Rise Of Nationalism In Europe Research Articles

The Shift of Global Political Power from London to Washington (1919-1945): Geopolitics of the Inter-War Period

Executive Summary: The current international order is based on the historical factors that unfolded in the past, one such major historical factor that shaped our current world is the shift of global power from the British Empire to the United States of America. The shift took place in the 20th century due to the unstable and ever-changing circumstances in the geopolitical realm. A host of different factors formed the rise of nationalism in Europe, anti-imperialist sentiments in colonies, and the First World War amongst others had a role to play in the unfolding of the event in question. The inter-war era i.e. the period of 1919-1945 which was the period of peace between the two World Wars could be said to be the most crucial period in this regard. The objective of this paper is to study the shift of political power from London to Washington in the inter-war period and to understand the effects of this seismic geopolitical change on the world at large. This paper will try to examine the shift by analyzing the economic, political, social, and geopolitical realities of the time. The various important events that occurred in the period like the Treaty of Versailles, humiliating conditions placed on Germany, formation of the League of Nations, etc. to understand their direct or indirect impact on the establishment of the United States of America as the global powerhouse that it today and how it first became a contender and them the victor of the cold war. The research uses several different research methods ranging from primary research, secondary sources, and comparative analysis of a few reliable sources that offer insight into the subject.

Shaping the European Future of Ukraine during Wartime

A significant amount of information is available regarding the onset of the Russian invasion, the progress and failures of the military attack, and the assistance to be provided by the international community once the war has ended. The authors of this paper and others have addressed these issues. However, given the uncertainty of when and how the war may ultimately end, it is essential to consider what can be done during the interim phase leading up to that point in the future. Specifically, this paper explores what Ukraine can do during wartime given changes in the global landscape, we examine how Ukraine can improve the rule of law during wartime, change its economic model, and promote empowerment within the country. On the internal front, Ukraine must combat paternalism and oligarchs, fight corruption, foster education and international contacts, upgrade production and industrialization, address the impact of emigration on ageing, and work towards meeting the membership requirements for the European Union. Therefore, all importantly, in addition to a Marshall Plan to support the post-war rebuilding of Ukraine’s economy, preliminary measures towards changing the domestic socio-political regime are needed. Rules established during wartime will be critical in ensuring later assistance, as well as improving wellbeing and to contribute to a new upcoming world order. The future of Ukraine hinges on the outcome of elections in the United States, a s well as the rise of nationalism in Europe, both could mean a risk of diminishing support for Ukraine.

Novalis und Nietzsche. Analogien und Differenzen zweier Dichter-Denker

AbstractNovalis and Nietzsche: Analogies and Differences Between Two Poetic Thinkers.There are several substantial similarities between Novalis and Nietzsche. Stylistically, they both present their arguments and ideas in the form of short and concise prose (Aphorismus,Fragment), but there is also considerable overlap in terms of the general orientation of their thinking: both exhibit a certain concern for earthly nature and show an interest in the figure of the extraordinary individual, but they also have a common interest in physiology, in the idea of fiction, and in the night as a allowing for greater experiential depth. Moreover, Novalis and Nietzsche both warned of the rise of nationalism in Europe, to some extent anticipating a new form of war that eventually became a reality in the First World War. This essay, thus, seeks to outline a range of connections between early German romanticism and Nietzsche that would require further research.

Print Capitalism

Benedict Anderson connects the rise of print capitalism to the rise of nationalism in Europe as well as in the colonies. Print capitalism and nationalism shared a similar relationship in the Indian subcontinent too that remained a British colony for almost 200 years, from 1757 to 1947. Employing Deputy Nazir Ahmad’s novel, Mir’āt al-‘Urūs (1869), I argue that the introduction of print capitalism proved crucial to the rise of Muslim national consciousness and for Muslim women’s education to redefine their sociopolitical role in the new Muslim imagined community under British colonization. Print capitalism, via the possibility of mass-produced books like Mir’āt al-‘Urūs, transformed the Muslim national imagination by making Indian Muslims a community in anonymity. I offer this new reading of Mir’āt al-‘Urūs to trace the interaction of print capitalism, Muslim national consciousness, and new roles for Muslim women in colonial India.

Burgerschapsvorming en nationale identiteit

Abstract Citizenship Education and National Identity On February 7, 2107, the Dutch minister and the state secretary of education sent a letter to the parliament about their proposed measures to improve citizenship education in primary and secondary schools. A new element in their plans was the concern for ‘national identity’. The main question this article raises is ‘Is it possible to promote national identity without promoting chauvinism? To answer the question the author first goes back to the three essays he wrote in the nineties when he noticed a new rise of nationalism in Europe. The central question of those essays was if people can do without a nation, in the words of Jean Améry: ‘How much “Heimat” does a human being need?’ Secondly the author summarizes a recent analysis of nationalism and xenophobia the 2017 parliamentary election campaign of six political parties to illustrate that the call for an emphasis on ‘national identity’ is quite common nowadays. His conclusion is however that ‘national identity’ should not be considered as a basic element of citizenship education. (Dutch) national identity does not exist, as de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regerngsbeleid (Scientific Council for Governmental Policy) concluded in a report in 2007, and all available elaborations of the concept exclude groups of people on beforehand.

The modern Invention of Barbarians: Ethnicity and the Transmission of Form

The history of art started with the myth of Barbarian invasions. Countering the timelessness of Classical art as affirmed by Winckelmann in the middle of the eighteenth century, a new argument arose: The West was propelled into modernity by the Barbarian invasions of the fourth and fifth centuries, as it was converted from paganism to Christianity. The infusion of the new blood of the northern races was seen to have engendered a new art, anti-Roman and anti-Classical, whose legacy was still apparent in Europe. This was a fantasmatic narrative, inseparable from the formation of nation-states and the rise of nationalism in Europe. Based on the dual assumption of the homogeneity and the continuity of their native populations, it assumed that styles depend on both blood and race; the “tactile” or “optical” qualities of an object became the unequivocal signs of its “Latin” or “Germanic” provenance, and museums organized their objects according to the “ethnic” identity of their creators.

Culture, structure and reciprocity: histoire croisée and its uses for the conceptualization of the rise and spread of national movements in Europe and the Atlantic World during the Age of Revolutions

This article seeks to continue the discussion carried on in previous editions of the journal concerning the concepts of transfer, crossed and entangled history and their employment in various fields of enquiry. Specifically, it attempts to clarify some of the principles associated with this growing body of scholarship and the manner in which they may aid in the conceptualisation and historiography of the rise of national movements over the period 1763–1848. Given the procedural dispositions described below, crossed or entangled histories on the rise of nationalism in Europe and the European colonial world would be expected to incline toward particular subject matter and questions, and even presuppose, to paraphrase another writer, a conception of the nation as ‘a relational (cultural) construct’. This largely cultural perspective on the rise and early history of national movements in Europe and the Atlantic World has a number of heuristic advantages, not least of which is its value in enabling productive linkages between older approaches to the subject.

Seoul, Conditions of Possibility, and the Postnational Hyperspace

Korean ‘official nationalism’ (as Anderson calls it) arose late, in a context of partition and its inevitable ambiguities, Confucian self-discipline but wildly violent politics, rapid economic growth, and then Korea's pivotal role in the electronics and e-economy booms of the 1980s and 1990s. Seoul had to be constructed as the national capital in the absence of continuity in its represented past, consequent on the attempted total obliteration of Korean identity by the Japanese colonialist regime and subsequent wartime destruction. Its ‘monuments’ are virtually empty of cultural referencing; even the National Assembly is a ‘painted shed’; new cultural production is overwhelmingly either pastiche or electronic; political activity slips from the Third Estate of popular democracy to an emerging Fifth Estate of the Internet and the weblog. While print capitalism may have been a necessary enabling condition for the rise of nationalism in Europe, the Americas, and beyond, as Anderson asserts, in Korea's case we may have the paradox of the weakly defined nation slipping away, into a wider imagined community, even as the dream of Korean distinctiveness cuts ever deeper.

Globalisation and Difference: Cosmopolitanism Before the Nation-State

In this paper, I have tried to reflect on what cosmopolitanism might mean in a very different era of globalisation than the present. Although cosmopolitanism, as an expansive and sociable vision, is often contrasted with the geographically limited perspective and claustrophobic affinities of nationalism, the term originates in a historical period before the rise of nationalism in Europe. I argue that the residents of the civilisations around the Indian Ocean in the medieval and early modern world were cosmopolitan even by the standards of the high modernist meaning of the term. Not only did a range of people transact and translate across different languages, but they also knew how to conduct themselves in different cultural settings with people of different religious beliefs, while respecting the disparate religious, social, and cultural practices of their neighbours.

Nationalism and family ideology: The case of Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century

At the turn of the 20th century, many European countries paid increasing attention to the family as a social institution. The interest itself was closely related to the rise of nationalism in Europe, and consequently, the family was supposed to serve its goals. Similar to German, Italian or French nationalists, Lithuanian-speaking intelligentsia were aware of the importance of the family in developing a strong nation. Nevertheless, unlike Westerners, the Lithuanian nationalists did not connect the family ideology with pronatalistic discourse. Lithuanian family ideology was not focused on procreation as its main goal. Only a nationally conscious wife and children raised in the Lithuanian spirit were considered to be the most solid base for a strong nation.

'Labyrinths of the future': Nietzsche's genealogy of European nationalism

In light of the continued primacy of national identities in European politics, this article considers the earlier and largely unexplored genealogy of modern European nationalism advanced by the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche towards the end of the nineteenth century. It argues that by analysing the rise of modern nationalism in Europe within the broader context of European nihilism, Nietzsche was able to gain original insights both about the appeal of national ideas in Europe and about why such ideas were perpetuated. On the basis of this unique understanding Nietzsche subsequently developed an innovative critique of modern nationalism that remains pertinent not only for the contemporary debate on Europe, but also for current attempts to theorize the rise of modern nationalism in Europe. Nietzsche's own idea of the 'good Europeans', in turn, is one that transcends nationalist perspectives without, however, replacing the former with an essentialist idea of Europe.