Rise Of Populist Parties Research Articles

No coalition is an island: how pre-electoral coalitions at the national-level shape local elections

ABSTRACT The rise of populist parties has affected the structure of electoral competition on the national level. To evaluate the depth of such changes, this paper examines whether pre-electoral coalitions (PEC) that contested the 2021 Czech general election aiming to replace the populist ANO in the government were replicated at the local level. Using the probit multilevel model estimated on the dyads, the results indicate that local pre-electoral coalitions were more likely to form if they were based on two (of three) pre-electoral coalitions that contested the 2021 general election. The strength of the populist party, however, does not increase the probability of anti-populist PECs. Instead, parties in local opposition are more likely to coalesce together, no matter which party governs. In addition, forming PEC in the Senate election is associated with a higher probability of forming the same PEC in local election.

Civil Society as the Arena of the New European Climate Hegemony

Using a neo-Gramscian approach, this paper explores the concept of civil society as an arena where European climate hegemony is built. The EU’s green transition, which involves deep social and economic transformations, needs extensive popular support to avoid social instability and the rise of populist parties. To achieve this, the European Commission is trying to construct a counter-hegemonic discourse that challenges the traditional modes of a fossil fuel-based economy by creating an alliance of actors around the ideology of just transition. Therefore, the study addresses the following research question: who are the change agents within European civil society that have aligned with the alliance, and how is fostering a counter-hegemonic discourse against the traditional economic model? By employing a qualitative methodological approach, the study explores the crucial function of civil society in the European green transition, exposing the most important agents and how these agents facilitate the formation of a new climate hegemony.

Civil society and populism in Europe: outbreak or cure?

ABSTRACT Scholarly debates on the links between the rise of populist parties, leaders, and movements and the role of civil society are growing and increasingly fascinating. However, this is one of the areas within ‘populism studies’ that has received less attention. Exploring the links between populism and civil society opens up space for many possible avenues of research, rooted in different research traditions. This special issue, with a total of 10 papers, aims to deepen this increasingly important line of research, highlighting both lesser-described forms and examples of populism as well as dominant forms of populism in Europe, such as right-wing or left-wing populism. In this introduction, we aim to (1) outline the various links between populism and civil society and place them in the context of populism studies, and (2) summarise the papers in this issue and their main findings.

Postmodern Interpretation of the Rise of Populism in Italy in the Context of the Offensive Against Liberal Democracy

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the rise of populism in Italy against the background of the crisis of liberal democracy. The aim of the work is to determine the influence of postmodern phenomena described by such scientists as J.F. Lyotard, J. Der Derian and J. Baudrillard, on the rise of populist parties and movements in Italy. The object of the study was the phenomena of the postmodern world. The subject of the work is their influence on the rise of populism and disillusionment with liberal democracy in Italy. Special attention is paid to the new challenges of the 2020s for Europe and especially for Italy, where populists have achieved particular success. Against the background of these challenges, the phenomena characteristic of the postmodern era made Europeans doubt the liberal democratic paradigm, which led to the strengthening of right-wing radicals and populists. The novelty of the study is directly highlighting the connection between the rise of populism in Europe and the crack of the liberal democratic paradigm against the background of the migration crisis, the coronavirus pandemic and the deterioration of relations with Russia due to the situation with Ukraine through the prism of the works of postmodern philosophers. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the postmodern processes of the modern world, such as the collapse of meta-narratives, global surveillance, the creation of myths, images and simulacra, are not correlated with the traditional representation of liberal democracy. Against the background of new challenges and threats, it discredits itself, which gives rise to the spread of populists who skillfully take advantage of the situation that has arisen. According to the results of the content analysis, it was confirmed that the opinion of populists depends on the current agenda. It has been hypothesized that the image of liberal democracy imposed by Europe does not correspond to the image of liberal democracy in the eyes of ordinary Italians, so they see the salvation of their roots and identity in populists.

How the Eurozone shapes populism: a comparative political economy approach

ABSTRACT The rise of populist parties is a defining feature of political change in the advanced capitalist countries. Whereas a large body of research explores populist parties in domestic politics, we know little about how populist parties of right and left have responded to the transformation of the transnational Eurozone regime. In this paper, we show how the diverse exposure to the costs and benefits of EMU can explain their EU-level economic policy positions and thereby create opportunities for populist alliances across the left-right divide. In the debtor countries of Southern Europe, populist parties of both right and left have resisted demands for neoliberal reform during the Euro crisis while supporting fiscal risk-sharing arrangements during the COVID-19 pandemic, making populist left-right coalitions possible. In the creditor countries of Northern Europe, by contrast, populist right and left parties have been fundamentally divided throughout. Based on case study analyses of Germany and Italy, the most prominent creditor and debtor countries, our findings suggest that populist parties may only find common ground when ‘Brussels’ interferes in domestic policy-making autonomy by imposing neoliberal reform.

Feeling misinformation: contours of information enthusiasm

Previous research on the consumption of misinformation tends to understand emotions as reactions to content that reside within the individual. What is missing from this research, however, is a closer look at the infrastructures that mediate individuals’ encounters with content. Because of this gap, there has often been insufficient analysis of how today’s information environment, and in particular the materiality of digital information infrastructures, lead users to engage with content. Based on a relational understanding of emotions inspired by affect theory, this article proposes the concept of information enthusiasm to describe specific emotional connections between users and information infrastructures. Drawing from interviews with 28 users of German alternative news sites that disseminate misinformation, disinformation, and hyper-partisan news content, I illustratively analyze a couple of these emotional connections, and show how they in turn influence users’ engagement with content. Overall, this article extends the prevailing understanding of emotions and misinformation, arguing that emotions not only influence individual judgment, but can also bind users to alternative news infrastructures leading them to actively seek out, embrace, and endorse misinformation.

Corruption and partisan polarization: evidence from the European Union

Recent work documents that even though partisan polarization may have detrimental economic and social outcomes, polarized societies lead to better governance and less corruption. However, the effect of corruption on partisan polarization has been mostly ignored by the literature. By using various measures of partisan polarization and corruption, this paper demonstrates that corrupt behaviours are associated with more partisan polarization in the European Union, indicating that a stronger presence of corruption leads to higher partisan polarization. The findings are robust to the use of different polarization measures, methodologies, and a battery of control variables. This paper’s main finding, increased corruption leading to increased partisan polarization, provides another important mechanism beyond the standard socio-economic factors that led to the current rise in support of parties opposing to European Union and rise of populist parties in European Union. Polarized societies tend to generate inefficient economic outcomes and the alleviation of corruption could improve economic outcomes by decreasing partisan polarization.

Think different? Populist attitudes and their consequences on vote behaviour in the 2016 and 2020 italian constitutional referenda

Following the rise of populist parties and leaders in the last decade, research has extensively investigated the political and economic factors that have driven some voters towards populism. Less research has been devoted to the individual psychological factors associated with populist attitudes, and to how those can influence political decisions, such as vote choice in an election or referendum. In this study, we analysed data from the 2016 and 2020 ITANES panel surveys, where populist attitudes were measured by a 6-item scale. Findings indicate that populist attitudes were associated with relevant psychosocial factors, such as nationalism, political efficacy, and conspiracist beliefs. Populist attitudes in turn explained part of the variance in vote choice at both referenda, after controlling for the evaluation of the reform and political orientation. Furthermore, we found that voters with strong populist attitudes were more likely to engage in motivated reasoning in the form of the biased evaluation of the foreseeability of the referendum results, making simplified and self-reassuring evaluations aligned with their vote choice. The discussion focuses on how populism as a political phenomenon can be rooted in relevant individual differences in the psychological features of voters.

Solving the restructuring problems of (former) old industrial regions with smart specialization? Conceptual thoughts and evidence from the Ruhr

(Former) old industrial regions are a specific kind of lagging regions that suffer from long-term restructuring problems and deindustrialization. They are back in the focus of many researchers as well as media observers, because of the rise of populist parties in many of these regions in North America and Europe. Therefore, new policy options are discussed in the literature. In this paper, we critically discuss the effects of smart specialization as the most recent regional policy strategy in Europe on solving the restructuring problems and deindustrialization in (former) old industrial regions and we illustrate our analysis with a view on the Ruhr in Germany. Since smart specialization focuses on existing endogenous potential and entrepreneurial discovery processes from the region, vested interests in (former) old industrial regions might hinder necessary restructuring. Although potentially path transformation might be fostered in some cases, overall, smart specialization is certainly not a quick fix for solving long-term negative effects of restructuring and deindustrialization in (former) old industrial regions.

Beyond the Wave, the Sea: Re-assessing the Impact of the Economic Crisis on Southern Europe's Populist Upsurge

The paper re-assesses the relation between the economic crisis and the rise of populist parties in the South of Europe. It argues that the former did not cause the latter directly, but rather played out as a catalyst of previously existing trends, i.e. the erosion of party democracy and the disintermediation of Western societies. It combines several theoretical approaches to advance an explanatory model that replaces the relation between crisis and populism – conceived of as political, performative and discursively mediated – within its structural pre-conditions. By doing so, it aims at providing a synthetic and steady explanation of the contemporary rise of populism in Southern Europe and beyond.

The use of religion by populist parties: the case of Italy and its broader implications

ABSTRACT The rise of populist parties in Europe and the increasing salience of religion in political discourse are two relevant, sometimes discussed as interrelated, phenomena of recent decades. While most analysis focuses on right-wing populism, this does not exhaust all possible relationships. This study addresses the role of religion in populist parties by focusing on the Italian case and adopting a comparative cross organisational perspective shedding light on how left-wing and right-wing populists use religion for different purposes. Drawing on interview data with party representatives and analysis of organisational documents and speeches, we explore the presence and the uses of religious appeals in the two populist Italian parties in recent years. We show that their use of religion varies on three dimensions: i) hierarchy of identifications, ii) salience, and iii) frame. The League represents ‘cultural populism’: religion is used as an ‘identity marker’ that is highly salient and an instrument for framing specific topics. Conversely, the Five Star Movement exemplifies ‘political/economic populism’, in which religion as an identifier is present but less salient and used to frame citizenship in juridical/legalist terms. These different usages of religion lead to different definitions of the ‘people’ and therefore in-group constituencies.

Oh Britannia: Great Britain’s Exit from the European Union and Its Impact on Globalism and Nationalism

Abstract Globalization unleashed trends such as the free movement of capital, people, and goods; trickle-down economics, and diminished stature of nation-states. While largely embraced by most countries in the WTO, a growing tension within the European Union to push back went largely ignored until recently. Britain’s exit represents such a push back, a rejection of a single banking system, a single budget, and a single political entity. This article examines the historic 2016 British referendum that saw 52 percent of voters favor England leaving the EU. This research serves four purposes: one, to identify the origins of this important referendum as well as the positions of both its supporters and detractors; two, to analyze the fallout of the vote and its impact on other European nations; three, to correlate the results of this referendum and the rise of populist parties on the left and right in the EU; and four, to discuss briefly what the future holds for globalism.

Managing incoherence. Social democratic parties and transnational issues in Europe

ABSTRACT Do political parties keep their promises? The coherence between parties’ ideology and policy output have always attracted scholarly interest. Moreover, the importance of political parties’ accountability has dramatically increased also because of the rise of populist parties. This paper aims at contributing to the current debate by investigating different phases: the electoral manifestoes, the framing on issues in parliament, the votes, and the ways through which the manifestoes for the following elections change. What are the patterns parties can adopt to address a possible dissonance between electoral platforms, votes, and frames? Are there recurrent patterns of party behaviour between manifestoes, rhetoric, and policy outputs? To answer these research questions, the manuscript builds on a cross-country and cross-time (2007–2017) empirical analysis of three West European social democratic parties and their attitudes towards transnational issues, such as migration, terrorism, military operations and the financial crisis. The paper, which is based on content analysis of debates and manifestoes, identifies several patterns parties can follow for managing these crises. This paves the way for further variable-testing research.

Discourses of the Willkommenskultur (Welcoming culture) in Germany

ABSTRACT Given the rise of populist parties in Germany and the charge that multiculturalism is dead, the present research examines how everyday Germans formulate an account of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. We employ a critical discursive psychological analysis and focus particularly on the arguments used to criticize cultural diversity and multiculturalism. Asynchronous online interviews were conducted with eighteen native-born German citizens. The data analysis shows that participants criticized cultural diversity and multiculturalism by deploying ‘Leitkultur-style’ nationalistic discourses and normalizing the hierarchical relations between immigrants and Germans. Participants also questioned multiculturalism as an ideology and everyday practice and moved back and forth between diverging accounts. These discourses reinforce dominant ideologies that place immigrants’ responsibility to assimilate and adopt German cultural norms and values. Our findings suggest that there are critical, flexible, and contradictory social markers of multiculturalism that have significant ramifications for policy and to everyday people who face the real task of living with cultural diversity.

Picture-perfect populism: Tracing the rise of European populist parties on Facebook

This article presents a longitudinal, structural study where party and citizen activity on Facebook is studied over a 10-year period, outlining the growing importance of audio-visual content for online campaigning purposes – as well as the rise of populist parties on the same platform. The study shows that an overall increased focus on video as a means of communication emerges as especially pertinent for native Facebook functionalities. This could have repercussions for how online political communication messages are fashioned – and also for the dependencies on platforms that are supposedly strengthened as parties make choices regarding where to invest their campaign resources. In terms of citizen engagement, the results indicate the dominance of populist parties, who have strengthened their positions on the studied platform. The dominance of populist actors will likely have repercussions for the algorithmic spread of political messages – as well as for the ways in which political messages are shaped.

How Populism and Polarization Affect Europe’s Liberal Democracies

In recent years, two phenomena have put Europe’s liberal democracies under strain: populism and polarization. The rise of populist parties, the increasing radicalization of publics and political discourse, as well as the expansion of hyperpartisan media have caused concern among observers and citizens alike. While lively academic discussions have revolved around the causes of these phenomena, research regarding their real-world consequences has been sparse. This thematic issue wants to address this gap in the literature and contribute to developing strategies for mitigating potential threats populism and polarization may pose to liberal democracies. To this end, it examines how populism and polarization affect citizens across Europe. It links research on audiences of hyperpartisan media with work on elite-induced polarization, populist conceptions of democracy, election results and support for the democratic system, and policy-making by populist governments.

The rise of populist parties in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal

Populism is on the rise in Europe and America, and understanding its origins and evolution is becoming increasingly important. In this study, I investigate the effects of the exposure of corruption scandals on populist parties in Italy, exploiting a novel dataset based on electoral data at the municipal level. I find that local corruption exposure helps the populist parties in national elections and hurts the incumbents as the scandals are revealed.

Populism and health inequality in high-income countries.

The rise of populist parties and movements in general and right-wing populist parties in particular has been noted also in the public health literature. While economic and other factors behind the populist surge have been systematically analyzed in the political and social science literature, the understanding of this political phenomenon seems weak in important parts of the public health literature. The lack of analysis of economic effects on health inequity of immigration of people with low levels of work skills to many high-income countries is given with the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health report as an example. Public health scholars should be able to fully analyze all effects on health inequity within countries. Public health scholars and professionals may lose credibility if they do not fully assess all relevant determinants, and the investigation of health inequity within countries should consider all systemic roots. Health inequity between countries is a crucial issue and should be addressed through international cooperation between countries, regions and international organizations. The approach from political science and social science should be adopted.

Authoritarian footprints in Central and Eastern Europe

ABSTRACT Central and Eastern Europe is the last world region to transition towards democracy. Today, it shows alarming signs of de-consolidation, most prominently in Hungary, Poland, and Serbia. This article assesses whether these observations form part of a systematic pattern across the region. It relies on newly-updated objective data from the Democracy Barometer for the period between 1990 and 2016. It revisits evidence for the three most prominent explanations of democratic backsliding in the region: the rise of populist parties, the incapacity of the European Union to secure democracy once pre-accession incentives weaken, and the global financial crisis.

When Charisma is no Longer Enough. Insights on Populist Parties’ Leadership from the (Northern) League

Abstract Several scholars of populism have pointed out that populist parties rely very oft en on so-called charismatic leadership (Canovan, 1981; McDonnell, 2015). While the rise of populist parties in Europe in the last decade is quite evident and well-studied, what remains understudied is how this phenomenon interacts with other transformations that are currently shaping parties and party systems in European democracies. In particular, what is the interplay between the rise of populism, political leadership and personalization of politics? This link between populism and leadership could be understood in the light of the change occurring within party organizations, and internal party democratization in particular (Musella, 2015; Pogunkte and Webb, 2007; Karvonen, 2010; Scarrow et al. 2017). Following these studies underlining a close relationship between populism, leadership and inclusive leadership selection methods, in this paper we aim at empirically exploring how the personalization and democratization of organizational patterns affect the role of the leader in populist parties. To what extent does the use of inclusive selection methods of party leaders within populist parties affect the scope of their organizational power and strengthens the party’s personalization patterns? To explore this research question, we focus on a case study, the Lega Nord (LN) in Italy as an empirical illustration and we rely on original survey data, on aggregated electoral data as well as on primary and secondary data on party organizational rules.