Rifle Butts Research Articles

Jewish Ghettos in Sighet and Dąbrowa Górnicza

Jewish Ghettos in Sighet and Dąbrowa Górnicza

Ischemic Stroke Secondary to Aortic Dissection Following Rifle Butt Recoil ChestInjury: A Case Report

Ischemic stroke secondary to aortic dissection is not uncommon. We present a patient with left hemiplegia secondary to Stanford type A aortic dissection extending to the supra-aortic vessels, which was precipitated by rifle butt recoil chest injury. The diagnosis of aortic dissection was delayed due to various factors. Finally, the patient underwent successful Bentall procedure with complete resolution of symptoms. This case emphasizes the need for caution in the use of firearms for recreation and to take precautions in preventing such incidents. In addition, this case illustrates the need for prompt cardiovascular physical examination in patients presenting with stroke.

The Calcaneal Fat Pad and the Preservation of Human Dignity

Behold the calcaneal fat pad: a modest mass of adipose tissue humbly but strategically situated at the lowest point of our bodies. Indeed, these pads are our own living “doormats.” Beautifully bundled into elastic-bound chambers of fluidic cells, they passively, yet faithfully, with impeccable resilience, support our body weight in relative comfort. Each step a duty, each upright moment on call. Ever onward, quiescent, obedient. Yet, however resilient this servant, the calcaneal fat pad also is vulnerable, as undue forces can burst chamber walls and destroy its protective integrity. Forces such as heel fracture,1 running,2 and the like…. These causes are unintentional, manageable, and forgivable. Sadly, there are other causes. Falanga—where the repeated strikes of rifle butts crush bared soles and inner souls—leaves fellow human beings broken in body and in spirit, to be eventually returned to …

Survival Artist, A Memoir of the Holocaust (review)

Reviewed by: Survival Artist, A Memoir of the Holocaust John S. Schuchman (bio) Eugene Bergman, Survival Artist, A Memoir of the Holocaust (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company, 2009, 204 pp., paper, $35, ISBN 978-0-7864-4134-1) Eugene Bergman's Survival Artist is a personal account of his family's Holocaust experience. Although Bergman, a retired Gallaudet professor, is a deaf individual, he did not encounter deaf people or deaf culture until his arrival in the United States after World War II. He became deaf at the age of nine as the result of an attack by a soldier shortly after Germany invaded Poland in September 1939. Unfamiliar with deafness, his family later employed a Jewish-German refugee speech teacher to teach the young boy how to lipread even though Bergman spoke only Polish and Yiddish, both of which were unknown to the teacher. Needless to say, the lessons failed. Throughout the war years, the young Bergman only could lipread and understand the words of his older brother, Bronek. Since his survival often depended on it, Bergman became an astute observer of people in order to understand the awful milieu that was the Holocaust. At the outset, I should point out that Eugene Bergman and I were faculty colleagues at Gallaudet, and I have heard a few of his public presentations about the Holocaust. In those limited presentations, he has referred to the rifle butt to his head that caused his deafness and his efforts to avoid detection of his circumcision as a Jew when asked to drop his pants. I am glad that he has decided to offer up a more complete memoir of his experience. He is a justifiably proud man and his story of survival and personal achievement is worth reading. [End Page 382] Survival Artist is the account of one family's "survival" of the war years, 1939–1945. The family consisted of his parents, Eugene, and his older brothers Bronek and Dadek. They stayed together as a family unit until the Warsaw Uprising in August 1944 when German soldiers murdered his father and eldest brother Dadek. Professor Bergman has written his memoir based on secondary sources as well as the recollections of his brother Bronek and himself. Fluent in both Polish and Yiddish, the family members masked their Jewish identities and pretended to be Polish Christians. Bergman often refers to the physical characteristics of being "blonde and blueeyed," not Jewish-looking. Combined with their mastery of the Polish language, they survived while their father used his experience and skills as a small business entrepreneur to find food and lodging for the family. Originally from Poznan in western Poland, the family sought refuge from round-ups and deportation to the concentration camps in the East. They moved to Jewish ghettos in Lodz, Warsaw, Czestochowa, and then back to Warsaw. They finally moved out of the ghetto into the central part of Warsaw where they survived for two years until the Warsaw Uprising. Throughout this period, Bergman's father lived outside the ghetto and posed as a Polish businessman where he traveled and traded to find food and money for his family. Although constantly exposed to the cruelty and anti-Semitism of both German soldiers and the native Polish population, the young Bergman managed to educate himself. He describes his older brother Bronek as street smart and his eldest brother Dadek as an intellectual. Bergman incorporated both into his education. He wandered the streets where he learned not to look Jewish when necessary and to avoid danger despite his hearing loss. And he read books. Following the lead of Dadek, he developed what would become his life-long love for literature and philosophy. The memoir is replete with literary and cinematic references. Though proud of his Polish intellectual heritage, Bergman graphically describes the cruel anti-Semitism of his Christian neighbors. Aware of the dichotomy of so many impoverished starving Jews in the ghetto and his own family's ability to obtain what it needed to survive through money, bribes, and plain luck, Bergman survived. With [End Page 383] the Warsaw Uprising, the family unit came to an end. Bronek and Eugene were away when the Germans...

W. E. B. Du Bois and the Fourth Dimension

W. E. B. Du Bois and the Fourth Dimension Nicole A. Waligora-Davis Cornell University When democracy fails for one group in the United States it fails for the nation, and when it fails for the United States it fails for the world. A disenfranchised group compels the disenfranchisement of other groups. —W. E. B. Du Bois, "Negro Citizen" America is teaching the world . . . that ability and capacity for culture is not the hereditary monopoly of a few, but the widespread possibility for the majority of mankind if only they have a decent chance in life. —W. E. B. Du Bois, Dark Princess On November 4, 1947, Rosa Lee Ingram, an African American woman, was arrested, along with several of her sons, after having killed her white neighbor, John Ethron Stratford, in Ellaville, Georgia during a dispute over livestock (Martin 1985, 252). Recounting Stratford's promised and realized threat during her murder trial—"I am going to kill the negroes this morning"—the transcript of Rosa Lee Ingram's testimony within the [End Page 57] appellate record is as truncated as her day-long trial was summarily short (Ingram v. State 1948). The Georgia Supreme Court's redaction of the Ingrams' case to a single paragraph of Rosa Lee's testimony, in contradistinction to the preserved pages of circumstantial prosecutorial evidence and trial testimonies, gestures toward the raced and gendered coordinates predicating the outcome of the trial, the appellate, and the parole process. Ingram's edited testimony points to the complexities of this case. A case seemingly hinging on the definition of murder versus self-defense, the Ingrams' judicial proceeding cites the malfeasance effected through race, gender, and their conjunction within the economic and social systems of the South. A widowed mother of 12 children, Rosa Lee Ingram, like the deceased, was a sharecropper (Martin 1985, 252). Their properties abutted one another, and her livestock trekked onto Stratford's leased land, a trespass that provoked his ire that morning. Having taken seriously her neighbor's admonishment, Ingram abandoned her own fieldwork in pursuit of a mule; it was a chase that left her confronted with the armed and angered Stratford. By her account, armed with rifle and knife, Stratford pointed his gun sights at her and threatened to "kill the negroes this morning" (Ingram v. State 1948). And while the sheriff claimed that she accused Stratford of shooting her "between the eyes" (Ingram v. State 1948), Mrs. Ingram's testimony and injuries demonstrated Stratford's assault with a rifle butt. Managing to wrestle the gun from him, she beat and killed him. That the competing trial testimonies disagree on the members of the Ingram family responsible for Stratford's death and question the degree of this mother's injuries at the hand of Stratford matter less for my consideration here than the ways in which this event engages a democracy deferred and revisioned. The Ingrams' case history serves as a staging ground for mapping W. E. B. Du Bois's "fourth dimension" (Aptheker 1985, 255)—his vision for a new world whose blueprint finds its fullest articulation in the aftermath of two world wars. The cartographic imperative and economic reforms underwriting this political philosophy and social plan remember the centrality of both the politically marginalized and the colonized "colored world" to global democracy. [End Page 58] Their case led to more than a decade of political protest and civil rights agitation. Featured as a platform item by the Communist party (New York Times, August 7, 1948), the Ingrams' judicial proceedings inspired the Women's Committee for Equal Justice, a Communist-based women's group led by Mary Church Terrell (Martin 1985, 261, 264), and compelled the drafting of a UN petition on these defendants' behalf. Their murder trial tracks a stubborn and resilient black violence. The strategic ambiguity captured in my use of the term "black violence" seeks to capture a semantic range inflected not simply in...

Healing in survivors of torture

Particularly where it is associated with the more prosperous countries, or those that see themselves as bringers of civilization, torture may wear a humane, almost kindly face. It goes under euphemisms such as ‘pressure’, ‘shock’, ‘stress’ and ‘duress’; and the perpetrators themselves will see a distinction between what they do and what they consider to be torture.3 However, this is as vicious a form of torture as any: it can leave people mentally and physically disabled—indeed, the practitioners acknowledge the potential to render people psychotic, in hours or days.4 The victim is typically subjected to physical punishments that do not leave obvious scars, and this means that, should the case ever come under legal scrutiny, physical evidence of torture may be lacking. However, many ways of causing extreme pain remain possible. The subject will be tightly handcuffed and restrained, often in a way that damages nerves and muscles; he may be suspended in painful postures, or forced to assume them himself, with damage to muscles and joints; he may be subjected to electric shocks. Typically, he will be kept in a small, dark, bedless cell, with inadequate food and variable toilet facilities, so that his own filth stains the floor and dampens his clothes. He may be exposed to extreme heat or cold, and perhaps forced to stare at the sun. Beatings with rifle butts and kicking with military boots can cause lasting damage; lashing on the soles of the feet can make walking painful for years. A doctor may well be present, persuading the prisoner that he is in the wrong and that all he must do is recant. The doctor may even provide medication—as a symbol of civilization, or to keep the patient alive (deaths in custody can be inconvenient), or to cause pain or disability.5,6 Techniques of psychological torture may assume prominence.7 They include the following.

John L. Lewis, Jesus, and President Bush

TWO PICTURES always hung side by side in my parents' house. One was rather unsettling blue-eyed, blond-haired Jesus. Thorns pierced his forehead, and his outstretched arms revealed holes in his palms. Still, even with oozing blood, he looked like a kind and peaceful man. My father told me Jesus watched us all time. I thought that was Santa's job, but I was young and unschooled in ways of world. In sharp contrast to this serene figure was rough-looking, cigar- chomping, wild-eyed man in picture hanging next to him. My father had carefully cut photograph out of a Look magazine, placed it in a dime-store frame, and hung it in this place of reverence. The man's name was John L. Lewis, and he saved my father's life. My father was a lucky man. I knew his lucky story by heart long before I could read. Years before I was even a glint in his eye -- as he liked to say -- my father had been in a terrible accident. He was digging coal deep in Number 5 mine when somewhere down line a spark ignited methane gas. The resulting explosion brought mountain down. When my father came to, he found himself wedged between a derailed coal car and shaft's hard rock wall. It took rescue crew more than 30 hours to dig through tons of dirt, broken timbers, and loose rocks and pull car off his chest. He had several broken bones and his ribs were crushed, but he was alive. The crew put him on a stretcher and made their way out of mine. At entrance, they handed him off to waiting miners, who rushed him to the butcher shop, where coal company's doctor patched him up. Once I told my father that he didn't seem lucky to me. Well, Little Girl, he said, some of boys never came out. For a long time I thought John L. Lewis himself had carried my father out of that mine and to safety. Later, my father explained that John L. Lewis saved thousands of miners, but not by digging them out of collapsing tunnels. He saved them by using muscle of United Mine Workers of America. My father was a spellbinding storyteller. I loved his war stories about union and begged him to tell them over and over. With each telling, his words added texture to already rich images. In time I could feel coal companies' abuses, gun thugs' brutality, and miners' raw fear. Being a union man was dangerous business in those days. I knew danger so well that I could close my eyes and see scenes my father painted. I could see him and boys in a mule-drawn wagon moving slowly down twisting, narrow roads on their way to another clandestine meeting. they were found out, there would be consequences. Each boy held a rifle or shotgun; several rested their hands uneasily on pistols tucked in their overalls. My father's long legs dangled over back of wagon. His rifle butt was balanced upright against his thigh; his index finger rested on trigger. He was prepared for worst. As they rode, boys watched for signs of movement in cornfields, overhanging branches, and thickets along road. Often a sharp turn created a blind spot in road where company's gun thugs liked to wait for union men. Less cautious men than my father had paid price for their lack of due diligence. Before entering curve, wagon slowed almost to a stop. The lookout jumped off wagon and ran ahead. The rest of boys waited anxiously for all-clear whistle -- or signal to get their guns ready. Which Side Are You On? was more than an organizing song; it was a description of my father's adolescent and young adult life. He told me, If you was on wrong side, you might not come out of mine in mornin'. I was in college when I realized full weight of those words. My father and boys had reasons to wage war against mine owners and private detectives they hired to keep union down. …

Bloody Mud, Rifle Butts, and Barbed Wire: Transforming the Bataan Death March in Silko’s Ceremony

Bloody Mud, Rifle Butts, and Barbed Wire: Transforming the Bataan Death March in Silko’s Ceremony

Late‐Pleistocene avifaunas from Cape Wanbrow, Otago, South Island, New Zealand

Fossil avifaunas from the Hillgrove Formation at Boatmans Harbour, Ruby Gully, and Old Rifle Butts, all on Cape Wanbrow, Oamaru, north‐east Otago, are listed. The marine beach sands and gravels at Old Rifle Butts that form the lowest part of the Hillgrove Formation and overlie the palaeo‐wave platform were deposited during the last interglacial ∼130–110 kyr BP (Oxygen Isotope Stage 5). There are a few small avifaunas (totalling 11 spp.) from these beach sediments (J41/f8710, f8214, f8227). The colluvial, valley‐fill deposits in Ruby Gully and at its mouth are the youngest in the sequence. Radiocarbon dating indicates their emplacement between 27 and 34 kyr BP, or the later part of Oxygen Isotope Stage 3. If these ages are representative of the true age of the samples and not the limitations of radiocarbon technology, they indicate that these deposits in Ruby Gully are much younger than the beach deposits. Radiocarbon ages on a pitfall fauna from a small cave 3–4 m above the base of the Hillgrove Formation indicate that the cave fauna has a similar age as that in Ruby Gully. The dune and interdune waterlaid deposits at Old Rifle Butts (>2 m above the wave platform) may date from an unknown time between 100 and 35 kyr BP or be coeval with those in Ruby Gully. Fifty‐three species of bird (32 land and freshwater taxa) are represented in the combined avifaunas making this the richest Pleistocene avifauna known from New Zealand. All bird taxa are known from Late Holocene avifaunas in the eastern South Island. Key taxa (Pachyornis elephantopus, Emeus crassus, Euryapteryx geranoides, Coturnix, Chenonetta, Cnemiornis, Harpagornis, Fulica, Porphyrio, Gallinula) indicate that the habitat was mainly grassland and shrubland. Tuatara, indeterminate skinks, and seals are also present.

Gastonia 1929 The Story of the Loray Mill Strike (review)

Gastonia 1929 The Story of the Loray Mill Strike ByJohn A. Salmond University of North Carolina Press, 1995 226 pp. Cloth, $24.95 Reviewed by Michelle Brattain, lecturer in American history at the University of Auckland in New Zealand. In the preface to Gastonia 1^29,John Salmond describes his purpose as "simply to tell the story of the events of 1929," but this book, an elegandy crafted and insightful synthesis, defies such a modest description. Although Salmond provides no new overarching thesis, the work reflects the author's research into new archival and oral history sources, an exhaustive survey of both the radical and mainstream press, and the best ofrecent scholarship in southern labor history.Judiciously argued and thorough, Salmond's retelling of the story from the perspective of the organizers, the workers, the press, and numerous contemporaries, with the benefit of sixty-plus years of hindsight, casts new light onto such contemporary historical subjects as race, class, gender, communism, and religion in the Bible Belt. Beautifully written, it is also, above all, a thoroughly enjoyable read. Salmond begins by surveying the New South histories of Gaston County workers and managers and the conditions in the 1920s that led to the infamous "stretch-out" and finally the strike. In traditional southern fashion, Loray mill workers' anger had already erupted into spontaneous demonstrations on the streets of Gastonia. Into this tense situation stepped communist organizer Fred Beal, a member of the radical, revolution-minded National Textile Workers Union (ntwu), an affiliate of the Communist Party of the United States of America's (cpusa's) Trade Union Unity League. In Gastonia Beal found a "disaffected workforce . . . itching for action." Though Gastonia workers may not have fully understood cpusa rhetoric, they responded enthusiastically to the call for action. Loray managers countered with the expeditious firing ofunion members . On ? April 1929 a mass meeting of Loray workers voted unanimously to strike, and in Beal's words, "obscure Gastonia [leapt] into the limelight." The narrative of the conflict that followed will be familiar to historians of the South. With the support of the red- and race-baiting Gastonia Gazette, antiunion Reviews 95 Gastonians supplemented the state's law-enforcement powers with the vigilante Committee of One Hundred. Marchers defying antipicketing injunctions were "punched, kicked, pricked with bayonets, and bashed with rifle butts." Long after the strike itselfwas defeated in a practical sense, ntwu members hung on and violence escalated over the summer. InJune a scuffle between police and strikers at union headquarters erupted into gunfire, and police chief Orville Aderholt was killed. Finally, in an armed confrontation with neighboring Bessemer City union members, vigilantes shot and killed organizer and balladeer Ella May Wiggins. In a series of notorious trials receiving international attention, the state of North Carolina acquitted all those accused ofWiggins's murder but imposed strict sentences on strikers accused of killing Aderholt. Salmond's narrative shows how the real issues of the strike quickly became subsumed in the fight between what North Carolina conservatives and the strident Gastonia Gazette defined as "Americanism" and the seemingly alien forces of international communism. The ntwu's unflinching commitment to racial equality, atheism, and international communism—ideals which had already alienated some of the textile workers —made the Union anathema to traditional southern authorities. Likewise, when the conflict shifted from the streets of Gastonia to the courts, the beliefs ofntwu leaders were put on trial as much as their actions. Exacerbating the situation, chronic disagreement over strategy between some leaders of the radical International Labor Defense (ild), the American Civil Liberties Union (aclu ), and liberal defense attorneys rendered the courtroom defense ofthe strikers less effective, ild leaders, who sought to use the witness stand as a "vehicle to 'propagate' Communist principles" repeatedly compromised the efforts of the defense attorneys, who sought above all to deflect questions of communism. In their initially lukewarm support of the strike and ideological rigidity, the communists, Salmond suggests, may have inadvertentiy sabotaged the local workers' cause. But, in agreement with historian Theodore Draper, Salmond explains that the communists' ideological rigidity and their insistence on using the witness stand as a vehicle to propagate communist principles even though doing so hurt the...

Political Experience and Anti-Big Government: The Making and Breaking of Themes in Gerald Ford's 1976 Presidential Campaign

The outcome of Gerald Ford's and Jimmy Carter's 1976 presidential campaigns rested, as does any American bid for office, on political climate of nation. The public's disillusionment foUowing traumas of Vietnam and Watergate had created a unique mood of cynicism by 1976 that shaped voters' responses to promotional efforts of both parties. As analysis of strategies, speeches, advertising, and pubUc opinion polls reveals, Ford's campaign staff made fundamental miscalculations in developing and pubUcizing his themes of experience in political office and opposition to big government?errors that eventuaUy undercut his candidacy for presidency. Vietnam and Watergate left a legacy of public distrust of government. The American populace felt betrayed by a government that had just lost an increasingly unpopular war for an increasingly dubious cause.1 The claims of US presidents that victory was just around corner rang hoUow after America's humi?ating defeat in 1975, which featured the spectacle of US Marines using rifle butts to keep desperate Vietnamese from blocking escape routes and of angry ARVN [Army of RepubUc of Vietnam] soldiers firing on

The Jurassic-Cretaceous succession at Rifle Butts Quarry (SSSI) and its implications for sedimentation on the Market Weighton Structure

New biostratigraphical data are presented for the Jurassic-Cretaceous succession at Rifle Butts Quarry (Goodmanham, North Yorkshire). The record of the belemnite Acrocoelites (Acrocoelites) subtenuis (Simpson) from the oolitic ironstone demonstrates that this is of early Toarcian (probably Harpoceras falciferum Zone) age. Belemnites ( Neohibolites ) and bivalves (inoceramids and Aucellina ) from the overlying Hunstanton Formation (Red Chalk) suggest an age span from the Callihoplites auritus Subzone (and possibly the late Hysteroceras varicosum Subzone) of the Mortoniceras inflalum Zone to the early Stoliczkaia dispar Zone. The marl at the base of the First Inoceramus Bed of the Ferriby Formation rests on top of the bored surface of the Hunstanton Formation. This demonstrates that both the Hunstanton and Ferriby formations onlap the Market Weighton Structure. Previous records of Carstone from Rifle Butts are incorrect as the true Carstone (as well as the lower part of the Hunstanton Formation) has been overstepped by higher parts of the Hunstanton Formation.

The Roman Catholic Church and Genocide in Croatia, 1941-1945

Just before I sat down to write this paper, I heard the editor of the Serbian newspaper in Knin giving an interview to the BBC. ‘Remember’, he said over the crackling telephone line, ‘we Serbs had our Auschwitz too; it was called Jasenovac’ Jasenovac can legitimately be compared with Auschwitz in the annals of human horror. Nobody knows how many Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies were hacked to pieces with butcher knives, beaten to death with clubs and rifle butts, worked to death on detachments, or died of fright, illness, and starvation in the Croatian death camp. A Serb friend of mine recalls being pulled by his mother from the rails of a ferry on the river Sava, near Jasenovac, in 1941 as he stared at the bits of human anatomy bobbing in the current. In the archives of the Italian Foreign Ministry in Rome there is a file of photographs of the butcher knives and mallets used in the camp and elsewhere by the Ustase in their pogroms, as well as pictures of the mutilated victims. Those pictures have been indelibly burned on to the retina of my memory. Vladko Maček, the leader of the Croatian Peasants Party, was arrested and sent to Jasenovac on 15 October 1941, six months after the foundation of the Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, the Independent State of Croatia. He described it in his memoirs: The camp had previously been a brick-yard and was situated on the embankment of the Sava river. In the middle of the camp stood a two-storey house, originally erected for the offices of the enterprise … The screams and wails of despair and extreme suffering, the tortured outcries of the victims, broken by intermittent shooting, accompanied all my waking hours and followed me into sleep at night.

The Swedish Embassy, Bangladesh

THE SWEDISH EMBASSY, BANGLADESH /G. S. Sharat Chandra Arrows point to the Swedish Embassy from several streets as if everyday there's an open party. When I walk up aU I see is a gorgeous bungalow next to a vacant lot full of filth, its high glass panes locked tight as a bankrupt bank. A guard in blue sleeves & khaki shorts rests his rifle butt between his legs, asks, "What you want?" Following the arrow, I say smiling, where's the party? "No party, no strangers. Road is dead-end. I.D. required. Go back!" And looks up at some classified window where his master laughs in secret approval. The Missouri Review · 253 ...

Redescription of Early Miocene dolphinPhocaenopsis mantelliHuxley, 1859 (Odontocetiincertae sedis)

Abstract The holotype and unique specimen of Phocaenopsis mantelli Huxley, 1859, was derived from Lower Miocene Rifle Butts Formation (Altonian Stage) at either Awamoa Creek or Old Rifle Butts, North Otago, New Zealand. Previous citations of a Pleistocene or Quaternary age, and of possible contemporaneity with man, are erroneous. Phocaenopsis mantelli does not appear to be allied with the Phocoenidae, and perhaps represents a rhabdosteid or squalodontid, but the absence of obvious diagnostic features necessitates its placement in the Odontoceti incertae sedis.

Name bearer for Awamoan Stage (lower Miocene, New Zealand)

Abstract A drillhole at Awamoa Creek, Oamaru, sited on strata that constitute the name bearer for the Awamoan Stage (lower Miocene), penetrated (in downward sequence) Rifle Butts Formation (c. 55 ft), Gee Greensand (c. 120 ft), and terminated in volcanic agglomerate (?Deborah Volcanic Formation). Correlations with the section at Target Gully (principally by trends in Haeuslerella pukeuriensis Parr, in Globigerinoides trilobus trilobus (Reuss) and in Globorotalia zealandica zealandica Hornibrook) indicate that the latter sequence is highly condensed. Because Target Gully Shellbed, base of the Awamoan Stage by original designation, appears to be strati-graphically superior to strata at Awamoa Creek, the latter is rejected as name bearer. Target Gully Shellbed is proposed in its place.

Arikara Glassworking Techniques at Leavenworth and Sully Sites

AbstractExcavations of protohistoric Arikara sites in South Dakota have produced native manufactured blue-glass pendants in association with burials. On the basis of archaeological and laboratory evidence, it is conjectured that the Arikara produced these pendants by first grinding blue-glass seed beads to form a powder. They then moistened the powder to form a paste and shaped and fired the paste to the desired form on a copper plate which often was a rifle butt plate. In addition, it is shown that, through time, the Arikara gradually refined their techniques to produce better made pendants and ornaments of different shapes.

Awamoan Stage (Lower Miocene, N.Z.): Implications of Allan's revision, and relation to Altonian

Abstract Implications of Allan's redefinition (1933) of the Awamoan Stage are assessed using stratigraphic trends in the lineages of Haeuslerella pukeuriensis Parr and Globigerinoides trilobus trilobus (Reuss) observed in the section at “Old Rifle Butts”, Oamaru. The redefinition lowers the base of the stage as set by Thomson (1916), but complete overlap with Hutchinsoniancannot be shown. The highest unit at “Old Rifle Butts” (Allan's name bearer) may be lower than that implied in Thomson's usage of Awamoan. The lowest formation in the Altonian name bearer (Clifden Limestone above Lower Limestone Member, Clifden) is probably equivalent to Awamoan of Allan (1933) and to Hutchinsonian (part) and Awamoan of Thomson (1916).

Laryngeal syncope and hoarseness.

SPACE-OCCUPYING intralaryngeal muscle implantation for correction of symptoms associated with arytenoidal dislocation and resultant cordal fixation in wide abduction is an effective surgical procedure, and was used in the following instance. <h3>REPORT OF A CASE</h3> Mr. W. C., a white man, aged 27, was first examined in our office on March 18, 1952, because of symptoms of an acute maxillary sinusitis. The clinical findings corroborated the history. In addition, hoarseness of marked degree was evident. Initial vocal difficulty occurred during childhood when an injury to the neck occurred. Memory of circumstances and symptoms associated with this was vague. However, mild hoarseness dated back to this incident. The patient was inducted into the Army in 1943, and the medical examiner noted some laryngeal problem with the technical details of which the patient was unfamiliar. Subsequent to this, while on active duty, he was struck in the neck by a rifle butt.