Revolutionary Values Research Articles

Mites, Mildew and Anheuser-Busch: How Pests, Big Beer, and Hops Shaped the Craft Brewing Industry

The American craft beer industry’s creation narrative is rooted in countercultural food politics. Popular stories describe how plucky brewers pioneered complex and hoppy beers that revolutionized a bland American beer industry dominated by industrial lagers. Hops are now the most celebrated ingredient in the craft beer industry and serve as visual representations of the artisanal and revolutionary values of small brewers that contrasts with the industrial and bland products of the nation’s massive lager brewers. The history of hops and brewing presented here, however, demonstrates the connections between big and small brewers and the environmental impacts of craft brewers’ hoppy beers otherwise obscured by their preferred dichotomous narrative. Craft beer grew in tandem with the modern hop industry and became enmeshed with big business and industrial agricultural practices to access their signature commodity, hops. By integrating environmental and business history, this article explores how brewers, scientists, farmers, and nonhumans influenced each other to create the modern craft brewing industry. This approach demonstrates the often-obscured connections between big and small firms by examining the environments, organisms, and supply chains they depend upon.

Revolution, Morality, and Heroism in Angola

Abstract This article explores the political uses of frameworks of heroism in Angola. It argues that after independence and governing a country it had to decolonize, the MPLA promoted a specific political morality and civic virtue by referencing its own heroes and heroines. It used its youth, women, and children’s party organizations as vehicles to indoctrinate society in the new revolutionary values and behaviours. Yet, after an immense work of signification, the archive on heroism and morality, specific to a political period, was made obsolete due to the political changes after the turn to democracy and end of the civil war.

Thought Reform in Daily Life: Revolutionary Ideology and the Self of a Chinese College Student, 1951–1953

Abstract: This article reexamines China's Thought Reform campaign in higher education through a college student's daily experience. Unlike previous research, which has examined the ideological effects of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on faculty members, we focus on college students' thoughts, emotions, and behavior before, during, and after the Thought Reform campaign. On the basis of in-depth analysis of personal diaries and official archives, this article examines how a college student understood, accepted, and practiced revolutionary values and the conflicts that occurred during these practices. We argue that students selectively practiced revolutionary values following personal motivations, mainly focusing on the specific values that matched their daily concerns and interests. We also argue that, although the Thought Reform campaign consolidated the CCP's power in colleges and universities, it had little effect on individuals' desires to pursue personal interests and happiness in their daily lives.

Cuban Youth: Changing Attitudes Towards Sexual and Reproductive Health

Cuba remains one of the few countries still governed by a communist party. Despite its socialist commitments, including to gender equality, these have not been fully achieved and norms concerning gender roles are often at variance with revolutionary values. Focusing on youth and particularly young women, this article draws on primary data collected in Cuba in 2018–19 to explore young people’s sexual and reproductive health decisions. The analysis highlights how despite the family planning services and educational opportunities made available to them, young women’s reproductive and sexual choices are often determined by men and by values that accord primacy to marriage and motherhood, as conservative values are increasingly gaining a foothold.

"If they send him off, I think I shall not long be safe myself": Contesting Early American Citizenship in the Longchamps Affair, 1784–1786

Abstract: Through the little known Longchamps Affair, this article explores the interaction between state and national, and popular and legal, conceptions of American citizenship during the founding era. In 1784, French migrant Charles Julien de Longchamps attacked a French diplomat on the streets of Philadelphia, sparking a national debate on what it meant to be an American citizen. While the French government demanded his expatriation, in an unexpected turn of events, Longchamps alleged that he had been naturalised as a citizen of Pennsylvania the day before the attack, and consequently had the right to stand trial in the United States. The affair became a national referendum on the nature of American citizenship. Officials employed a state-centric, legal vision of membership inherited from the colonial period to argue that Longchamps was not an American citizen and advocate for his removal. These claims were disputed in newspaper coverage across the United States, which instead contended that Longchamps' commitment to revolutionary values proved his citizenship, invoking a broader national community. The public perceived Longchamps' fate as inherently tied to their own, demonstrating that a shared sense of belonging across the United States was equally as important as state membership in shaping how citizenship was understood in real terms. The Longchamps Affair provides a window into the ambiguous and contested nature of membership during the founding decades, both in determining what constituted American citizenship, and how the rights conferred by citizenship differed for native-born Americans and naturalized migrants.

BAT (Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent) as a post-shanzhai phenomenon: An analysis from the perspective of antifragility and modularization

Shanzhai refers to the production of mobile phones that imitate popular brands, a practice that became widespread in China around a decade ago. This form of production is characterized by modularity: the division of products into small independent components that make it easier to update and replace parts without affecting the whole. In this article, we analyze modularization as a post-shanzhai phenomenon in China’s largest technology companies – Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent (BAT) – in order to compare them to their Western equivalents: Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft (GAFAM). Instead of exoticizing Chinese technological development or undertaking another postcolonial reading, we use the concepts of ‘boundary objects’ and ‘antifragility’ to put the revolutionary values that endure in post-shanzhai China (and elsewhere) into perspective. In addition, we conclude that a fuller sociohistorical understanding of the ambivalences of shanzhai may encourage more self-critical understandings of Western technological and digital developments.

Review of A. Forrest's "Beyond the Edge of the Battlefield. The life of the military during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars"

The article analyzes the work of the English historian A. Forrest, devoted to the study of the individual experience of the military during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. Forrest departs from the traditional view of the history of war as the history of battles and focuses his attention on various aspects of the daily life soldiers, such as enlistment, interaction with foreigners during foreign campaigns, captivity, demobilization and the life of veterans after the end of the war. The author pays special attention to the discrepancies between propaganda and the realities of soldier's life and casts doubt on the formation of a new type of revolutionary soldier, postulated by revolutionary propaganda. As shortcomings of the book, one can single out some ignorance by the author of data that contradicts his statement about the complete apoliticality of peasants, who formed the basis of the army of revolutionary France, and their alienation to revolutionary values. Besides the author does not always clearly distinguish the Jacobin army and the army of the Napoleonic time, attributing later features to the former, therefore important details regarding the war nature evolution may be lost. Separately, the author considers the construction of historical memory of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars in France.

A Nomogram for Predicting Surgical Timing in Neonates with Necrotizing Enterocolitis.

To explore the surgical risk variables in patients with necrotizing enterocolitis (NEC) and develop a nomogram model for predicting the surgical intervention timing of NEC. Infants diagnosed with NEC were enrolled in our study. We gathered information from clinical data, laboratory examinations, and radiological manifestations. Using LASSO (least absolute shrinkage and selection operator) regression analysis and multivariate logistic regression analysis, a clinical prediction model based on the logistic nomogram was developed. The performance of the nomogram model was evaluated using the receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curve, calibration curves, and decision curve analysis (DCA). A surgical intervention risk nomogram based on hypothermia, absent bowel sounds, WBC > 20 × 109/L or < 5 × 109/L, CRP > 50 mg/L, pneumatosis intestinalis, and ascites was practical, had a moderate predictive value (AUC > 0.8), improved calibration, and enhanced clinical benefit. This simple and reliable clinical prediction nomogram model can help physicians evaluate children with NEC in a fast and effective manner, enabling the early identification and diagnosis of children at risk for surgery. It offers clinical revolutionary value for the development of medical or surgical treatment plans for children with NEC.

Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution by Max M. Edling

Reviewed by: Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution by Max M. Edling Donald F. Johnson (bio) U.S. Constitution, Constitutional history, Legal history Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution. By Max M. Edling. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 208. Cloth, $29.95.) Americans have never fully agreed on the nature of the U.S. Constitution. As jurists and legal scholars have debated and re-interpreted concepts like originalism and the extent of executive power, historians have long argued over the ideological and economic motivations of the framers as well as their racial and gender politics, imperial ambitions, and countless other considerations. Recent scholarship has demonstrated just how long a genealogy these debates have had, tracing their origins to the first decades after ratification as the framers themselves changed their positions and revised their interpretations of the document they drafted to reflect [End Page 173] changing political realities.1 From James Madison to Samuel Alito, then, interpretation of the founding has had as much of an eye on the present as the past. In Perfecting the Union, Max M. Edling seeks to strip out two centuries of forward-looking interpretation and place the Constitution in both the larger context of late eighteenth-century Euro–American statecraft and the narrower context of relations between the American states in the 1770s and 1780s. What results is a refreshing new analysis of the framers' Constitution as a fundamentally "Unionist" national charter, intended neither to entrench revolutionary values—however defined—nor to empower republican elites. Rather, the leaders of the early republic sought to create a more effective alliance between the states by clearly dividing areas of sovereignty between states and the new Federal government in ways that improved upon but did not fundamentally change the conceptions of government and authority that triggered the break with Britain and underpinned the earlier Articles of Confederation. In short and to-the-point chapters, Edling takes the reader through the framers' concept of a constitution as "federal treaty" or "compact of union between the states," and of their concept of such a union as "the means whereby weak states could safeguard their sovereignty" and "a political organization meant to further the interests of the states"—concepts that largely held for both the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution (11, 36). The author then turns to "internal police"—a term just emerging in the eighteenth century referring to a sphere of sovereignty with control over crime and punishment, infrastructure, economic development, poor relief; areas of government found in modern ministries of the interior or contained in domestic policy portfolios. While in the 1780s the concept had "an elastic and imprecise meaning," strong internal policing was nevertheless considered essential by late-eighteenth-century Anglophone political thinkers to "the refined, well-ordered, and opulent society" (81, 89). Through close readings of how these ideas functioned from the 1760s through the 1790s, Edling makes a persuasive case that a majority at least of the framers saw the Constitution not as a national charter supplanting state authority but rather strengthening the compact so that a more powerful [End Page 174] union could better protect the sovereignty of each state over its own internal affairs. As a result, the success of the unionist Constitution should be judged not on "the federal government's regulation of domestic affairs but its regulation of the western borderlands and the Atlantic marketplace" (14). To further the unionist interpretation, the book's intriguing final chapter uses legislative records at the Federal and state levels to demonstrate that, at least initially, the framers followed through on their promises of an outward-looking Congress and inward-looking states. Compiling an impressive quantitative analysis of legislation in Congress and the Pennsylvania legislature from 1789 through 1796—a time period in which national politicians "did their best to implement the political program that had propelled the framers to Philadelphia" (13). Using Great Britain's eighteenth-century Parliamentary record as a control, Edling demonstrates persuasively that, with a few splashy exceptions such as the Bill of Rights, the first Federal Congresses largely limited itself to "regulat[ing] relations between the United States...

Print Media and the Question of Slavery in Cuba: Discursive Strategies in Barcelona’s La Flaca and Havana’s El Moro Muza and Don Junípero

This article explores the portrayal of the first Cuban war of independence against Spain (Ten Years’ War, 1868–1878) in print media in both Spain (Barcelona) and in Cuba (Havana). The Spanish press portrayed official reports on the war as falsehood and denounced the exclusionary treatment of Cubans of African descent. The Havana print media, although careful to avoid direct references to participation in the war by former slaves, addressed the racial composition of the Cuban army in a series of images questioning revolutionary values. In their illustrations, both journals derided the aspiration of Cubans living in the United States, and in particular the political movement in favour of annexation. Through the use of the graphic images and short texts that appeared as captions or footers, these publications sought to construct and consolidate public opinion on the idea of independence (for and against) and to insert themselves in the larger discussion and vision for the end of colonialism in Cuba.

The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Iran’s Regional Policy

For Iran, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its peaceful settlement were and remain closely related to national security interests. The basis of Iran's national security is anchored in the protection of all the layers of Iranian identity. Taking into consideration that this identity consists of Iranian, Islamic, Shiite and Revolutionary elements, we can argue that the attempt to impose a military solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and, particularly, the direct involvement of Turkey and foreign mercenaries in the conflict, has been and still remains a threat to all components of Iran’s security. The status quo of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has effectively hindered the implementation of the Azerbaijan-Northern Iran-Turkey pan-Turkic program. Moreover, the neutralization of this obstacle has been one of the important components of the security of Iran's identity. Azerbaijan, with the support of Turkey, is consistently trying to advance the idea of “one nation, two states”, presenting the northern provinces of Iran as “Southern Azerbaijan” and talking about the need to unite them with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In the context of this ideology and the struggle of the Pan-Iranian ideology against it, preventing the expansion of Azerbaijani forces toward the east and southeast was within Iran’s immediate interests. It is not surprising that in the aftermath of the 44-Day War in Karabakh, Iran has implemented several military drills across the Iran-Azerbaijan borders. The latest one is the largest and it has been accompanied by several anti-Azerbaijani statements from Iranian officials. In addition, Iranian officials have repeatedly stated that the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia is a red line for Iran and the North-South Corridor is of vital importance for Tehran. From the perspective of Iran’s Islamic identity, the current Azerbaijani state, with its secular approaches and pro-American, pro-Israeli policies, is considered a threat in the context of regional countries which are founded on Islamic values. Many Iranian experts and state officials believe that the Israeli technologies and human resources which have been used by Azerbaijan can also be used against Iran. From the perspective of Shiite identity, although Azerbaijan is a country with a Shiite majority population, the facts surrounding repressions in cities with a significant religious population make Azerbaijan an enemy of Shiite identity. The policy adopted by Azerbaijan around religious organizations inspires Iran to raise legitimate questions about the sincerity of Azerbaijan’s Shiite identity. During and after last year’s war, the transfer of Sunni mercenaries to Azerbaijan has also had a major impact on the security of Northern Iran. It is crucial to remember that Iran has made it a national security priority to fight against Sunni extremist groups in Syria, Iraq, Libya and other parts of the region, asserting that if they are not eliminated outside of Iran’s borders, they will end up in the country proper. During the war, Iran’s officials repeatedly stressed the importance of the withdrawal of those mercenaries from the region. The presence of the mercenaries in the region was condemned not only by the representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran and by the Majles but also in a statement made by Iran’s leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on 3 November 2020. From the perspective of Iran’s revolutionary identity, the existence of Azerbaijan’s clan-based state authorities and the reliance of Azerbaijani politics on foreign economic and political actors in a polarized society make Azerbaijan an obstacle for the dissemination of Iran’s revolutionary values. Thus, we can state that while Iran’s response to the escalation of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh was neutral and balanced, as it has been traditionally, Iran still has strong concerns about Azerbaijan’s behavior and desire for a military solution, Turkey’s involvement and the arrival of mercenaries in the region. Furthermore, Tehran’s statements about the sovereign territories of Armenia being its red line, especially when it comes to the southern Syunik region after the trilateral agreement of 9 November, make Iran’s security in the northern regions very vulnerable. This is the reason why Iran has been proactive with regards to its statements about regional stability and peace while also initiating a series of visits to both Azerbaijan and Armenia to boost all the possible regional projects, especially concerning the North-South Corridor.

ТЕОРЕТИКО-МЕТОДИЧНІ ОСНОВИ ДОСЛІДЖЕННЯ ЕКОНОМІЧНИХ ЗНАНЬ

The article studies theoretical approaches to understanding knowledge and their role in the development of society. Defined as the main directions of economic theory (institutionalism, neoclassicism and Keynesianism), to one degree or another affect the issues of knowledge, based on the characteristics of their subject and research methodology. The importance of studying the foundations of economic knowledge within the framework of the evolutionary approach is substantiated by the well-known theories of transformation of society (post-industrial society, information capitalism, information society, information economy), where attention is focused on the onset of a new stage in the development of society, changes in its structure, the emergence of new social forces and knowledge is «core» of such models of society. The modern directions of economic theory are considered, in the framework of institutionalism – the development of the stock of knowledge is an important condition for achieving goals that require training, investment in skills and knowledge. The theory of the concept of information economy, based on the recognition of the exceptional weight of information, where innovation is based on the process of knowledge transformation, linking the innovation economy with the processes of obtaining, disseminating and using knowledge, has been studied. It is proved that the leading representatives of economic thought interpreted knowledge in different ways depending on the context; however, they have always noted it as one of the fundamental foundations of the social and economic structure of society. The concept of the knowledge economy is a synthesis of the main scientific schools and trends with the combination of constructive provisions and an emphasis on ensuring a profound transformation of economic systems on the basis of the revolutionary value of knowledge for development. The essence of the concept of «knowledge economy» is investigated, combining theories and ideas in four areas: philosophy (epistemology), mathematics (cybernetics), economics (informatics) and national accounting (statistical analysis). It is determined that in the modern concept of economic theory, the essence of the knowledge economy is transmitted through a set of characteristics that reveal their content. It has been established that the knowledge economy is the core of the modern model for the development of economic systems, namely, a tool to accelerate the pace of scientific and technological progress and the growth of the nation's well-being

«Une fois sur le trône, on n’en veut plus sortir»: “Étéocle” de Gabriel-Marie Legouvé, ou de la légitimité du pouvoir entre Directoire et Consulat

During the last period of the Directory, the government tries to counteract the opposition of the Jacobin faction and the rebirth of the royalists by multiplying the directives tending to consolidate the civic spirit and the exaltation of the revolutionary values. Theatres, still considered as “civic schools”, are thus invited to promote the great ancient libertarian examples of republican virtues opposed to the darkness of tyranny. Étéocle, Gabriel-Marie Legouve’s tragedy created at the Théâtre-Français on the 19th October 1799 developing the most «tragic subject of anti-quity» – the fratricidal struggle of the Oedipus’ sons for the throne of Thebes – is justly praised by the censors for its exaltation of the republican virtues: «la haine des rois est la moralité de cette tragédie». Despite a good success of criticism and public, the play nonetheless disappears from the repertory after a few performances. “Political” since conceived as a hymn to the values of an ideal Republic, this tragedy treating of the legitimacy and the obsession of power was not likely to be appreciated by Bonaparte after his Coup d’État of November 9th and was no longer really suited to the desire of an audience dreaming of fun, order and peace under the guide of the man of Providence.

From Negation in Syntax to Negation of Revolutionary Values Aesthetic Analysis of Negation in Ebrahim Nasrallah’s The Second Dog War

From Negation in Syntax to Negation of Revolutionary Values Aesthetic Analysis of Negation in Ebrahim Nasrallah’s The Second Dog War

The Intersection of Values and Social Reproduction: Lessons from Cuba

This article will examine how various socialist values are promoted through the Cuban educational system. The voices represented vary generationally, racially, and gender. This research is not meant to generalize about all educational experiences in Cuba; rather, it represents a variety of experiences in the educational system. The research represented in this article was gathered in June 2015 in Havana, Cuba. This article begins with a brief historical background on education in Cuba after the triumph of the revolution in 1959, followed by data collection methods, representation of the data through vignettes and poetry, and finally an analysis of the diverse experiences through the framework of intersectionality. The primary finding was that Cuban society taught socialist values overtly within the educational system through school-based activities, such as the Junior Pioneers from the primary level, and through its emphasis on values formation as part of teacher training. The inculcation of these revolutionary values through the education system kept the revolutionary ideology alive across generations.&#x0D;

“You Are Our Pride and Our Glory!” Emotions, Generation, and the Legacy of Revolution in Women's Letters to Valentina Tereshkova

Valentina Vladimirovna Tereshkova (known as the “Seagull”) became the first woman in space on June 16, 1963. Female fans of all ages wrote letters to the twenty‐seven‐year‐old cosmonaut expressing their pride and admiration. This article provides a close reading of two such letters, one from an octogenarian who witnessed the revolution first hand, and the other from a woman who, like Tereshkova, was a member of “Stalin's last generation.” Exploration of these two generational perspectives provides insight into how individuals responded to Tereshkova's flight and what the female cosmonaut's triumph meant to Soviet women as a community. Letter‐writers connected personally with Tereshkova, embracing her victory as their own. But the seagull's ascent had wider resonances for them as well, reaffirming women's shared belief that equality still mattered as a core revolutionary value. Moreover, because those writing to Tereshkova described how they felt about the female cosmonaut's feat, the letters provide analytical access to women as an emotional community–a textual and relational space that afforded women an intimate sense of belonging as well as avenues for self‐actualization that were otherwise sparsely available in Khrushchev's male‐centric party/state and its associated (and highly gendered) emotional regime.

Penerapan Hermeneutika Dalam Tafsir Pembebasan Asghar Ali Engineer

A tendency to make liberation as paradigm to interpret holy book (al-Qur' an) is the new tendency. That is fonn of unsatisfaction into products of intepretation which is considered no relent ,with contemporary problems. Regarded the products of interpretation have ignored the revolutionary values that hare been being the ultimate mission of revelation. That is the Ali's reason to use hermeneutical approach in interpretating al Qur 'an. According to Ali Indian's conditions has relemncy with al-Qur 'an when revealed. In hermeneutical approach Ali explored the liberation and revolutionary values in the verses of Qur 'an. Ali has concluded that all verses of Qur'an have liberation values for who oppressed like in India.

The linguistic landscape of a revolutionary country : the case of Cuba.

The present research article aims to give an overview over the linguistic landscape of Cuba shaped by more than 50 years of socialist revolution, because the linguistic landscape of a country can be considered as a lens, which can be used to interpret social and political facts. With a qualitative methodology, the article present data on the Cuban Linguistic Landscape and analyze the political content, linguistic characteristics and objectives of a sample of signs present in the Cuban LL, and how this has been used by the propaganda in Cuba in order to celebrate the revolution and spread revolutionary values and ideas.

The Future of the European Concept of Human Rights

Since more than two centuries, Europe has been largely built on the French Revolution value system - on the freedom, the equality, and the fraternity. Many people consider this event to be epochal and of great importance to the history of world. The human rights, which have become a new decalogue of European culture are product of this revolution. The concept of human rights, based on revolutionary values, is not accepted by everyone. Furthermore, the accusation can be heard that this instrument is used to Europeanize Africa and Asia. The lack of acceptation for the value of the French Revolution on these continents leads to the rejection of the very concept of human rights. It is necessary to seek new axiological foundations for this concept. The human needs set according to the Maslow's pyramid are the right foundation here. These changes may lead to a new consensus within the European Union on the construction of a new structure of society, politics and economy. Such a consensus can give the European Union and entire Europe a chance to live peacefully for the next few centuries.

THE COMPATIBILITY OF ISLAM TO DEMOCRACY: AN ANALYSIS OF HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA (HTI) VIEW ON ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY

Fundamentalist Islamic groups are often identified as resistant groups towards revolutionary values coming from the West. In Indonesian context, fundamentalist groups was represented by, one of them, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Fundamentally, HTI as a group opposes any changes and supports the establishment of Islamic nation. From this perspective, HTI is against democracy as a product of western thought. In fact, HTI is struggling for the unity Islamic ummah under khilafah islamiyyah by khalifah as a leader. From this background this paper aims at answering to questions. First, how is HTI view as a fundamentalist group on the compatibility of Islam to democracy? Second, Is Islam compatible with democracy?&#x0D; KEY WORDS: HTI, Democracy, Compatibility, Islam