceased for a moment since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. With the changing political map, the growing distance from the era of National Socialism, and the increasing integration of those born after 1945 into the cultural and public arena, the chain of public disputes over alternative narratives of the past seems unbreakable: The quarrel over the Gulf War and Germany's responsibility for helping to create Sadam Hussein's war machine was followed by the debate over Daniel Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners. The argument surrounding the publication of the Black Book of Communist atrocities paved the way for the continuous dispute over the so-called Wehrmacht crimes exhibition. The seemingly endless commemorating events on the fiftieth anniversary of the end of WWII in and around 1995 were followed by the thorny question of whether Germans in uniform should return to the Balkans, this time as protectors of human rights. After the ferocious conflict over Martin Walser's attack on the instrumentalisation of Holocaust memory in his 1998 Peace Prize speech, came the dispute over Peter Sloterdijk's Menschenpark-did he really plead, in a post-Nietzschean manner, for the breeding of nonviolent human beings? That was soon to be succeeded by the recent controversies over German Leitkultur and the caesura 1968.2 Indeed, all these debates-and I certainly didn't mention all of them-can be explained within their immediate contexts. Yet they simultaneously pose variations on one overarching question: namely, how to tell about the past in the future, and what discursive consequences each and every story, each and every history, would have.3 One debate in particular, though-over the planned Holocaust Memorial in Berlin-- seems to have posed this question more than others and thus has attracted the most public attention in Germany and abroad.4 The reason for this lies at hand: Once built, the German national Holocaust Memorial in Berlin will visually embody the symbolic space of the past, of the Holocaust, in the nation's self-image. To be sure, what shaped the course of this intense conflict was not solely the issue of which of the mostly pretentious proposals should be realized. Rather, the debate was fueled by the kind of discursive suggestions that different artistic choices would have. The proposed location of the memorial was of crucial importance in this respect. It was clear that the erection of the memorial at the corner of Ebert and Behrens Streets-in the heart of German political and cultural activity--denotes, as James Young pointed out, the relationship between the postreunification German nation to the memory of the Nazi crimes (Young 7, 184-223). …

Reconstituting European social democracy: Germany's pivotal role

After a long period of dominance by the centre‐right, social democracy is once more in the ascendancy in Europe. At the same time social democracy is cross‐cut by competing ideological paradigms, ranging from an unreformed or ‘traditional’ model through to the neo‐liberal tinged ‘Third Way’ agenda. With social democratic‐led governments in power in France, Germany and Great Britain, this ideological competition has to a certain extent been mapped onto these member states’ statecraft agendas. The article makes three points. First, that there is a high degree of institutional ‘fit’ between of the Federal Republic and the European Union and that this potentially favours the successful transfer of German policy initiatives to the EU level. Second, that the ‘Red‐Green model’ of political co‐operation between the SPD and Greens is grounded within the parameters of sub‐national politics and is not easily adapted to the demands of the national and supranational levels. Third, that as a result of this, any distinctively ‘German’ social democratic agenda for Europe is more likely to have the ideas of the ‘Neue Mitte’ at its core.

Class-Specific Habitus and the Social Reproduction of the Business Elite in Germany and France

Based on two empirical studies of senior executives, this article examines key aspects of Bourdieu's theory of the reproduction of social class structures. In the European business elite, to what extent can one find empirical evidence for the central significance accorded to class specific habitus and exclusive educational institutions in this process? To this end, the article presents comprehensive information about the social origin and educational trajectories of the chairpersons of the 100 largest German and French enterprises from 1995, compared to corresponding statistics from the years 1970 to 1972. An analysis of this information shows that in both countries, almost 80% of senior executives are recruited from the social elite: the gehobenes Bürgertum or the classe dominant. In France, the main source for this elite recruiting is located in educational system, with sharp selection mechanisms involved in the granting of exclusive degrees. In contrast, these play only a subordinate role in Germany. The primary criteria here are the personality traits deemed desirable for certain positions. These strongly favour offspring of the gehobenes Burgertum. In the end, class-specific habitus turns out to be decisive in a direct sense (Germany) or indirectly (France) for the reproduction of social relations. Bourdieu's analysis is thus confirmed in its main points.

The Road to the Austrian State Treaty

The path that led to Austrian independence in 1955 has often been ignored in Cold War scholarship. Although Austria was a battleground for East-West conflict in Europe from 1945 to 1955, it often gets short shrift compared to the detailed analysis of Germany's role in the Cold War. This essay seeks to redress that imbalance, taking as a starting point the valuable new book by Günter Bischof, Austria and the First Cold War, 1945–1955. Bischof's analysis is not uniformly convincing, but he makes a valuable contribution to our understanding of a neglected part of Cold War history. Although the book provides some helpful speculation about why the Soviet Union decided to sign the Austrian State Treaty after years of stalling, far more research on this particular issue is needed.

From the Bonn to the Berlin republic

This article identifies semi‐sovereignty as the defining characteristic of the Bonn Republic. This is associated with an external role of reflexive multilateralism, a concentrated party system, a co‐operative opposition and a moderate policy style. The article then looks at these defining characteristics in relation to the Berlin Republic. Germany's role in external security provision is seen as the biggest change.

Transboundary cooperation on Germany's Borders: Strategic regionalism through multilevel governance

Germany has played a central role in elevating transboundary cooperation to the relatively high political status it now enjoys within the European Union (EU) for geopolitical, economic, and historical reasons. In promoting transboundary cooperation, Germany has pursued an agenda of institutionalization based on the vertical and horizontal integration of different spatial levels of transboundary interaction through both state and nonstate actors that represent European border regions. This essay characterizes and discusses the development of transboundary cooperative organizations along Germany's border and the attempts to establish a system of multilevel governance to address border‐related issues. Germany's track record in the latter respect is mixed. Intergovernmental rivalries, as well as basic design flaws in European policy are singled out as primary obstacles to more effective cooperation. The overall political context of transboundary regionalism is framed here in terms of Germany's pivotal economic and political role within the overall project of European integration. Given the ambiguities of cooperative experiences, the essay concludes with more general research questions regarding the significance of transboundary forms of regional governance within an evolving European Union.

Germany and the use of force: still a 'civilian power'?

Germany's military participation in the Kosovo War against Serbia represents an evolution but not a fundamental departure in its post-war security policy as a 'civilian power'. The decision to join the air strikes even in the absence of a mandate by the UN Security Council was motivated by considerations which have long been central to Germany's foreign-policy role concept. As a result of the Kosovo experience, Germany now is moving towards restructuring its armed forces to make them smaller, more professional and more capable of intervening in crises beyond traditional NATO contingencies. But the shift will probably be slow and messy. Germany's future role in ESDP therefore is likely to be paradoxical: while providing strong political support for further advances in European security and defence integration, Germany's military contribution may continue to fall short of expectations.

United Germany's Role in the Post-Cold War Era

United Germany's Role in the Post-Cold War Era

The Mark of the Bundesbank: Germany's Role in European Monetary Cooperation. By Dorothee Heisenberg. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999. 214p. $49.95. - Germany and the Politics of Europe's Money. By Karl Kaltenthaler. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998. 146p. $49.95 cloth, $16.95 paper. - Deutsche Mark Politics: Germany in the European Monetary System. By Peter Henning Loedel. Boulder, CO: Lynne

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An overview of returns in Europe

This paper is an attempt to present a digest of European security returns. In this respect, Table 7 summarizes key data over recent years. The table presents information for the period 1967 to 1990. By and large, within Europe, equity returns appear to be very similar. To the extent that if differences exist, they can probably be attributed to too short a period for utterly unambiguous data on returns to be achieved. But there may be another explanation which relates to an international capital asset pricing model and the sinews of this topic are explored towards the end of the paper. Data are presented which compare and contrast the part played by equity markets in the structure of corporate financing in Europe. These show the contrasting cult of the equity share, with its high emphasis in Britain and much lower role in Germany and France, for example. Other statistics reveal differing share ownership structures and pension fund portfolio distributions in European countries. That the topic of realized European security returns requires further research is obviously the case. It is hoped that this paper — and others in this issue — will stimulate a desire to undertake the necessary investigations.

The mark of the Bundesbank: Germany's role in European monetary cooperation

With the Bundesbank now the dominant German actor in international monetary cooperation, Germany's partner states have begun to consider the requirements of the bank - rather than the government - paramount. Dorothee Heisenberg maintains that the evolution of the Bundesbank is key to understanding how and why Europeans chose to achieve monetary union. Heisenberg demonstrates that the domestic relationship between the Bundesbank and the German government is a significant determinant of cooperation at the European level. Drawing on historical evidence from 1968 to the present, she reveals that the bank has at times been willing to change its domestic monetary policies solely on the basis of the international situation. Similarly, it has become increasingly likely to challenge the government's monetary policy, and was the primary force in negotiating EMU.

Strategies of the 'green' member states in EU environmental policy-making

This article investigates the strategies of the 'leaders' in EU environmental policy-making. A typology of strategies of influencing EU environmental policy is introduced, distinguishing between different kinds of 'pushers' and 'forerunners'. With the help of this typology, the positions and strategies of the 'green' member states after the accession of Sweden, Finland and Austria are analysed. It is concluded, among other things, that differences in strategies of articulating environmentally progressive positions in the EU may seriously thwart effective alliance-building between the 'leaders'. Denmark is identified as the most activist 'green' member state. In Sweden and Austria, pragmatism now prevails. The Netherlands and Finland have the most constructive approach. Germany has largely abandoned its activism of the 1980s in favour of more defensive tendencies. Because of its political and economic impact, the role of Germany is crucial among the 'green' member states.

European spatial development policy in ‘Maastricht II’?

This article summarizes the historical development of European Union and member state thinking on European Spatial development policy. In particular, it focuses on the implications of such thinking upon actual planning policies for future policy developments. It pays special attention to the role of Germany in advocating such integrated thinking with respect to the Intergovernmental Conference and the future of the Structural Funds. The article concludes that the future of a coordinated European Spatial development policy remains uncertain.

Return of the Mittellage? The discourse of the centre in German foreign policy

Except in the years of the Cold War, the discourse of the centre had a major impact on German foreign policy. After the end of the Cold War, the emphasis on the centre role of Germany is likely to reemerge. This article traces the different manifestations of the discourse of the centre from the founding of the Reich in 1871 to the end of the Cold War in 1990. It is argued that the context of the discourse today is different from previous historical experiences and that Germany's centre role is not likely to be or to become incompatible with the present European security architecture.

Professionalisation of parliamentary roles in germany: An aggregate‐level analysis, 1949–94

The professionalisation of parliamentary politics and the rise of the career politician is one of the most important changes in post‐war German parliamentarism. In the first part of this article, aggregate data are used to describe the nature and extent of this trend over time (1949–94). In the second part, Robert K. Merton's concept of ‘role‐set’ is used to examine how professionalisation affects the strategies to reduce disturbances within role‐sets. First results, which are only tentative at this stage, suggest that the great emphasis on committee work in the Bundestag is consistent with Merton's strategy of ‘abridging role‐sets’ and ‘insulating role activities from observability’, while the high degree of voting cohesion and party solidarity could be explained with Merton's strategies of mutual ‘social support’ and ‘differences in power’.

Hegemony, Dominance or Leadership?

This article explains Germany's function and role in European monetary cooperation. It refutes two popular hypotheses in this context — (1) that Germany serves as a regional hegemon comparable to the role of the United States in the Bretton Woods system; and (2) that Germany is dominant in terms of influencing policies in a unidirectional sense. Instead it argues that Germany's position of monetary power is policy-based by virtue of its status as a strong currency country. This has been the basis for two crucial leadership functions Germany has provided in the European Monetary System (EMS), namely those of a standard-setter and broker. The article also describes the changing circumstances for the exercise of leadership that are associated with a move to a monetary union as envisioned in the Maastricht Treaty. As in the case of the EMS, the ultimate success of a future monetary union depends heavily on the emergence of leadership.

Financing the German Mittelstand

This paper describes how the German Mittelstand, or small- and medium-sized enterprises, are financed in Germany. The role of the German Mittelstand, both in a static and in a dynamic framework, is described and contrasted with that of the same size group in other leading industrialised countries. We find that in general, the Mittelstand has played a mmore important role in Germany than in other industrialised nations, such as the United States or the United Kingdom. The traditional success of the German Mittelstand is partly attributable to a system of finance that is richly layered by complementary institutions designed to meet the financial needs of both large and smaller enterprises. However, we find evidence that even under the German system of finance liquidity constraints exist and are greater for smaller firms. The German system of finance moreover seems particularly deficient in the channeling of funds to new firm startups in the newer industries.

Reading about the Enemy: school textbook representation of Germany's role in the war with Britain during the period from April 1940 to May 1941

Abstract Much analysis of National Curriculum emphasis upon ‘British history’ has centred upon ‘national identity’. This article argues that coverage of ‘British history’ will inevitably present images of other nations. In developing a sense of ‘Britishness’ pupils will attach identities to other nations. The focus is school textbook coverage of Germany's wartime role from April 1940 to May 1941. In covering Britain's ‘finest hour’ texts present images of the German enemy. These images are explored using quantitative and qualitative research techniques. Images of mindless instinctive aggression by automatons are in the foreground of what I term the ‘German condition’. The means employed by school textbooks to construct these images are also analysed. School text coverage is compared with a small number of established academic histories. These are shown to be both richer and more diverse in character. This article concludes by considering the political and educational questions raised. There are concerns a...

Bank credit in the ERM: an investigation of the role of Germany

This letter examines the role of Germany in the determination of bank credit in the EU. For a sample of ERM members, the Johansen procedure is employed to test for bivariate cointegrating relationships with Germany. Causality is investigated using the error correction methodology advocated by Engle and Granger. Long-run equilibrium relationships with Germany are identified in all cases. However, the results lend limited support to the German dominance hypothesis since credit provision appears to be more interactive in nature.

Mitteleuropa: history and prospects

The disintegration of the Cold War division of Europe and the reunification of Germany have given new significance to the debate about the political, economic and cultural structure at the heart of Europe. Mitteleuropa: History and Prospects examines this topic in the light of recent research and analyzes the conflicting attempts to understand and shape the region over the last century. The contributors give detailed critical and historical assessments of: the role of Germany; the social, political and economic distinctiveness of the region; and the attitude of the states outside the area. Finally, they discuss future prospects for Europe.