Catholic Rights Research Articles

Klub Poselski Katolicko-Społeczny w Sejmie Ustawodawczym RP w latach 1947–1952. Geneza, koncepcje i działalność

The article analyses the genesis of the Catholic Social Parliamentary Club [Klub Poselski Katolicko-Społeczny] in the Legislative Sejm of the Republic of Poland in the years 1947–1952, the stages of its activity and the political concepts of its deputies. It consisted of three parliamentarians: Jan Frankowski, Aleksander Bocheński and Witold Bieńkowski. They were initially guided by the tactics of constructive opposition and the intention to create a broader political milieu of Polish Catholics. Initially, the deputies acted in a courageous and factual manner, but over time, in the face of internal disputes and political processes in the country, their activity became increasingly conformist and focused on defending, usually ineffectively, certain rights of Catholics.

MODERATE ATTITUDE OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY OF BEKASI REGENCY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MOTHER CHURCH TERESSA CIKARANG

Catholics in Bekasi Regency don’t yet have a permanent and licensed church building, even though the number of Catholics in Bekasi Regency is relatively large, around 12 thousand people. building the Mother Teresa Church in Cikarang did not materialize, although it had been proposed since 2015 with complete requirements according to existing regulations, the Bekasi Regency Government did not issue a permit. Through research with an approach approach, it was found that there are several factors that can be categorized as supporting and inhibiting factors. The inhibiting factor is the unresponsive attitude of the Bekasi Regency Government and discriminatory administrative regulations. Meanwhile, the supporting factor is the moderate attitude of local residents who provide support for the establishment of the church. The delay in building permits for the church has resulted in obstacles in terms of worshiping Catholics and getting proper religious education. The attitude shown by the Bekasi Regency Government has violated the basic rights of Catholics to practice religious worship which are guaranteed in the constitution and statutory regulations.

MODERATE ATTITUDE OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY OF BEKASI REGENCY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MOTHER CHURCH TERESSA CIKARANG

Catholics in Bekasi Regency don’t yet have a permanent and licensed church building, even though the number of Catholics in Bekasi Regency is relatively large, around 12 thousand people. building the Mother Teresa Church in Cikarang did not materialize, although it had been proposed since 2015 with complete requirements according to existing regulations, the Bekasi Regency Government did not issue a permit. Through research with an approach approach, it was found that there are several factors that can be categorized as supporting and inhibiting factors. The inhibiting factor is the unresponsive attitude of the Bekasi Regency Government and discriminatory administrative regulations. Meanwhile, the supporting factor is the moderate attitude of local residents who provide support for the establishment of the church. The delay in building permits for the church has resulted in obstacles in terms of worshiping Catholics and getting proper religious education. The attitude shown by the Bekasi Regency Government has violated the basic rights of Catholics to practice religious worship which are guaranteed in the constitution and statutory regulations.

О’Коннелл и борьба за эмансипацию католиков

The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.

The Yankee in Catholic Ireland: Dorothy Gresham’s Dungar Sketches in the Catholic World, 1896–98

The Yankee in Catholic Ireland: Dorothy Gresham’s Dungar Sketches in the Catholic World, 1896–98 Marguérite Corporaal (bio) The Catholic World, a periodical founded by the Paulist Fathers in New York in 1865 to cater to a growing Catholic intellectual population, did not specifically address an Irish American readership, but was concerned with Catholicism across the globe. Nonetheless, this monthly periodical published many articles related to Catholicism in Ireland, its North American diaspora, as well as the Irish character and land issues, and not just during its first decade when the Famine generation became socially mobile, but also in the 1890s when—as studies by Charles Fanning and Peter O’Neill show—an Irish American middle class became more visible.1 The Catholic World’s engagement with Ireland becomes clear from various pieces concerned with the history of Irish Catholicism, discussions of Ireland’s land politics and Britain’s rule of the sister isle, Ireland’s industries, the Celtic Revival, as well as travelogues about Ireland’s specific regions.2 An example of the latter is a series of semi-autobiographical sketches by writer Dorothy Gresham, published between August 1896 and April 1898. These sketches focus on the main character’s journey from New York to Dungar, Co. Offaly. Fresh out of school in New York, Dolly travels to see relatives in Ireland she has never visited before. We know next to nothing about the author herself, apart from the fact that she was a regular contributor of fiction to Catholic World, writing stories like “The Delinquents” (July 1896), which addresses religious tensions between communities in Ontario. [End Page 161] The “Dungar” stories appear to have been inspired by the then popular genre of local color fiction, a common genre in the magazine, which aimed to record the traditions, language, and ways of life of a rural community in a specific region,3 and often explored the “the clash between modern and pre- or anti-modern without overly romanticizing or mystifying rural life.”4 Furthermore, scholars like Judith Fetterley and Marjorie Pryse have viewed the genre as a tool in the consolidation of shared identities among geographically remote communities.5 This article will explore Gresham’s sketches against the background of the genre’s conventions, while focusing on how these short narratives specifically represent issues of religion and identity formation. “Christmas Day in Dungar” (December 1897) and “The Station Mass” (February 1898), in particular, comment on Irish Catholicism from a US perspective. Furthermore, “Good-By” (April 1898) explores the complex nature of Irish American identity in terms of religious loyalties. The following analyses will investigate religious practice and conflict in Gresham’s “Dungar” tales, in light of concepts such as transnational identity formation and nostalgia. A Past of Religious Persecution That Gresham’s stories tap into the genre of local color fiction is evident from the first episode, “Where the Turf Fires Burn,” published in August 1896. The narrative provides a catalog of local customs such as turf cutting. The greater part of the sketches are, however, devoted to the religious life of the villagers, describing the community’s interaction with the Catholic clergy and mass rituals from the perspective of a Catholic American, the first-person narrator, Dolly. One thing that stands out is the narrator’s recurrent emphasis on Irish Catholics and their past suffering under Ireland’s penal laws, which limited the rights of Catholics. Already when she arrives in Queenstown, Co. Cork (present-day Cobh), Dolly finds that the spires of the Cathedral that “loom above the water” as well as a cross that “shines out over the harbour” are “gloriously suggestive of the trials and victories of those brave children of St. Patrick.”6 “The Station’s Mass,” which describes preparations for mass and confession at a local farmhouse, likewise foregrounds the suffering of Catholics worldwide and specifically in Ireland under the penal laws. The scene of worship is not set in an official church or chapel but a kitchen, just as Catholics during the penal days had to resort to other settings to hold Mass.7 Drawing analogies between the persecution of the first Christians in the Roman empire and the Irish...

Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej 1789– 1945. Część II

DIALECTICS “WE”–“ALIENS” IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945. PART IIThe aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist Maurice Barrès. In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.

LEGAL POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE RELATING TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE UKRAINIAN PROVINCES AT THE END OF XVIII – THE FIRST HALF OF ХIХ CENTURY

The article is devoted to the study of the tsarist legal policy aimed at limiting the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands and strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which supported the autocracy. Attention is drawn to the fact that the starting point in the legislative restriction of the rights of Catholics was in 1794, when Catherine II issued an order declaring Orthodoxy de facto proclaimed state religion. In the summer of 1796 the local authorities obliged the clergy of the Catholic Church to swear allegiance to the Russian Empire. A number of measures were taken to limit the land holdings of Catholic monasteries. It was noted that in a number of royal decrees, the organizational foundations of the management of church establishments, the authority of the archbishop and bishops, monastic overlords, and ordinary monks were regulated in detail. Freedom of movement was restricted for Catholic monks. They were strictly forbidden not only to move from one diocese to another, but also to leave one temporarily without extreme monastic necessity and only with the personal permission of the bishop. The priests were strictly forbidden from touching the sermon on political issues, especially those concerning the Russian government. It is emphasized that during the late 18th - first half of the 20th century. the imperial government has shown a constant desire to limit to a maximum the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands, especially those where its supporters made up a large percentage. At the same time, the authorities were not too concerned with the freedom of religion of those subjects whose religious views were different from the official Orthodox ideology of the state. For Tsar, the expediency of Russification consisted in its conformity with the task of ensuring national-state security in its imperial sense. For autocracy, the Catholic denominators saw such a force that could pose a potential threat by distracting from the Orthodox Church those who had once departed from Catholicism, which could give rise in the future to unrest, primarily among the population of the Right Bank. This is, to a large extent, the explanation of the tsarist policy aimed at strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which was the pillar of the autocracy, and in the future - to create a mono-religious space in the whole territory of Ukraine.

The Sweetness of Life: Southern Planters at Home by Eugene D. Genovese

Reviewed by: The Sweetness of Life: Southern Planters at Home by Eugene D. Genovese Matthew Karp (bio) The Sweetness of Life: Southern Planters at Home. By Eugene D. Genovese. Edited by Douglas Ambrose. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. 275. Paper, $29.00.) Eugene Genovese died in 2012, leaving behind what is probably the most influential body of scholarship produced by a historian of the slaveholding South. Over almost half a century of writing—an epoch fully as long as the antebellum era itself—Genovese's books virtually defined the field. From The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South (1965) through to Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (1974), and, with Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (1983) and The Mind of the Master Class: History and Faith in the Southern Slaveholders' Worldview (2005)—Genovese unspooled a distinctive and powerful interpretation of antebellum slave society. In a preface to this posthumously published volume, Douglas Ambrose offers a succinct summary of Genovese's fundamental insight, which continued to anchor his work even as his political commitments moved from the Marxist left to the Catholic right: "The master–slave relation—an unequal but nonetheless contested struggle—provided the foundation of the southern social order and 'permeated the lives and thought of all who lived in the society it dominated'" (xiv). Like most truly powerful historical interpretations, the significance of Genovese's view of the Old South has become clearer through intense argument, not unanimous assent. In the last twenty years, even as much scholarship has overturned key elements of the Genovese interpretation—in particular, the idea that southern masters were innately hostile to capitalist modernity—much of the debate has unfolded on Genovese's terms. Antebellum planters, we see today more vividly than ever, were a class defined not by region, agriculture, or even race, but by their ownership of slaves. While the supposed intimacy of that class conflict remains subject to fierce dispute, its ubiquity and foundational centrality does not. Before his death, Genovese had almost completed a final book on the lifestyle habits and everyday cultural world of the master class. Lightly edited and insightfully introduced by Ambrose, this volume now takes [End Page 800] its place on the shelf as the great historian's final contribution to the history of the South. And in many ways, as Ambrose is at some pains to argue, The Sweetness of Life fits comfortably within Genovese's larger oeuvre. Like most of his major works, including Roll, Jordan, Roll and The Mind of the Master Class, the book is structured not by chronology or geography but by theme. A topic is introduced—here, they include dining, hunting, dancing, and courtship—and a cascade of episodes is enumerated. Seldom does an episode or a character last more than a paragraph; most, in fact, earn no more than a sentence, although several favored witnesses (from Thomas Jefferson to Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson) recur throughout the text. This thematic discussion ranges far across time and place, attentive to peculiarities and transformations, but nevertheless approaching the Old South as an essentially cohesive unit, from Virginia in the 1770s to Texas in the 1850s. "Nothing much changed in Georgia or anywhere else in the first half of the nineteenth century," Genovese says of the southern mania for horse racing (238). This is not quite his verdict on every subject covered here, but it is often the guiding assumption. At its best, The Sweetness of Life presents a collage of vivid and striking images from an oligarchic society, in which even the lightest pleasures depended on the heavy weight of bondage. The rollicking celebrations at the Georgia racetrack were ever darkened by the possibility that gambling losses might cause the sale of slaves. In the heat of South Carolina or Louisiana, a summer feast of venison patty, palmetto cabbage, and terrapin stew was endurable only thanks to the enslaved workers sweatily propelling the "punkah" fan on the ceiling (32). In all his works, it would be hard to find a better metaphor for Genovese's view of...

Intestine Enemies: Catholics in Protestant America, 1605–1791 ed. by Robert Emmett Curran

Reviewed by: Intestine Enemies: Catholics in Protestant America, 1605–1791 ed. by Robert Emmett Curran Michael S. Carter Intestine Enemies: Catholics in Protestant America, 1605–1791. Edited by Robert Emmett Curran. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2017. 320 pp. $34.95. Robert Emmett Curran, distinguished scholar of early American Catholic history and a professor emeritus of history at Georgetown, has produced a valuable and effectively-organized single-volume [End Page 100] documentary sourcebook on English-speaking Catholicism in the early modern Atlantic world. Intestine Enemies, drawing on the editor's comprehensive familiarity with the available primary sources, is a welcome contribution to a growing, yet still inadequately studied, field of early British-American Catholic history. Intestine Enemies is organized into ten sections. "Beginnings, 1605–1629" focuses on Jacobean and Carolingian-era English colonies from the perspectives of English Catholic planters in Newfoundland, as well as non-Catholics fearing Catholic inroads into their territories. This section includes documents reflecting Roman Propaganda Fide fears and concerns about anti-popery and the spread of Protestantism into North America. "Peace and a New Order, 1781–1791," the final section dealing with the immediate aftermath of the Revolution, includes familiar texts such as selections from Bishop Carroll's correspondence and the "Address from the Roman Catholics of America" to President Washington, yet also includes more obscure material such as the correspondence of Joseph Mosley with his sister Helen on the subject of his conflicted feelings about the "new order" for Catholics following the American victory. The intervening sections cover the themes of the planning and settlement of Maryland, the establishment of the first instances of religious toleration in the English-speaking world, the upheavals of and effects of the Glorious Revolution upon not only Maryland's Catholic leadership but New York's as well, and debates over Catholic rights and liberties during the Revolutionary era. Of particular value are the sections including material from the British West Indies, often neglected in volumes covering early American Catholic history. The selections also include a diverse array of genres: private letters, newspapers, legal documents, internal political documents, sermons, and others. Likewise, throughout the entire collection a wide variety of authorial and thematic perspectives are included, both Catholic and Protestant, clerical and lay, theological and political, private and public, elite and popular. Admirably, in addition to its more inclusive Atlantic World scope and approach to early American Catholic history, Intestine [End Page 101] Enemies is not conceived from the perspective of "anticipating" the eventual emergence of the U.S. republic, but approaches each period covered on its own terms, reflecting the particular contemporaneous concerns and anxieties of each generation and geographical area treated. Intestine Enemies is obviously intended, as its editor notes, to function as a complement to his excellent recent monograph Papist Devils: Catholics in British America, 1571–1783 (2014). It is ideal for use in both upper-level undergraduate and graduate-level courses in history and religion, either along with Curran's monograph, or without. A great deal of archival material which will be largely unfamiliar to many readers—material not otherwise easily procured—is included in the volume. For its inclusion of a broader geographic and thematic scope, it is like Curran's monograph on the same subject, refreshingly notable if for nothing else. With its historically-rich commentary and contextualization, and its high production values throughout, it is difficult indeed to imagine a better version of this book. [End Page 102] Michael S. Carter University of Dayton Copyright © 2018 American Catholic Historical Society

The German Right in the Weimar Republic: Studies in the History of German Conservatism, Nationalism, and Antisemitism, edited by Larry Eugene Jones

The German in Weimar Republic: Studies in History of German Conservatism, Nationalism, and Antisemitism, edited by Larry Eugene Jones. New York & Oxford, Berghahn Books, 2014. xxiv, 332 pp. $95.00 US (cloth). What is role and responsibility of political right in Weimar Republic--which consisted of a myriad of political parties, associations, and combat leagues--when it comes to rise of Nazi Party and Hitler's ascendance to chancellorship in Germany in 1933? This new collection of essays, edited by Larry Eugene Jones, on political, organizational, and social history of German right in Weimar Republic offers useful insights into this long-debated question and makes a number of persuasive arguments. The picture that emerges from this book is of a political right characterized by continual quarrelling, disunity, competition, and ongoing and increasing fragmentation. The volume is made up of ten individual chapters that look at some of major players of Weimar's Right. Half of studies deal with history of German National People's Party (Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) and that of Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband, ADV); other essays focus on German combat leagues, Catholic right, Reich President von Hindenburg, jurist and political theorist Carl Schmitt, and Protestant theologian Friedrich von Bodelschwingh, director of Bethel Institutions. The volume is impressively coherent for an essay collection and thus convincingly achieves what Jones claims as its purpose in his cogent and useful (especially historiographically) introduction: to reinforce through several case studies master narrative that the disunity of was every bit as important as a prerequisite for establishment of Third Reich as schism on socialist Left or fragmentation of political middle (2). The organizational and ideological disunity of political right is clearly demonstrated by scholars here, with individual essays often complementing each other by highlighting different shards of fragmenting movements. For example, pieces by Daniela Gasteiger and Jones both look at fissures in German National Party. Gasteiger's essay focuses on DNVP leader Count Guido von Westarp and his relationships with volkisch politician Albrecht von Graefe-Goldebee (initially a member of DNVP and then founder of German-Racist Freedom Party [Deutschvolksiche Freiheitspartei, DVP] and Central Association of German Conservatives [Hauptverein der Deutschkonservativen]), closely examining deterioration of both relationships. The collection's next is Jones' analysis of inner-party quarrels within DNVP and inconsistency of party in regard to Jewish question. The reader is convinced by both essays not only of disunity of DNVP, but also of its multiple disunities. The Jewish question is a topic of other essays here as well, and again internal divisions are identified. Brian E. Crim's essay looks at Jewish question in regard to German combat leagues. The anti-Semitism Crim finds in two largest, Stahlhelm, League of Front Soldiers (Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten), and Young German Order (Jungdeutscher Orden, Jungdo), is mostly a strategically chosen ideology, a situational antisemitism derived from opportunism, pragmatism, and vicious competition in a crowed German Right (195). Variations of this diagnosis are also made (implicitly) in essays by Gasteiger and Jones on DNVP and in essay by Bjorn Hofmeister on Pan-German league. …

Lay Defender of Catholicism: Dr. Edward Swarbreck Hall in Tasmania 1833–1881

Tensions between Protestants and Catholics persisted throughout nineteenth‐century Australia. Historians have tended to examine the part played by the clergy, pressure groups or newspapers in sectarian disputes in the main colonies of New South Wales and Victoria. This article contributes to an understanding of anti‐Catholicism in the Australian colonies by focusing on the actions and writings of one Catholic layman, Dr Edward Swarbreck Hall, in mid nineteenth‐century Tasmania. To minimise religious hostility, Hall was tolerant towards Protestants, loyal to the British Crown, and worked co‐operatively with other creeds in helping the poor. This approach made Catholicism more acceptable to Protestant society until the late 1860s. Thereafter religious divisions became more pronounced with the appointment of Irish Bishop Daniel Murphy, who adopted the authoritarian policies of the papacy and asserted the rights of Catholics. Feeling threatened by Catholic assertion and antagonised by Catholic doctrinal beliefs, Evangelical Protestants expressed anti‐Catholic sentiments at public meetings and in newspapers. In showing how Hall defended Catholics when aspersions were cast on their clergymen, their character, or their religious practices, this article concludes that Catholics were not passive victims, but Hall's fierce polemical style worked against his desire for religious peace.

Solidarity: Does the Modern Catholic Rights Tradition have Anything to Offer Environmental Virtue Ethics?

Solidarity: Does the Modern Catholic Rights Tradition have Anything to Offer Environmental Virtue Ethics?

Water Quality Standards: A Scientific and Theological-Ethical Analysis

Water Quality Standards: A Scientific and Theological-Ethical Analysis

Robert Southey: History, Politics, Religion. Stuart Andrews.British Romanticism and the Catholic Question: Religion, History and National Identity, 1778-1829. Michael Tomko.

Stuart Andrews, Robert Southey: History, Politics, Religion (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) xvii + 250 $85.00 Michael Tomko, British Romanticism and Catholic Question: Religion, History and National Identity, 1778-1829 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) xii + 224 $84.00 Catholic was a persistent and usually passionate debate about relieving Roman Catholics of civil disabilities that had been imposed on them by Penal Laws of 17th century, a debate that intensified between anti-Catholic Gordon Riots of 1780 and Catholic Emancipation act of 1829--the years of Romantic period in literature. The public policy issue was complicated by deep-rooted prejudice against Romish superstition with a history going back to Mary Tudor's persecution of Protestants and series of popish plots, real or imagined, that followed. A more serious complication was problem of Ireland. Following rebellions of 1798, an Act of Union dissolved Dublin parliament, raising question of how five million Irish Catholics could be admitted to full participation in political life of a united kingdom. The dispute thus involved a legal and cultural struggle over religious difference, historical grievances, and very definition of Britishness. Michael Tomko's British Romanticism and Catholic Question and Stuart Andrews' Robert Southey: History, Politics, Religion, two books under consideration, make case that Catholic Question played a more central role in culture of Romantic period than previous literary historians have noticed. Tomko addresses impact of controversy on imaginative literature while Andrews provides a vivid clarification of issues at heart of conflict and passions that drove one writer's lifelong obsession with threat he thought Roman Catholicism posed to Britain's survival as a Protestant nation. After he became Poet Laureate in 1813, Southey wrote little verse, devoting his creative energies to historical and argumentative prose. He was a conscientious and energetic historian, as his biographies of Wesley and Nelson still demonstrate, but prose that Andrews examines here mainly concerned dispute on Catholic Question, in which he was a committed partisan. In a series of books, articles, and reviews, debate became primary concern of his life as an author. He engaged in acrimonious public quarrels with two able and prominent defenders of Catholic rights, John Milner and Charles Butler. In his Book of (1824) Southey's admiration of of England necessitated invidious comparisons with the errors, corruptions and crimes of pernicious Romish Church (as he almost always called it). Milner's Strictures on Poet Laureate's Book of (1824), responded in kind to what he thought was a tissue of vituperation and fanaticism, whose author raves through history of many centuries, in abusing and calumniating common source of Christianity, in order to court heads of present Establishment, under pretence of vindicating it (121). Butler's Book of Roman Catholic (1825) similarly argued that Southey's book was calculated to revive past animosities, to inflame prejudice, to perpetuate discord (119). Southey responded to his critics in Vindiciae Ecclesiae Anglicanae (1826), with still more rancorous attacks on idolatrous and superstitious of Rome, and in a later publication wrote, Throughout papal Christendom there has been substituted for Christianity a mass of corruption which nauseates understanding (184). In various writings he ridiculed transubstantiation, indulgences, belief in purgatory, veneration of Mary and saints, and authority of Pope. He thought that auricular confession by absolving sin encouraged more of it; he found priestly celibacy repugnant; and he entertained gothic visions of innocent girls being shut up convents, forced to practice idolatry, denied meat on Fridays, and encouraged to indulge in self-flagellation. …

The Rights of Catholics in the Church

The Rights of Catholics in the Church

Prologue to the Red River Resistance: Pre-liminal Politics and the Triumph of Riel

This paper examines the early period of the Red River Resistance before Riel and his men erected a barrier at Rivière Sale to prevent the appointed Lieutenant Governor from entering the Colony. During this early phase of the conflict, two Métis leaders, William Dease and Louis Riel, were in competition to assume the leadership of the Métis cause. This power struggle involved two different paradigms of Métis rights as the basis on which to negotiate with the Canadian government. Dease, stressing Métis aboriginal rights, was eventually defeated by Riel who emphasized French and Catholic rights. The triumph of Riel, aided by the Catholic clergy in Red River, set the tone for the larger resistance to come, and significantly impeded Riel's attempt to build a consensus in the Colony.

More Hidden Irelands : Some Light on the Irish Eighteenth Century

The Irish language is not often associated with an urban population, but in the early years of the XVIIIth century Dublin had a considerable number of Irish speakers living within or close to the city. After the Battle of the Boyne Dublin became the place where the Irish Parliament met frequently and this brought about the physical growth of the city. During this period which saw the institution of the Penal Laws restricting the rights of Catholics the major players in this growth were the Protestant upper and middle classes. It is not always realised that the same growth encouraged native, and therefore Catholic Irish to come to the city to provide services for the increasing population and to otherwise seek their fortune in the city. Most of these were speakers of Irish. This paper studies some of the extant evidence which bears witness to this fact and places before us a picture of a bilingual, bicultural urban community that both commemorated the Irish past and contributed later to the formation of Irish romanticism.

Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic: Religion and Politics in Salamanca, 1930-1936

The research for this thesis has been confined in space and time in order to facilitate an investigation of the Church at several levels: the study is as concerned with the faith and the faithful as with the official presence of the hierarchy. It examines questions of religious identity in an area of high Catholic practice, conservative politics and, eventually, genuine popular support for the Nationalist rising. The province of Salamanca, in the north west of Spain, is a particularly appropriate focus for such a study. Part of the Castilian heartland of traditional Spain, it was the home province of Jose Maria Gil Robles and a major area of strength for the parliamentary Catholic right, which mobilised here before anywhere else in Spain. This has led to Salamanca receiving some attention from historians. Scholars such as Paul Preston and Juan Jose Castillo use it to provide examples of the Catholic right's techniques and rhetoric, arguing that the innate conservatism of the Castilian smallholders was manipulated by the great landlords. However, perhaps the most interesting feature of the history of the province in the 1930s is how its story differed from that laid out in Madrid. The historiography of the Second Republic has concentrated - perhaps inevitably - on political and parliamentary struggles. While issues such as disestablishment and the fate of the religious orders were of crucial importance at institutional and governmental level, the impact they had outside the professional circles of church and state is far less certain. This study has moved outside the administrative world of the capital to investigate the impact of the Republic on ordinary Catholic citizens. The minutiae of church/ state relations and the undoubted injustice of the treatment of the religious orders may have outraged the Catholic deputies representing Salamanca in the Cortes, but their Catholic constituents had different concerns. By examining these concerns, this thesis throws new light on the process of breakdown of the Second Republic.