Revolutionary Tradition Research Articles

Capital’s Genocide: A Conversation on Racial Capitalism, Settler Colonialism, and Possible Worlds after Gaza

Taking as a starting point the desire of many to locate the unfolding genocide in Gaza in the irrationality of its perpetrators — the Israeli state and/or its imperial backers — this article proposes instead to understand it as an extreme expression of the continuous violence necessary to maintain not only local settler colonial rule, but the global capitalist system as a whole. Building on the existing literature on settler colonialism and racial capitalism, and insisting on the ways that both should be understood not as discrete, self-contained objects of study, but as co-constitutive elements of the global order, this article attempts to illuminate the structural logics at play in Israel’s latest and most brutal assault on Palestinian life. In doing so, the article emphasises Zionism’s role in maintaining western imperialism at a crucial nodal point of the world economy and, in turn, the latter’s commitment to guaranteeing its stability and dominance. The article resists, however, the urge to move from explaining current structures of domination to declaring them as final or unshakable. It therefore ends by proposing possible different tomorrows, through an engagement with the Palestinian revolutionary tradition.

Digital Protection and Innovative Development Path of Red Culture Resources Based on Distributed Machine Learning Supported by Intelligent Information

As a product of the revolutionary war years, red culture, with its strong vitality, strong cohesion and extraordinary charm, with its incomparable positive energy, resists vulgar and flattering culture, promotes people to rebuild their faith, purify their minds, stimulate their motivation, and promote the process of cultural power. Yan’an, represented by red culture, is rich in resources. This is the holy land of Chinese revolution, the first batch of famous historical and cultural cities named by the State Council, and the three major education bases of patriotism, revolutionary tradition, and Yan’an spirit. The development and utilization of such resources have great political, cultural, educational and economic values. This research is based on the development of red culture, and uses the distributed machine learning system to realize in the system architecture of parameter server. In the distributed system set in this study, node downtime and network interruption are random. When the parameter server system adopts static scheduling, it leads to poor scalability and robustness. The experimental results show that under the intelligent simulation of machine learning system, the development of red culture resources meets the expected assumptions, and the accuracy of the model is relatively high.

Jay Bergman. The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture.

Jay Bergman. <i>The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture</i>.

The resources related to the CPC's heritage of the "Little Long March" are used to raise students' awareness of courses on political philosophy teaching in colleges and universities

Raising students' awareness is an important goal of the teaching reform of courses on political philosophy in colleges and universities. Resources related to the heritage of the Communist Party of China (CPC or Party) have rich revolutionary cultural connotations, carry the spiritual state of firm ideals and beliefs, and show the glorious course of the CPC in leading the Chinese people to continuously realize their aspiration for a better life. Among them, the "Little Long March" resources related to the Party's heritage of the Seventh Army of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army are a typical representative. Raising students' awareness with the resources related to the Party's heritage of the "Little Long March" has become an important path for the teaching reform of courses on political philosophy in colleges and universities. However, in order to give full play to the role of the "Little Long March" resources related to the Party's heritage in raising students' awareness, it is necessary to have the support of basic conditions such as academic research support, the creation of a suitable spatial environment, and a team of teachers who have firmly faith in science. Ideological and political teachers integrate the resources related to the Party's heritage of the "Little Long March" into the teaching of political philosophy courses in colleges and universities by mastering scientific theories, correctly interpreting the resources related to the Party's heritage of the "Little Long March", guiding students to carry forward our revolutionary traditions in the process of understanding and telling the revolutionary story of the "Little Long March", and nourishing the spiritual "calcium" of teachers and students in the process of field investigation of the historical resources of the "Little Long March".

북한의 백두산 인식 변화와 함의

In the 1960s, North Korea faced internal and external crises such as the Sino-Soviet dispute and the implementation of a parallel economic and defense policy. These internal and external crises made the North Korean leadership reflect on the difficult times when they led the anti-Japanese guerrilla army at the end of Japanese colonial rule. North Korea mythologized Kim Il-sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle, promoted it as a war criminal to emulate the guerrilla-style life, and demanded that the people learn and live by its style. In the process, Baekdu Mountain began to be symbolized as a sacred place of anti-Japanese revolutionary tradition. Baekdu Mountain is a place that reminds us of the revolutionary tradition of the anti-Japanese armed struggle, and is depicted as a symbol of the so-called ‘Baekdu bloodline’ and a medium to justify hereditary succession. For this reason, the majority of research on Mt. Baekdu has tended to interpret it in relation to the process of establishing North Korea’s revolutionary tradition or its idolization. However, Baekdu Mountain was not portrayed as the site of Kim Il-sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle or stereotyped as a symbol for the idolization of Kim Il-sung’s family immediately after liberation. Even in the early 1950s, Baekdu Mountain was depicted as an object to be developed and the territorial belonging of it was confirmed, and in the process of building a ‘guerrilla state’, it was also a stage that had to be occupied first in the competition between Kim Il-sung and the Gapsan faction. In addition, after the dissolution of the Cold War, it became a symbol of the unification ofNorth and South Korea as well as a medium to unite the people in the midst of a systemic crisis

The Path of Red Culture Integrating into Civic Education in Colleges and Universities Based on Big Data Analysis

Abstract This paper firstly proposes the EWM-TOPSIS method for evaluating the degree of integration of red culture into the Civic-Creative Education of colleges and universities, constructs the corresponding evaluation index system, utilizes the EWM method for the calculation of the index weights and carries out a comprehensive evaluation through the TOPSIS method. Secondly, the necessity and value performance of the integration of red culture into Civic Education is analyzed. Finally, the evaluation index system was utilized to verify the examples of red culture integrated into Civic Creation Education in colleges and universities. The results show that the weight value of revolutionary tradition education in the red culture integration into college CIC education is the highest at 0.1294, and the comprehensive evaluation results of the five colleges and universities show that School A scores the highest at 85.49 points. This shows that the integration of red culture into college CIC education needs to focus on the educational purpose and educational context so as to promote the better integration of red culture into college CIC education and to enhance students’ understanding and development of red culture.

The afterlife of punk: Evental sites of punk 771

Building on the argument of my previous article ‘Autonomy and agency: The event of punk 77’, this article defends the continuing political relevance of punk. Rejecting the dominant story that punk was a utopian, short-lived revolution, over before it had a chance to effect any social change, I argue that punk survives through people who, radicalized by its vision of cultural agency, motivate revolutionary ‘ways of being’ committed to realizing and transmitting that vision to others. The subjects of 77 are heir to a revolutionary tradition, choosing to ‘keep’ punk ‘alive’ through fidelity to its inaugural event; a fidelity that involves renewed acknowledgement of the ‘subversive’ dimension of the event’s original ‘epochal rupture’. Two case studies are offered in support of this argument. An account of the eruption of a punk scene in the provincial town of Drogheda in Ireland in the early 1980s is followed by discussion of the specific way punk engaged young women, a case study based on interviews with Gina Birch, founding member of first-generation all-female punk band the Raincoats. I conclude by recasting the legacy of punk as a tradition of revolutionary inheritance.

Timothy Scott Brown. Sixties Europe.

Timothy Scott Brown’s book is titled Sixties Europe, but its focus is really “1968,” or rather “classical problems of revolutionary theory and organization as they were manifested in sixties Europe” (8). Unlike, however, Arthur Marwick’s influential The Sixties, which covered the United States, Britain, France and Italy, or Gerd-Rainer Horn’s The Spirit of ‘68, which analyzed North America and Western Europe, Brown’s scope is genuinely European, incorporating the states beyond the iron curtain (although excluding the Soviet Union). His book is thus the best single-volume, English-language introduction to a European-wide 1968 that treats the revolts and rebellions of that era together. Building on recent trends in the historiography, Sixties Europe aims to situate 1968 both in the long sixties—extended back to the early 1950s, but not projected much beyond the early 1970s—and in its global context. Brown makes good use of English- and German-language secondary literature and manages to provide a sixties of significant breadth without sacrificing depth. The first chapter, “Mapping Sixties Europe,” grapples with the question of what connected the diverse but simultaneous revolts of 1968. Brown’s answer is, first, the structural dilemma of the revolutionary tradition (What was socialism if not state socialism?) and second, the transnational flow of ideas and activists that transmitted a worldwide revolt against “bureaucratic and technocratic domination” (24). The year 1968 is characterized as a project marked primarily by an antiauthoritarianism that sought creative forms of political self-realization. This framework allows Brown to successfully capture the multiplicity, diversity, and simultaneity of the revolts, and effectively dispenses with facile comparisons that measure “1968” in Eastern or Western Europe against each other in order to disparage or dismiss.

The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture, written by Jay Bergman

The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture, written by Jay Bergman

Notes on Contributors

Other| January 01 2023 Notes on Contributors South Atlantic Quarterly (2023) 122 (1): 215–216. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10358006 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Notes on Contributors. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 January 2023; 122 (1): 215–216. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10358006 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search Kieran Aarons teaches philosophy and interdisciplinary studies at Governors State University in Chicago.Giorgio Agamben is a contemporary Italian philosopher and political theorist whose works have been translated into numerous languages. His most recent book is L'irrealizzabile. Per una politica dell'ontologia (The Unrealizable: Toward a Politics of Ontology [2022]).Philippe Blouin is a PhD candidate in anthropology at McGill University. He published essays in Liaisons and Stasis and edited the forthcoming book The Mohawk Warrior Society: A Handbook on Sovereignty and Survival.Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen is professor of political aesthetics at the University of Copenhagen. He is the author of books on the Situationist International, politicized contemporary art, and the revolutionary tradition. His books have been translated into French, Italian, and Greek. His most recent book is Late Capitalist Fascism (2021).Rodrigo Karmy Bolton teaches classical Arab and contemporary philosophy in the Center for Arab Studies and... Issue Section: Contributors You do not currently have access to this content.

Why Has Marxism-Leninism Succeeded in Cuba?

Many dismiss Marxism-Leninism as an obsolete and discredited doctrine, one that died with the collapse of Soviet communism. Nevertheless, Marxism-Leninism lives on in Cuba, where the Communist Party is using it to guide the Revolution and construction of socialism. This raises the question: why has Marxism-Leninism succeeded in Cuba? This article identifies four reasons. First, and most importantly, Marxism is compatible with the Cuban revolutionary tradition, as exemplified in the legacy of José Martí. Second, Marxism is a scientific theory, one that offers a truthful insight into the causes and solutions to Cuba’s social problems. Third, Marxism has remained compatible with Cuba’s national conditions, even as they have changed over time. Fourth, Cuba’s communist leaders have developed and enriched Marxism, thereby achieving its successful Cubanisation. Together, the success of the Cuban Revolution and the development of Cuban socialism demonstrate the contemporary vitality, achievements, and significance of Marxism-Leninism.

La Revolución Rusa y América Latina: 1917 y más allá

La Revolución Rusa y América Latina: 1917 y más allá

Anarchists and national identity: The case of German radicals in the United States and Brazil, 1880–1945

AbstractHow German were German anarchists in the United States and Brazil? Did the experience of exile and immigration preserve or even heighten a national identity among radicals who openly espoused revolutionary internationalism? Anarchists distinguished between nation and nationality on the one hand, and the state and nationalism on the other. This article examines expressions of nationality by a handful of German anarchist editors and writers from the 1880s to the end of World War II. They wanted to be stateless, but not nationless. This article argues that German exile anarchists in the United States and Brazil expressed a militant, countercultural, antistatist and anticlerical nationality. They were ‘rooted cosmopolitans’: They identified with the international revolutionary tradition and at the same time remained attached to Germany's heritage of radical politics, arts and humanities. There was a remarkable consistency in their commentary levelled against Bismarck, the Kaiser, the Weimar government and the Nazis either in Germany or in the host country. Anarchists advocated for a borderless global federation of free communities and, to that end, rejected nationalism and urged people to stop ‘seeing like a state’ by exposing the false promises and crimes of statism.

1950년대 북한 사회주의 건설과 민족문화유산 계승 문제

The policy of inheritance and development of national cultural heritage has been a consistent policy of North Korea after the Liberation. In the early 1950s, North Korea needed internal integration and mobilization of internal resources in order to reorganize the Workers’ Party and the state system and to carry out post war reconstruction projects. Accordingly, the importance of national cultural heritage was further emphasized in terms of both ideology and practical use. In 1955, Kim Il-sung directed the establishment of ‘Juche’ based on the National Cultural Tradition and the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary Tradition. After the policy of socialist construction was fixed at the 3rd Congress of the Workers’Party of Korea in 1956, the project to inherit national cultural heritage was carried out with the goal of socialist construction. In particular, the advanced and reforming aspects were rediscovered in Silhak ideology. North Korea justified its radical socialization path through the ideology of Silhak. On the other hand, national cultural heritage in each sector, such as traditional science, architecture, weaponry, medicine, crafts, musical instruments, and clothing, was directly utilized and applied to the construction of socialism in North Korea as socio-economic resources, and it was closely related to the lives of the residents. Inheriting the tradition and realizing it in the present era was the realization of Juche, and it contained the orientation of the people's sovereignty in the sense that the people enjoy the nation’s treasures. Through the inheritance of national cultural heritage, North Korea’s socialist construction was ideologically reversed and utilized practically. In this way, North Korean socialism and national cultural traditions were closely related, and thus the nationalistic character took root in the North Korean socialist system.(University of North Korean Studies)

Barricades: Between Resistance and Revolution

ABSTRACT In a reflection on his Marxist past, J. F. Lyotard described a différend between himself and the revolutionary discourse. This might also represent the relations between the latter and the contemporary discourse of resistance, with its characteristic fascination with non-teleological political action. The disdain for teleology apparently justifies the incommensurability of these discourses, thus disabling any inheritance of elements of the revolutionary tradition. This essay challenges the unbridgeable nature of this gap and explores alternative relations between the two discourses, such as mimetic ones, by reading Walter Benjamin's somewhat neglected fragments on barricades in his Arcades Project. Benjamin's concept of interruption – celebrated by contemporary theorists of resistance – alongside his non-teleological concept of revolution, provides the theoretical armature for this task. Thus, I use barricades, commonly conceived as the emblem of the revolutionary tradition, in order to reconsider the possibility of inheriting aspects of this tradition in times in which the predominant discourse is that of resistance.

1960년대 북소 · 북중관계와 ‘혁명전통’의 변화

In the 1960s, North Korea began to expand its independence and Juche amid the gap between the Soviet Union and China. In the face of the division of the socialist camp and mounting national security instability in North Korea, independence and Juche have become more important values than anything else. Accordingly, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ also needed to be newly written. North Korea removed the Soviet Union from the history of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ and tried to prove that it was a people with a history of continuous struggle with nationalism, dogmatism, and left-leaning lines. In addition, with friendly North Korea-China relations and the restoration of North Korea-Soviet relations, North Korea could be recognized for its own ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ by China and the Soviet Union, which know best about Kim Il-sung`s history of anti-Japanese armed struggle. As a result, North Korea was able to realize not only the four principles of Juche ideology, ‘identity in thought,’ ‘independence in politics,’ ‘self-reliance in economy,’ and ‘self-defense in national defense,‘ but also ‘independence in history.’

Murray Bookchin; Dari Bolshevik ke Marxis Otonomis

This study discusses a brief biography of Murray Bookchin's revolutionary journey by tracing his activism and intellectual movements. This study uses a literary or library research approach, namely a comparative study to explore and trace the life journey of Bookchin. Boochin's long history of involvement in the revolutionary movement was inherited directly by his grandmother Zeitel Carlat who was a combatant in the war against the dictatorship of the Tsarist Empire. Zeitel who grew up with a liberal and secular education from the Haskalah tradition then passed his ideas on to his children, one of whom was Bookchin's mother, Rose. Rose is very different from her mother Zeitel. The difference was clearly illustrated when Rose chose to join the Russian Anarchist Workers' Union rather than join the American Communist Party. Over time Rose later married Nathan, a fellow Jewish immigrant. However, because Zeitel's hatred for Nathan was so strong, Rose and Nathan's relationship had to end. It was at this moment that Bookchin was first educated directly by his grandmother. From a young age, Bookchin was introduced to Russian revolutionary traditions, such as Stenka Razin, the leader of the Cossack rebellion and the large-scale peasantry in southeastern Russia. This search process is an attempt to elaborate and trace the background of Murray Bookchin's life so that he can find his own concept of thinking, namely dialectical naturalism and the concept of social ecology which has an important contribution to the dimensions of social science, especially sociology.

북한의 갑산파 숙청과 ‘혁명전통’의 굴절

The purge of the Gapsan faction in 1967 was an important turning point in the history of North Korea. Aer this incident, the monolithic ideological system and leadership of North Korea were established and the personality cult crystallized. In this process, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ based on the history of Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese guerrillas became rich in content and became an indispensable regulatory power. This article re-examines the reasons for the purge of the Gapsan faction by analyzing the historical materials of the time and analyzes how the political aftermath of the incident changed the narrative of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. Here are the analyzes.BRFirst, it is dicult to note that the Gapsan faction emphasized its own experience with the anti-Japanese guerrillas as different from that of Kim Il Sung and denied the exclusivity of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. Contrary to previous studies, there is no evidence that the faction espoused a socialist patriotism that was supposedly different from the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. The two concepts -socialist patriotism and ‘Revolutionary Tradition’- were not in opposition to each other. In summary, the Gapsan faction’s attempt to pluralize the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’, as claimed in many studies, did not exist.BRSecond, the main reason for the purge was the Gapsan faction’s opposition to the succession system. Around 1966, Park Geom-chol, a representative figure of the faction, vehemently opposed Kim Yong ju and Kim Jong Il, who emerged as candidates for succession. After the faction was purged during the succession conflict, the content of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ was distorted in a way that emphasized Kim Il Sung’s lineage. The revolutionization of Kim’s family was an attempt to legitimize the succession from Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il. In other words, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ in North Korea was completed by honoring Kim Jong Il, a legitimate son, as the successor.

“Tuk, tuk, tuk!“ A History of Russia's Prison Knocking Language

From 1870 to the fall of the tsarist autocracy, the political prisons of the Romanov regime were filled with the sound of tapping. This was “knocking language” (perestukivanie)–a coded system of knocks and taps used by incarcerated Russian revolutionaries to communicate with one another through the walls of their solitary cells. This article tells the first scholarly history of this medium–using prison archives and radical memoirs to reveal its development in the prisons of the Peter and Paul Fortress, its varied forms and uses, and its pathways of diffusion and transmission. In doing so, the present text seeks not only to give a new empirical account of an understudied practice of carceral subversion. It also attempts to locate knocking language within the larger discursive landscape of the Russian revolutionary tradition–investigating how the specific ways in which this prison alphabet was wielded and understood reverberate within this period's considerations of self‐narration, radical struggle, and political agency.

The Enigmatic Intelligencer: Deng Fa and the Chinese Communist Secret Police Profession

This research investigates the life of Chinese communist secret police chief Deng Fa and his pioneering influence on the profession of political policing. The Chinese secret police handle intelligence and counterintelligence duties in addition to suppressing political dissent. During the revolutionary period, the secret police’s neutralization of hidden threats proved critical to the Chinese Communist Party’s rise to power. The present-day secret police still stand guard for the party-state while closely observing its revolutionary traditions. Through examining Deng Fa and his professional legacy, this article hopes to contribute to the academic discourse on China studies and intelligence studies.