Rise Of Industrial Capitalism Research Articles

A REVIEW OF GREEN POLICY FROM THEORY TO PRACTICE

Environmental problems and the destruction of nature have been seen as one of the most important problems faced by humans and all other species. Since the rise of industrial capitalism, environmental problems have continued to be relevant. Accordantly, industrialization has been the absolute root of evil for green politics. In other words, the critique of industrialization represents the theme of the green movement. Green politics with anti-industrialism shapes itself over principles such as ecological limits of growth, contentment with less, reduction of consumption and population, respect for nature, generic justice, decentralization, rejection of discrimination, ecologically conscious citizens, creating projections of green ideals on daily life, small-scale technology and topicality. Green idea which was previously limited to environment and nature protectionism, has radicalized and developed its own depictions of "heaven" with green society imaginations which is in a sense an inherent feature of ideologies. On the other hand, green politics differs from other ideologies by putting the nature to the point of its vision and action. The Green movement, which accelerated its institutionalization activities at the end of the twentieth century, reached remarkable voting rates, especially in European countries, and succeeded in creating a universal public opinion on the issues that it could bend the policies. Since then green formations and contents have been observed in Turkey as well. However, ecological trends have lagged behind the development targets from right to left of the political spectrum.

Overview of Animal Dehumanization in the Context of Changing Capitalism

Animals have been our companions since the beginning of time. Unfortunately, with each new civilizational “leap”, the gap between humans and animals widens. From the initial position of equality, we began to see animals as slaves, then as machines, and finally just as numbers. This relationship between animals and humans is gradually deteriorating, and the trend is particularly pronounced with the rise of industrial capitalism, as it exacerbated the “dehumanization” of animals, as well as the simultaneous “animalization” of humans. In that sense, the goal of this paper is modest - it seeks to draw attention to recurrent themes in the evolution of the animal-human relationship across history and to warn how the development of capitalism affects the same relationship. Furthermore, since at the beginning of the 21st century capitalism seems to be going through new fundamental changes, we think it is the right time to pose some questions on the future of this relationship.

:The Afterlife of Enclosure: British Realism, Character, and the Commons

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Staging Depth: Eugene O’Neill and the Politics of Psychological Discourse

Staging Depth: Eugene O’Neill and the Politics of Psychological Discourse

Technophany and Its Publics: Artisans, Technicians, and the Rise of Vishwakarma Worship in India

Abstract The worship of Vishwakarma, a god long associated with India's hereditary artisans and their tools, has achieved new relevance with the rise of industrial capitalism in South Asia. No longer moored solely to artisanal caste interests, worship of the god heralds a range of publics in which technē (crafting, fabricating, or making) is an exalted activity and public concern. Using “technophany” as a conceptual framework, we argue that deifications of technology and technicity sit at the core of Vishwakarma worship. Rather than treat religion and technology as ontologically distinct modalities of being-in-the-world, we use this framework to show how artisans, technicians, mechanics, and engineers use Vishwakarma worship to bring industrial technologies into alignment with the cosmos. Drawing on historical and ethnographic materials, we push beyond earlier scholarship that has treated Vishwakarma worship as a holdover from peasant culture or as a set of practices pitted against industrial capitalism.

Perpetual Motion, Time, and Power: Christoph Ransmayr'sCoxas Novel of the Anthropocene

Christoph Ransmayr's novels are known for complex interactions with time and the reimaging of historical events. This article considers the function of historical imagination inCox oder der Lauf der Zeit(2016). The novel's fictional transposition to China of an eighteenth‐century quest for perpetual motion serves to link the control of time to the unprecedented worldly power of the Chinese emperor, but also to the decline of that power vis‐à‐vis the rise of industrial capitalism. The novel layers together the histories of perpetual motion and renewable energy, connecting both to emergent human geological agency. By framing this agency as the expression of the power of a few individuals, the novel opens spaces in which we can imagine a kind of thinking that might confront the constraints placed upon all of humanity by the actions of small groups in the past.

Tea War: A History of Capitalism in China and India by Andrew B. Liu

Reviewed by: Tea War: A History of Capitalism in China and India by Andrew B. Liu Elizabeth Joy Reynoldsereynolds@wustl.edu Andrew B. Liu. Tea War: A History of Capitalism in China and India. Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2020. 344 pp. $50.00 (cloth). Andrew B. Liu's Tea War transforms our understanding of the dynamics of global capitalism in China and India. Through an analysis of the competition over the tea trade, Liu rethinks the definition and scope of capitalism as we know it. The narrative structure of the book situates the work equally in both Chinese and Indian historiographies, as Liu presents a back-and-forth between the tea industries of China and India beginning with the First Opium War (1839–1842) and ending with the outbreak of the Second World War (1937–1945). Over the course of seven chapters, Liu traces the rise of the Chinese tea industry into the 1880s and shows the response of the colonial Indian tea industry in Assam, which overturned China's success by the 1890s and catalyzed a new mode of political economic thought among the Chinese reformers and intellectuals. Liu's work engages directly with the growing body of scholarship on North Atlantic histories of capitalism but does so from the perspective of the colonial and postcolonial contexts of China and India. Weaving a Marxist approach into a deep understanding of classical economy, he offers a groundbreaking work that must be required reading for any scholar seeking to understand the integration of China and India into a global capitalist market. Competition and labor are Liu's windows into the inner dynamics of capitalism. Competition in particular provides readers with a coherent method by which to understand the entangled nature of the tea trade in China and India. Specifically, it helps us locate the social and economic pressures placed on tea producers and laborers across interconnected geographies. Liu shows how China and India, despite not being at the center of Wallersteinian "cores," nonetheless engaged with globally competitive forces of capitalism. And, at a societal level, these pressures created the need for greater labor productivity in the marketplace. Through a history of the labor-intensive tea industries that were transformed by the global competition over the tea market, Liu demonstrates that the logic of capital accumulation was already present in China and India by the nineteenth century. Chapter 1 presents a longue durée narrative of tea cultivation and trade, while chapter 2, one of the most exciting for China scholars, focuses on the nineteenth-century tea industry in Anhui and Fujian, showing how global competition drove tea producers to increase productivity by relying on extant technologies. Factories in Anhui, for instance, used incense sticks that burned at a regular rate to create a regimen of fixed, abstract "timed labor," resembling the systems of work discipline recognized by E. P. Thompson (48). Though using incense sticks as timekeeping devices has a long history, Liu argues that their repurposing to increase labor productivity, and even to serve as a basis for remuneration, was an innovation that took place in the midst of China's integration with a global capitalist economy. "The rise of Industrial capitalism," as he puts it, "coincided with qualitative changes in the perception and consciousness of time" (66). In chapters 3 and 4, Liu shows how labor indenture in Assam emerged out of a crisis of political economic principles in colonial India. Originally holding fast to doctrines of classical political economy (embodied in the ideals of free market and free labor), the British could not make tea profitable (and could not effectively compete with the Chinese) without creating a system of indentured labor. The success of the tea industry in colonial [End Page E-34] Assam (and in China too), therefore, directly challenges the notion that capitalist production must rely on free labor and technological innovations. In Liu's words, "mechanization cannot stand in for the history of capitalism as a whole but rather is best resituated within the broader social compulsion toward rising productivity" (118–19). In other words, instead of defining capitalism through industrial technologies...

The Pragmatist Turn: Religion, the Enlightenment, and the Formation of American Literature

The Pragmatist Turn: Religion, the Enlightenment, and the Formation of American Literature

Social Justice as Environmental Justice. An interpretation of the Social Teaching of the Church from the practices

The Social Teaching of the Church has a long and rich history which started in the middle of the nineteenth century, in a time characterised by the rise of industrial capitalism and the need to address the “social question” in most European societies. Since the very beginning it was understood by many as an attempt to interpret the idea of social justice through the prism of Catholic religion. However, an interpretation of this kind is not a theoretical exercise that can be detached from social reality, but a reflection on social reality that focuses the attention on the worldly life of those who suffer the injustice. In this sense, the doctrinal body of the Church is alive and constantly evolving to adapt the teachings of the Gospel to the “signs of time”.

Artesanías, oficios y recuperación rural: las Hermanas de la Caridad, Halifax, y la formación profesional en la Bahía de Terence, Nueva Escocia, 1938-1942

En respuesta a la pobreza rural asociada al declive de la pesca, el ascenso del capitalismo industrial y el impacto de la Gran Depresión, las Hermanas de la Caridad pusieron en marcha un programa de formación profesional de tejido y carpintería en la pequeña comunidad de Terence Bay, Nueva Escocia, en 1938. El senador William Dennis, un defensor del Movimiento de Nueva Democracia (New Democracy Movement) financió el programa. Debido a que las hermanas basaron sus reclamaciones en el éxito que observaron en los cambios de conducta entre los residentes de Terence Bay, el programa puede ser percibido como un ejemplo de terapia liberal en materia educativa. Un modelo que enfatiza el logro de objetivos sociales en vez de la transferencia de habilidades y capacidades diferenciadas para los alumnos/as. Este artículo, que se centra en los años 1938-1943, señala los esfuerzos de rehabilitación en Terence Bay, describe los programas que implementaron las hermanas y evalúa las definiciones de éxito atribuidas a su escuela de formación sólo unos pocos años más tarde.

Beyond the Pletzl: Jewish urban histories in interwar France

In the 1930s, Walter Benjamin described Paris as ‘the capital of the nineteenth century’, the hub of cultural transformations precipitated by the rise of industrial capitalism. For good reasons, Jewish historians have followed suit in identifying Paris as the focal point for studies of political, social, cultural, demographic and economic change in France during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Moreover, native French Jewish religious and cultural administrative structures, implemented during Napoleon I's reign and further entrenched by reforms in the Third Republic, are centred in Paris. These conditions have rendered an abundance of source material documenting the rest of the country from the centre, a phenomenon that places even more weight on the capital as a locus for national processes that occur in its image.

The Paradox of the Paniolo: An Archaeological Perspective of Hawaiian Ranching

Commercial ranches are part of Hawai‘i’s colonial landscape and form an expansive archaeological horizon in rural parts of the islands. Ranching facilitated the evolution of folk societies of cowboys (paniolo) who incorporated Hawaiian language and values in daily working activities despite the multiethnic origins and nontraditional occupations of the workers. The archaeology of these communities in upland pastures of the Humu‘ula district on the eastern slopes of Hawai‘i Island is presented herein. The study provides an enhanced understanding of the evolution of colonial identities through multiple scales of analysis, including social, economic, and environmental responses of the rise of industrial capitalism, trends in vernacular architecture, engendered analyses of living floors, and microhistories embedded in individual artifacts.

The Dutch East-India Company and accounting for social capital at the dawn of modern capitalism 1602–1623

Capitalism’s profound effect on society has encouraged economic and accounting historians to hypothesise about the importance of double entry bookkeeping to its development. According to Sombart the continual reinvestment of the profits earned depended on the existence of a capitalist form of double-entry bookkeeping that would allow investors and managers to measure the return on investments as a means of making rational business decisions. More recently, with particular reference to the English East-India Company Bryer has argued that the adoption of the capitalist form of double-entry bookkeeping was essential to resolving the social conflict between investing capitalist classes that arose with the rise of industrial capitalism in England in the late 17th and 18th centuries by providing the means to calculate the rate of return on socialised capital. This paper widens the historical context of these debates to The Netherlands in the early 17th century by examining accounting practices of the Dutch East-India Company, the epitome of modern capitalism in motives, organization and funding. It establishes that, although the 17th century Dutch were pre-eminent in Europe in their knowledge of the capitalist form of double-entry bookkeeping, at no time during the period covered by the first charter (1602–1623) of the Dutch East-India Company, or thereafter, did the domestic operations of the Company use this form of bookkeeping across all chambers. This meant that the investors did not have the necessary information that would have allowed them to calculate the return on their investments. Indeed, the Company’s investors neither expected nor demanded information to calculate the return on their investments and, hence, double-entry bookkeeping was not a necessary condition for Dutch capitalism in the manner suggested by Sombart, Weber and Bryer. Instead, the form which capitalism developed in The Netherlands recognised the social and economic impact of its unique geography which produced a society characterised by a monetary economy, a long tradition of joint ownership, and a free market for assets and capital rights.

The Politics of Inequality: A Political History of the Idea of Economic Inequality in America. By Michael J. Thompson. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007. xiv, 249 pp. $32.50, ISBN 978-0-231-14074-4.)

Rooted in political science, The Politics of Inequality ambitiously attempts to synthesize the history of the idea of economic inequality in the United States and to use it to criticize current public policies. Michael J. Thompson argues that opposition to economic inequality began with the founding of the republic, continued through the rise of industrial capitalism in the nineteenth century, and reached its apogee during the Progressive Era and New Deal. Recent policies, however, have reversed course and have come to promote economic inequality. Thompson writes that because this reversal runs counter to the past, “The importance of history and tradition for the present becomes clear … [and] serves as a way to rethink and reevaluate the social world of the present” (pp. 179–80). Thompson argues that at America's founding its thinkers were opposed to economic inequality and shaped policies to reduce or eliminate it. To the Founders and subsequent thinkers, economic inequality and political equality should not coexist. Political action during the early republic and laissez-faire policies in the nineteenth century reflected fears that inequality would re-create old world institutions and destroy equality of opportunity and, with it, democracy.

From British “Pride” to Indian “Bride”

From British “Pride” to Indian “Bride”

New Negroes, Black Communists, and the New Pluralism

New Negro, Old Left: African-American Writing and Communism Between the Wars. By William J. Maxwell. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. 272 pages. $52.00 (cloth). $18.50 (paper). Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. By Cedric J. Robinson, with a foreword by Robin D.G. Kelley. London: Zed Press, 1983; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. $24.95 (paper). UNTIL THE 1990S, SCHOLARS ALMOST UNIVERSALLY ACCEPTED AN UNCOMPLICATED narrative of black Marxist history. Conventional wisdom held that the relationship between communism and black struggle was inherently corrupt. Critics of African American cultural arts frequently portrayed the affiliation between "white communists" and black intellectuals as a kind of reenactment of the colonizer-colonized encounter, where black creative workers were expected to submit to a racist agenda. But, in 1989 Cary Nelson's inclusive Repression and Recovery suggested that in modernist period literary study such an account was fraught with difficulty. 1 Looking at the 1930s, Barbara Foley's chapter on "Race, Class, and the 'Negro Question'" in her Radical Representations a few years later challenged decades of received wisdom. 2 The genealogy of the reading, which assumes that blacks were expected to adopt an inferior status in communism, is traceable to historians and critics in the 1960s and 1970s. The views of such scholars exhibited a popular [End Page 367] separatist narrative that reflected the ideology of U.S. black cultural nationalism. 3 In recent years scholars of the Black Renaissance and Great Depression, early to mid-century radicalism and Marxism, black Atlantic studies, and whiteness studies have seen the publication of several valuable recovery projects. Along with Foley, James A. Miller, in Bill Mullen and Sherry Linkon's Radical Revisions: Rereading 1930s Culture, has challenged prevailing views of black-white radical affiliation. 4 George Hutchinson's monumental accomplishment The Harlem Renaissance in Black and White, though not attentive to radical commitment, has also confronted predominant notions of the color line between the wars, contending that the portrayal of a division between blacks and whites working in the cultural arts is inconsistent with the material evidence. 5 Now two distinguished publications have arrived, one a persuasively sustained re-visioning of black and white Marxism in the U.S., the other a reprint of an invaluable study of black Marxist history and theory. William J. Maxwell's New Negro, Old Left: African-American Writing and Communism Between the Wars offers a vital reassessment of black American radicalism and proletarianism in the early decades of the twentieth century. And the University of North Carolina Press's reissue of Cedric J. Robinson's Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition finally makes accessible this early 1980s vision of the origins of Marxist activism and black liberation struggle. Black Marxism is divided into three parts: the history of European capitalism and radicalism, the origins of black radicalism, and black radicalism's relationship to Marxism. The first section examines European socio-economic history, and its chief purpose is to analyze how "racial capitalism" developed. Now a familiar theoretical position, Robinson argues that the rise of industrial capitalism was built on a culture of racial construction. Emergent labor classes and ethnic minorities could be assembled through national identity formations--pitted against one another--to serve the dominant ideology. The Irish peasants' relocation to England during the Great Hunger of the 1840s, for example, occasioned the opportunity for "an ideological and physical drifting apart of the two 'races'": English and Irish (41). Thus "race" as a strategic mechanism for social control led to the immanence of "racialism" in Western civilization. Racialism ordered "the very values and traditions of consciousness through which the peoples of [End Page 368] these ages came to understand their worlds and their experiences" (66). Radicalism then rose in Europe as a revolt against capitalism but also as a resistance to nationalism, racialism, and racial capitalism. Black Marxism's inquiry into the constructedness of...

Editorial: History and method(ology)

The 25th anniversary of the Australian Association of Research in Education is an appropriate time to produce a special issue of the Australian Educational Researcher on history and methodology. History is being 're-invented' during the 1990s. Why now and in what ways? First, debates about modern/postmodern times raise questions about the nature of the rapid change accompanying globalisation and new information technologies. Is this a period of fundamental change in social, political and economic relationships, similar to those arising out of industrialisation or the introduction of the printing press, in the transition from modern to postmodern times? Or are the changes we experience merely the acceleration of previous modernist phases such as the late 19th century rise of industrial capitalism, the 20th century rise of advanced capitalism, the move to flexible capitalism during the 1980s and now the consumer capitalism of the 1990s (Lash & Urry 1990). Or is postmodernism as a new popular theoretical paradigm merely, in an era demanding high performativity by academics, a tyranny of the new? Andy Green (1994) suggests that postmodernism has become 'the theoretical benchmark against which all intellectual products has to be assessed' (p. 67). He cites three bodies of theory informing the debates: the cultural critique of modernist art and architecture; the French poststructuralists such as Derrida and Foucault; and the general theorists about the nature of social and economic change which impacts on life and work organisation, such as the work of neoMarxist geographers. He also suggests that many of the debates about postmodernism (as about poststructuralism) have been at a level of generality which is disturbing, and points to the unevenness of trends, and to how what constitutes the postmodern is itself historically contingent. Green calls for more comparative historically based studies of the impact of globalisation at the local level. Historians in the main have been informed by the work of Foucault; Ian Hunter's (1994) Rethinking the School: Subjectivity, Bureaucracy, Criticism Ceviewed in the Australian Educational Researcher (1995, 2, 1 pp. 107-130) is an example. The postmodern turn, with its emphasis on intertextuality, subjectivity, discourse and power, therefore has presented a challenge to educational historians, in ways which have fragmented the subject and undermined the metanarratives of historical progressivism. The papers in this special issue explore some of the resonances of the modern/postmodern tension around the quite divergent educational issues of

Representation and Power

Representation and Power STEVEN LUBAR The problem of descending from the world of thoughts to the actual world is turned into the prob­ lem of descending from language to life. [Marx and Engels, The German Ideology} No ideas but in things. [William Carlos Williams] In 1492 Elio Antonio de Nebrija approached Queen Isabella of Spain to ask for her support for the first grammar of the Castilian language. Ivan Illich tells the story: “But unlike the request of Colum­ bus, who wanted resources to establish a new route to the China of Marco Polo, [the request] of Nebrija urges the Queen to invade a new domain at home. He offers Isabella a tool to colonize the lan­ guage spoken by her own subjects; he wants her to replace the peo­ ple’s speech by the imposition of the queen’s lengua—her language, her tongue.” Nebrija’s argument went thus: “My illustrious Queen. Whenever I ponder over the tokens of the past that have been pre­ served in writing, I am forced to the very same conclusion. Language has always been the consort of empire, and forever shall remain its mate. Together, they come into being, together they grow and flower, and together they decline.” Without a grammar, Nebrija continued, the people’s unbound and ungoverned speech was a challenge to the crown. Grammar would impose rules on speech and writing and thus help bring the people’s thoughts under the control of central au­ thority.1 Just as grammars were the consort of modern empire, so, I will argue in this article, are technological representations the consort of modern technological bureaucracy. By technological representations Dr. Lubar, curator at the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of American History, is spending this year as visiting professor in the Department of History and Sociology of Science, University of Pennsylvania. He thanks Jack Brown, Joe Corn, Robert Friedel, Nina Lerman, Ruth Oldenziel, Susan Smulyan, Carlene Stephens, Deb­ orah Warner, and a Technology and Culture referee for their comments on this article. 'Ivan Illich, Shadow Work (Boston, 1981), p. 34.© 1995 by the Society for the History of Technology. All rights reserved. 0040-165X/95/3602-0010$01.00 S54 Representation and Power S55 I mean the plans, blueprints, gauges, rulebooks, instruction manuals, and models—the marks on paper, wood, and steel—that describe and abstract technology. Technological representations, I argue, make it easier to bring technological actions under the control of authority. Thus, technological representations allow and encourage the situat­ ing of technological knowledge into a managerial context. With the rise of industrial capitalism, technological representations became es­ sential to the control of work. They bound together the engineers, managers, and workers of industrial society. They made possible technological systems, the coordinated use of technology by groups of people. New ways of creating, manipulating, and enforcing the use of technological representations played a vital role in modern technology’s enormous cultural and economic success. Historiography These representations are also enormously useful to the historian, for they are an expression of the social nature of technological knowl­ edge, an expression of the social relations of technology that are a necessary infrastructure for industrial society. This article uses these aspects of technological representation to draw together two major themes in the recent historiography of technology, technology as vi­ sual thinking and technology as social process. The insight that technology is a form of knowledge and, more particularly, that it is a very special sort of knowledge based on a unique, three-dimensional, visual thought, is the central concept in the visual-thinking historiographic theme. In the history of technol­ ogy, this idea goes back at least to Sigfried Giedion, who suggested the importance of the “graphical representation of movement”; it goes back much further among practitioners of technology, of course.2 It was encouraged by scientific work on left- and right-brain specialization in the 1970s. The seminal modern writings are Eugene Ferguson’s “The Mind’s Eye” (1977) and Brooke Hindle’s Emulation 2Sigfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command: A Contribution to Anonymous History (1948; reprint, New York, 1969), p. 16. For an indication of the value that engineers and technologists placed on graphic representation...

A Proper Account of Improper Sex

PEOPLE MAKE LOVE... but not under conditions of their own choosing,'* (4) asserts Karen Dubinsky in Improper Advances, paraphrasing Marx on human agency in history. The workings of the sexual system in Ontario culture and society between 1880 and 1929, she argues, formed as contested a process as the rise of industrial capitalism in the same period. This was so due to the inequality — social, cultural, as well as economic — that characterized the conditions within which Ontarians acted sexually. In her striking first book Dubinsky analyzes the interlocking factors of gender, class, and ethnicity or race that shaped the heterosexual experiences of small-town and rural people, mostly women, in these years. The history of sexuality began to emerge as a distinct area of study in North America in the 1970s and early 1980s, first as a subfield within women's history and then as part of gay and lesbian studies. The most common subjects of the history of sexuality remain heterosexual women, lesbians, and gay men, all of whom have been associated with sex in the language of the (heterosexual) male-dominant culture. Dubinsky's focus on heterosexual women thus stands in the mainstream of current work in the field. In the 1970s historians of women separated sex into sexuality and gender and emphasized the social rather than origins of the latter. Sexuality remained more enmeshed in a conception of the natural due to its link with

Religious Allegiance and Economic Development in Rural Latin America

The possible correlation between religious affiliation and economic status and development has long interested social scientists. The purpose of this study is to analyze the potential contribution of Protestantism to the agricultural and economic development of Latin American agrarian communities.The effects of religious affiliation on economic behavior have been studied most extensively in Western Europe and the United States. Max Weber (1958: 35) concluded in his pioneering study,The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, that in nations of mixed Catholic-Protestant religious composition the business leaders, owners of capital, and higher grades of skilled labor were “overwhelmingly Protestant.” Weber's initial intent was not to compare Protestant and Catholic economic achievement in Germany but, rather, to provide a non-Marxist interpretation of the rise of industrial capitalism and the attendant expansion of urbanization.