Role Of Economic Interests Research Articles

Higher expectations from international trade: ‘Proactive’ and ‘reactive’ contributions to Turkish-Russian relations

Abstract Turkish foreign policy has undergone a distinctive transformation in the last two decades, placing a greater emphasis on trade relations with her neighbours, which had previously been beyond the scope of Turkish foreign policy. In this respect, Turkey's relations with Russia improved dramatically due to strong trade relations, which not only contributed to the development of these countries but also resulted in peace-inducing effects. This study aims to highlight and analyse the role of economic interests and gains in the transformation of Turkish foreign policy from a political economic perspective. The study suggests that economic interests brought Turkey and Russia together, making hostilities less likely among the two countries. We make also policy recommendations, which take peculiarities of Russia into consideration in order to highlight further gains in trade relations with this country.

Ecosystem approach in the context of economic interest management

The relevance of the subject matter is conditioned by the need to find ways to solve the problem of environmental safety and ensure effective management. The purpose of the study is to structure the national security system with the allocation of environmental and economic subsystems, constructive and critical analysis of the main opinions and positions of scientists regarding the nature and aspects of the ecosystem approach in solving environmental safety, further development of the ecosystem approach based on economic management methods. The study is based on the use of system and matrix approaches, methods of generalisation, modelling, analysis and synthesis, content analysis. It is proved that the national security system includes, in particular, environmental and economic subsystems and that there is objectively an internal system connection between these subsystems, which, when used correctly, should ensure the effective functioning and development of both subsystems. The study outlined the functional-subject matrix of the ecological safety system, which would contribute to the systematisation of different areas of its research. It is established that from the standpoint of management theory, the ecological subsystem is defined as controlled one, and the economic subsystem – as a controlling one; the management is ensured by the fact that the former includes not only natural but also human resources (consumers of ecosystem services, managers in the environmental sphere or performers of environmental functions). It is substantiated that for the effective solution of ecological problems it is necessary to factor in the economic interests of such people, as economic interests serve as the basis of the economic (most effective) method of management. The practical value of the study lies in the development of an economic method of the environmental safety system management and justification of the role of economic interests, which would contribute to the practical solution of environmental problems in Ukraine

What Drives Public Acceptance of Reforms? Longitudinal Evidence from the Run-Up of the Increase of the Dutch Retirement Age

Governments often find it hard to pursue economic reforms, even if they will eventually benefit a majority of voters. The literature is inconclusive about the drivers of public acceptance of reforms. While some scholars stress the role of economic interests, dividing the young and the old in the case of pay-as-you-go pensions, others stress the role of poor information or ideology. This paper attempts to disentangle these various factors by focusing on a successful recent reform trajectory: the 2012 increase of the Dutch statutory retirement age from 65 to 67 (and increasing with life expectancy thereafter). We exploit a unique longitudinal dataset on attitudes of Dutch households on pension reform in the 2003-2013 period. Our findings offer various new insights. First, we find that education, occupational status and psychological traits are the most systematic drivers of acceptance of reform, while age has only a limited impact. Second, and importantly, we find that year effects are the main drivers of respondents' acceptance of reform. We interpret the pattern of the year effects as evidence of a collective learning process where households gradually update their expectations and reform preferences to new information and communication.

The development and deployment of low-carbon energy technologies: The role of economic interests and cultural worldviews on public support

Large-scale deployment of low-carbon energy technologies is crucial to mitigating climate change, and public support is an important barrier to policies and projects that facilitate deployment. This paper provides insights to the origins of public opposition that can impede the adoption of low-carbon technologies by investigating how perceptions are shaped by local economic interests and individual cultural worldviews. The research considers both carbon capture and storage and wind energy technologies because they differ in maturity, economic impact and resource base. Further, for each technology, the research examines support for two types of policies: deployment in local community and public funding for research and development. Results indicate the influence of economic interests and cultural worldviews is policy specific. Individual cultural worldviews do not affect support for the deployment of technology, but they do significantly influence a person׳s support for publicly funded research and development. Conversely, local economic interests have a significant role in determining support for deployment, while they do not affect support for research and development.

Understanding ‘Utilitarian’ Support for European Integration in Scotland and Wales: the Role of Economic Interests, National Identity and Party Support

While the changing positions of ethnic and regionalist parties towards European integration have been studied in detail recently, there has been comparatively little attention given to the attitudes of sub-state electorates. This paper assesses the impact of socio-economic status, partisanship, national identity and other explanatory factors on attitudes towards European Union membership in two distinct regions of the UK. It uses binary logistic regression estimation to assess which factors influence ‘utilitarian’ support for the European Union in Scotland and Wales with data from the British Household Panel Survey which allows for robust subgroup analysis. Socio-economic status, in particular educational attainment, gender, age grouping, religious commitment, partisanship and political interest, have an impact, while national identity—contrary to expectation—has surprisingly little effect. This paper makes a contribution to the study of public opinion towards the EU at the sub-state level and the attitudes of the Scottish and Welsh electorates since devolution.

Economic Interests and the European Union: A Catalyst for European Integration or a Hindrance?

This special issue of The British Journal of Politics & International Relations focuses on the role of economic interests in European integration. Economic interest groups are defined as representative associations that pursue—as their overriding objective—the material economic interests of their members. They include peak and sectoral business associations, trade unions, professional associations, farmers’ unions and associations representing small-scale businesses, shopkeepers and tradespeople. Economic interests can also include individual companies that lobby governments directly. Groups that represent political actors which do not focus explicitly on the material interests of their members and economic goals would be excluded from this definition: for example, women’s groups as well as nongovernmental associations that focus on environmental or human rights issues. Existing studies of the role of economic interests in European integration fall into one or more of four camps, none of which has entered into a sustained analysis of the role of all major economic interests and European integration. First, there are studies where the role of economic interests is part of and is seen in terms of a particular theory or analytical approach that makes broader claims about European integration. Andrew Moravcsik (1998), notably, examines a limited range of economic interests in the context of his liberal intergovernmentalist study and understands national policy formation in terms of competing economic, and principally business, interests. Neo-functionalists emphasise the role of interests that operate supranationally and independently of the activities of national governments to shape EU-level policy developments. For neo-functionalists, economic interests proactively support the successive integration of various sectors of the economy in order to diminish the transaction costs created from the cross-border movement of goods, services, capital and people. Neo-Gramscians (van Apeldoorn 2002; Bieler 2001) focus upon the pro-integration role of transnational business and financial interests and the complex positioning of trade unions. In the second camp, there are studies of a broad range of interest groups operating at the EU level but not economic interests per se. Justin Greenwood and Mark Aspinwall’s (1998) edited volume explores EU-level policy-making as a collective action problem involving various interests. Greenwood (2007) has undertaken the

Policy-Making and Integration in the European Union: Do Economic Interest Groups Matter?

What lessons can be learnt about the role of economic interests in European integration? This article seeks to answer this question by looking at four themes: (1) the role of economic interest groups on national preference formation; (2) the role of economic interest groups on EU policy-making; (3) the effect of the EU on the economic interest groups; and (4) the role of economic interest groups on the process of European integration. This article finds that economic interests groups do not ‘a priori’ act in favour of European integration. Also we can conclude that economic interest groups seek to influence both national and EU level actors and institutions. Finally, the process of European integration affects the overall environment in which economic interest groups operate. Overall, economic interest groups appear to play a more prominent role in EU governance and policy-making than the literature on European integration theories typically has emphasised.

Klassepositie, conservatisme en progressiviteit: theoretische problemen rond empirische samenhangen

A theoretical discussion of available research findings yields the conclusion that whereas 'economic' conservatism-progressiveness can be explained by class, 'cultural' conservatism-progressiveness cannot. It is demonstrated why a rejection of the latter part of this thesis implies a neglect of the distinction between the description of political differences between occupational groupings on the one hand and the explanation of political values from class differences on the other. After a discussion of the intellectual origins of the theoretical problems which have been established in this article, research into i) the one- or two-dimensionality of political values, ii) the role of economic interests, and iii) processes of self-selection regarding educational and occupational choice is indicated as an important means to help and solve them.

Beyond Economism: Urban Political Economy and the Postmodern Challenge

ABSTRACT:Urban political economy has been prone to two errors: overgeneralizing to abstract theory and overemphasizing the role of economic interests. Drawing on postmodern philosophy, the author examines these two errors, which he labels economism, and suggests a more concrete culturally rooted approach to urban political economy. The author develops his argument through a critique of the conventional concept of urban economic restructuring. Far from being a unified global process, urban economic restructuring is, in fact, highly fragmented and rooted in particular political and cultural relations. Geographically rooted political and cultural loyalties are not drags on economic growth but are essential, the author argues, for a well-functioning economy. The paper concludes with some policy implications for the problem of concentrated urban poverty.

The Brazilian Borrowing Experience: From Miracle to Debacle and Back

Since 1981 the Brazilian economic and political system has passed through a period of crisis and upheaval. The country's foreign debt has been at the center of its economic problems, and the debt crisis has defined many of the contours of the political crisis. This article will examine Brazil's accumulation of the Third World's largest foreign debt and the consequences of both the debt and the debt crisis for the Brazilian pattern of economic and political development. The article will focus on the role of economic interests, specifically the role of different sectors of the Brazilian business community, in the borrowing boom and bust.

Some comments on the role of economic interests in Australian federation

Some comments on the role of economic interests in Australian federation

The role of economic interests in Australian federation: A reply to professor R. S. Parker

The role of economic interests in Australian federation: A reply to professor R. S. Parker