Revolutionary Symbol Research Articles

The Ideal Female Image under the Discourse of Special Times

As a special cultural product during the "Cultural Revolution", the birth of "model opera" has strong epochal and political significance. And the female image shaped in the "model drama" also has a strong "revolutionary symbol" color. This paper analyzes the two types of female images in "model dramas", summarizes the commonality of female roles in "model dramas", explains the loss of female consciousness behind its production, and attempts to analyze the alienation and distortion of women in the special era of "Cultural Revolution".

Theatrical historical performances as a form of cultural solidarity in the space of a provincial town (early 1920-s)

The article studies historical theatre performances on the territory of Kazan in the early 20s of the XX century on the basis of available historical sources and scientific literature. The political and cultural elite of the new state was faced with the task of attracting the attention of Soviet citizens to new, revolutionary symbols and values, since a significant part of the population, especially in the provinces, was still «eyeing» the Soviet order. After October 1917 the most common form of Soviet political celebration in the country was not only rallies and solemn meetings but plays on historical and revolutionary themes. Within the framework of the historical and cultural context, the connection of theatrical productions with innovative methods of influencing to the viewer is revealed. All the participants of the performances in Kazan were involved in the plot outline of the reproduced dramatic events of the recent past with their amateur, involved presence. On the streets and squares of Kazan, as well as many other Russian cities, a collective creation unprecedented in the history of world culture arose, where the natural experience of the dramatic moment of the past became a mysterious process and, at the same time, an original artistic text. During the theater, this was achieved in the most spectacular way, which was facilitated by both symbolic entourage and imitation of collective actions in which «random» meetings with participants in real events could take place. All this had a strong impact on the perception of the historical plot as the only possible scenario of historical reality and inspired a sense of deep involvement in the memorable event. Living the past as real created a new space of unprecedented ecstatic solidarity, where collective action became not just a political act of the revolutionary mass, strengthening the individual’s sense of belonging, belonging to the whole, it manifested the energy of the present moment, returning to disequilibrium and uncertainty, emotionally plunging into a situation of choice. The nascent unity of personalities was at the same time the foundation of a new social identity and at the same time the hope of restoring personality and society, unconscious cleansing from the hardships of reality, getting rid of ignorance, selfishness and inhumanity.

Themes of Trauma and Political Reflections in the Novels of Mary Shelley

Most of Mary Shelley’s novels have reflected the socio-political as well as the scientific aspects to her writings and ideas that we find while going through her novels. Her famous novels were written with a perception against the utopian ideas and deals with the critique beyond her father’s, William Godwin’s utopianism which occurred mostly in the form of narrative and metaphor. Sterrenburg says that Mary Shelley's stories have anti-Jacobin themes like grave robbing, the dead coming back to life, and creatures that kill their creators. In order to appropriate the political images, she gives us a new form which slightly subverts the utopian ideas about revolution. The present research focuses on the depiction of the generation of radicals and the regeneration of man in demonic terms and uses the subjective, complicated, and problematic term "new form" in her works and how Shelley tried to translate politics into psychology. She used revolutionary symbolism and wrote it in the post-revolutionary era when there were no political movements.

The renaming of Tsaritsyn to Stalingrad: documents, facts, events.

The article presents the key stages of the process of renaming Tsaritsyn Stalingrad in 1925 and its participants. This "expedient and timely decision" to change the name of the city was part of the sweeping changes in the toponymy of the young Soviet state, aimed at protecting once and for all breaking with the old monarchist past to create a new system of revolutionary symbols and images. Petrograd had already been renamed Leningrad in January 1924 immediately after Lenin's death. The city of Tsaritsyn was by then perceived in the political consciousness of the masses as "the second cradle of the revolution" due to its heroic defence during the Civil War and therefore did not "correspond to the spirit of the proletarian revolution". The cause to raise the question of the need for renaming was the awarding of the Order of the Red Banner to Tsaritsyn. As the leading role in this heroic military past of the city was attributed to Stalin, the question of what the "new revolutionary name" did not spark political debate. The new commemorative practice of renaming, uncharacteristic for Tsaritsyn, was intended to consolidate the role of Stalin and his associates in the emerging system of political representations of the city's revolutionary past. His role in organizing the renaming has not been revealed. The main influence on this process was exerted by local party and state bodies which expanded this practice to include the initiatives of local authorities to rename a number of settlements in Tsaritsyn governorate.

The backgrounds of the Spanish Revolution of 1868: Civic Celebrations and Popular Politics

ABSTRACT The political process that led to the Gloriosa Revolution of September 1868 in Spain has been sufficiently studied. We also know well the ideological foundations, the connection with the economic situation, and the social composition of the groups behind the revolution. What is less known are some of the mobilization dynamics used by the Progressive Party and the groups to its left to carry out the insurrection. In the years prior to the revolution, the insurgents organized patriotic banquets, civic parades, and similar events in city squares, pleasure gardens, and monuments, all charged with revolutionary symbolism. Many of the spaces used to spread insurrectional culture were recently created in the process of the expansion of the Spanish cities. This article studies the use made by Progressives and their allies of captivating forms of mobilization in these new public spaces and places of memory to attract the popular groups to the revolution.

Особенности развития жанра поэмы в татарской литературе первой половины 1920-х гг.

The purpose of the study is to identify the main trends of the poem genre development in Tatar literature in the first half of the 1920s. Scientific novelty of the paper lies in the fact that it considers the poems of the said period as a part of a continuous literary process and in this vein, examines in a more detailed manner the issues of preservation and development of lyrico-epic traditions in the early XX century, as well as ideological and problematic, thematic and poetic features stemming from the change in cultural and historical orientations. As a result, the researcher has proved that the development of the Tatar poem during this period follows the trajectory from transitional works that preserved the poetic traditions of the early XX century to poems with social-political pathos and content that meets ideological regulations, which requires searching for a new form. As the analysis of F. Burnash’s poems shows, new ideological attitudes are reflected in transitional poems only in the motivic system and the idea of the works. H. Taktash’s and H. Tufan’s poems possess the characteristic features of the emerging invariant of the Tatar poem: juxtaposition of the old and new worlds, use of revolutionary symbolism, predominance of colloquial and declamatory versification, etc.

Олицетворение революционного символа: Лев Троцкий в памяти интеллектуалов и партийцев, 1940-1950

Олицетворение революционного символа: Лев Троцкий в памяти интеллектуалов и партийцев, 1940-1950

The (No-)Public Space. Reviewing the Transformation of Al-Qaed Ibrahim's Urban Image

Public spaces are defined as places that should be accessible to all inhabitants without restrictions. They are spaces not only for gathering, socializing and celebrating but also for initiating discussions, protesting and demonstrating. Thus, public spaces are intangible expressions of democracy—a topic that the paper tackles its viability within the context of Alexandria, case study Al-Qaed Ibrahim square. On the one hand, Al-Qaed Ibrahim square which is named after Al-Qaed Ibrahim mosque is a sacred element in the urban fabric; whereas on the other it represents a non-religious revolutionary symbol in the Alexandrian urban public sphere. This contradiction necessitates finding an approach to study the characteristic of this square/mosque within the Alexandrian context—that is to realize the impact of the socio-political events on the image of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square, and how it has transformed into a revolutionary urban symbol and yet into a no-public space. The research revolves around the hypothesis that the political events taking place in Egypt after January 25th, 2011, have directly affected the development of urban public spaces, especially in Alexandria. Therefore methodologically, the paper reviews the development of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square throughout the Egyptian socio-political changes, with a focus on the square’s urban and emotional contextual transformations. For this reason, the study adheres to two theories: the "city elements" by Kevin Lynch and "emotionalizing the urban" by Frank Eckardt. The aim is not only to study the mentioned public space but also to figure out the changes in people’s societal behaviour and emotion toward it. Through empowering public spaces, the paper calls the different Egyptian political and civic powers to recognize each other, regardless of their religious, ethnical or political affiliations. It is a step towards replacing the ongoing political conflicts, polarization, and suppression with societal reconciliation, coexistence, and democracy.

В дебрях революционных символов: о советской рецепции выступления К. Берка на Первом конгрессе Лиги американских писателей (1935)

Kenneth Burke’s performance at the First American Writers’ Congress in 1935 has been already considered by American scholars; for this reason the paper aims to complement the existing research with some facts and details that have to do with the Soviet reception of Kenneth Burke’s speech “Revolutionary Symbolism in America” presented on April 27 1935 (the second day of the Congress). The paper is based on the archival material stored in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (RGALI) – a manuscript of the American Writers’ Congress proceedings, translated into Russian, edited and fully prepared for the press that nevertheless remained unpublished. The volume was based on the American record of the Congress edited by Henry Hart (International Publishers, 1935), but two papers were removed – Moissaye J. Olgin’s report about the Soviet Writers’ Congress and Kenneth Burke’s speech. The preface to the Russian edition written by the editor Sergei Dinamov throws light on the reasons for excluding Burke’s paper. In his introduction Dinamov dwelt at some length on Burke’s text and criticized his “errors”. Dinamov’s criticism makes it clear that the main problem was the fact that the American “fellow traveler” used the concepts “people” (narod) and “national spirit” (narodnost’) which at the moment were on the agenda in the USSR due to the Popular Front policy. Kenneth Burke’s speech “Revolutionary Symbolism in America” at the First American Writers’ Congress, translated into Russian by Tatiana A. Pirusskaia, is published herewith as an addendum to the essay.

The Hydra of Tyranny, The Fall of Robespierre and the Early Demise of Robert Southey's Revolutionary Enthusiasm

This article explores Robert Southey's pessimistic re-appropriation of the popular revolutionary symbol of the hydra in the closet drama The Fall of Robespierre (1794). Challenging the prevailing view that Southey was an enthusiastic revolutionary throughout the 1790s, the study progresses from an exploration of the hydra's ubiquitous use in revolutionary and loyalist propaganda to an account of Southey's damning re-appropriation of the monster as a symbol for recurrences of tyranny in France's revolutionary governments. Analyses of The Fall of Robespierre, Southey's closet drama Wat Tyler (1794) and epic Joan of Arc (1796) demonstrate that Southey acquired an early conviction that tyranny was a recurrent obstacle to democracy, which rendered revolution futile. Arguing that Southey's revolutionary zeal had largely abated by 1793, I contend that his youthful incredulity about the plausibility of establishing a republic informed, and constitutes a principled explanation for, his notorious apostasy and conservatism in later life.

Color Designation in V.V. Mayakovsky’s Poetics: “Red” and “Yellow” (mythological implication)

The article deals with semantics of “red” and “yellow” color in V.V. Mayakovsky’s poetics. A lot has been written about “red” color; this color is associated with the revolutionary ideas and symbols, and it is often used in Mayakovsky’s early works. However, “yellow” color is used along with “red” one and, in our opinion, it has more complicated semantics. This color is important for the poet himself and his creative life (Mayakovsky’s yellow blouse), and for his early poems where we see the clothing elements of this color. According to folkloric ideas, it is the very color which is ambivalent; it correlates with the sun and a new life, and is attributed to mourning ritual symbolism. Folklore commentary to some details in the poems “A Cloud in Trousers”, “A Man” and “Fifth International” allows us better understanding the poet’s figurative and metaphorical system.

Richard Taws. The Politics of the Provisional: Art and Ephemera in Revolutionary France.

In this stimulating book, Richard Taws explores what he describes as the provisional or ephemeral art of revolutionary France. Unlike the monumental artistic production associated with French medieval Christianity or that stimulated by the absolute monarchs, the revolutionary era produced little such art as a consequence of the constantly shifting political milieu. According to Taws, this ephemeral art, which included much that traditionally would not be characterized as art (paper money, passports, calendars, almanacs, and representations of transient or demolished monumental structures), provided the “means of negotiating the historical significance of the Revolution” in the midst of its ever-changing political culture (3). The valuable insights that Taws draws from his examination of this art confirm Lynn Hunt’s assertion of the importance of continued and innovative analysis of the visual sources of the Revolution (“The Experience of Revolution,” French Historical Studies 32, no. 4 [Fall 2009]: 671–678). The revolutionary paper currency, the assignat, was the most ubiquitous example of ephemeral art. Introduced to facilitate the sale of the church land, the assignat emerged as a widely circulated representation of revolutionary authority. Numerous symbols were packed into the assignat. Initially displaying a portrait of the king, Louis XVI, the notes also contained revolutionary symbols and became overtly republican in form after the overthrow of the monarchy in 1792. Symbolizing the Revolution’s disdain for the church and resurrecting the fear of paper currency and of resulting economic catastrophe associated with the financial reforms of John Law, the assignat was an easy target for counter-revolutionary satirists whose caricatures belittling the assignat served as a means of challenging the legitimacy of the Revolution itself. The circulation of counterfeit notes provided counter-revolutionary artists with many avenues to launch attacks on the revolutionary enterprise. In contrast, Jacques-Louis David’s inclusion of an assignat in his well-known painting Marat assassiné strengthened the association of the journalist with the ideals of the Revolution. As Taws demonstrates, the assignat continued to be a subject of ephemeral art even after its withdrawal from circulation and the public destruction of large quantities of the currency.

One Nation Divided by Slavery: Remembering the American Revolution While Marching Toward the Civil War by Michael F. Conlin

Reviewed by: One Nation Divided by Slavery: Remembering the American Revolution While Marching Toward the Civil Warby Michael F. Conlin Margot Minardi One Nation Divided by Slavery: Remembering the American Revolution While Marching Toward the Civil War. By Michael F. Conlin. American Abolitionism and Antislavery. ( Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2015. Pp. xii, 226. $39.95, ISBN 978-1-60635-240-3.) This lively, eloquent, and meticulously researched book examines how Americans of different political persuasions interpreted the American Revolution in the context of their debates over slavery. Contrary to historians of the antebellum period who focus on nationalism within a particular region (generally the North), Michael F. Conlin argues that both northerners and southerners participated in the formation of "a common national identity" in the decades before the Civil War (p. 10). Examining Americans' uses of a wide variety of Revolutionary symbols, he concludes that "there was remarkable agreement among most antebellum Americans in the North and the South as to what civic virtues they valued and who displayed them" (p. 11). While emphasizing antebellum Americans' shared historical memory, Conlin also carefully considers variations in Revolutionary memory both within and across regions. He pays frequent attention to the '"Hotspurs'" at both extremes of the slavery debate—abolitionists and proslavery radicals—but he also considers the more measured voices in either section (p. 14). Indeed, some of his most interesting discoveries revolve around shared appropriations of the Revolution by southern moderates and northern doughfaces. As the book's title suggests, the question of slavery severely strained shared historical memory and national identity. While this conclusion is unlikely to surprise readers familiar with the period, what makes One Nation Divided by Slavery: Remembering the American Revolution While Marching Toward the Civil Warrewarding to read is Conlin's nuanced interpretation of different appropriations of Revolutionary history. The book is organized thematically, with each chapter focused on a symbol or set of symbols associated with the Revolution: the Fourth of July holiday; Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, and the Declaration of Independence; George Washington, Mount Vernon, and his Farewell Address; and a series of notable Revolutionary War battles, such as Bunker Hill and Cowpens. A brief final chapter follows these "history wars" up to secession and the [End Page 402]opening of the Civil War (p. 4). Across these chapters, and with admirable clarity and concision, Conlin traces how the various stakeholders in the slavery debates perceived these symbols as representing different implications for the future of slavery in the American nation. Readers interested in historical memory might wish for a deeper historiographical or theoretical engagement with that flourishing subfield. In particular, more analysis of the relationship between historical memory and contemporary politics would have been welcome. Were participants in the antebellum history wars simply shaping the past to meet their particular views of the present? Or were their perceptions of the past guiding their political positions in the antebellum period? Conlin might also have clarified the relationship between popular and elite memory of the Revolution. For example, his chapter on commemorations of Revolutionary War battles draws on a rich body of sources—literary magazines from both the North and the South, abolitionist letters and newspapers, antebellum histories (most notably, George Bancroft's), and the rampant monument building of the 1850s—to show how "conflicting understandings of the American Revolution underlay the political strife of the antebellum era" (p. 107). But the chapter concludes that "[m]ost Americans did not participate in the history wars" (p. 145). Conlin's attention to the limited reach of the acrimony over Revolutionary symbols is admirable, but it raises the question, again, of significance: if most people were happy to go along celebrating the Fourth of July and visiting battlegrounds, why and how did these contests over memory matter? This book will prove a valuable resource to scholars of regional and national identity, of appropriations of the American Revolution, and of sectional politics in the antebellum period. Conlin succeeds in showing his readers how powerful symbols of the Revolution tenuously united one nation divided by slavery. Margot Minardi Reed College Copyright © 2017 The Southern Historical Association

Philatelic Remembrances: Stamps, National Identity, and Shifting Memories of WWII in Brazil

PHILATELIC REMEMBRANCES: STAMPS, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND SHIFTING MEMORIES OF WWII IN BRAZIL1 Uri Rosenheck Assistant Professor, History Coastal Carolina University Brazil’s contribution to the Allies’ victory in the Second World War is a source of national pride. Of all the ways Brazilians came together to win the war—such as the Navy’s patrolling of the South Atlantic, the tens of thousands of Soldados da Borracha (“Rubber Soldiers”) who tapped rubber in the Amazon, the hosting of North American airfields in the North East, and the diplomatic support—the twenty-five thousand strong Brazilian Expeditionary Force (Força expedicionária brasileira, henceforth FEB) that fought in Italy captured the masses’ imagination. The FEB was, and is, commemorated in numerous ways: from monuments and memoirs, through comic books and trade cards, to ceremonies and museums. This article analyzes another medium of FEB commemoration: stamps. As one of the most frequently commemorated historical events in Brazilian philately, the FEB emerges as a constant national symbol and a representation of the nation. At the same time, however, FEB stamps tell a story of changing narratives on Brazil’s participation in WWII, and with them, represent shifting national identities. Stamps as Memorials Stamps are useful memorials—objects used to inspire remembrance, prevent forgetting, honor the dead, and celebrate oneself at the same time—for the study of the commemoration of the FEB thanks to their versatile presence in the public and private spheres and for being governmental documents and objects of popular culture at the same time. Stamps are present in the public sphere as miniature works of art and propaganda circulating in millions of copies, as advertised and traded commodities, and as artifacts that are the subject of journals, associations, and exhibitions. At the same time—and especially before email replaced traditional mail—people intimately interact with stamps on almost a daily basis as they buy, keep, lick, send, and receive them to facilitate their personal correspondence. Moreover, stamps are popular collectible objects, and collectors study, classify and organize them.2 These practices provide collectors with sources for self-enjoyment, at times identity building, and often fulfills emotional needs. They can additionally allow collectors to withdraw from the complexities inherent in commemoration in the C 2016 Southeastern Council on Latin American Studies and Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1111/tla.12066 115 The Latin Americanist, March 2016 public sphere, assert their personal values, and create a sense of self in a world of their own design that they mentally control without disconnecting themselves from the rest of society.3 This can be argued for in relation to collectors of FEB-related stamps, for whom stamps were a normative , affordable, attainable, serial, and manufactured alternative for the acquisition of unavailable or expensive authentic war memorabilia.4 Stamps are official governmental documents used to convey symbolic messages to their citizens and to the world.5 They celebrate the nation through representations of national characteristics, achievements, and history . In turn, every celebrated aspect of a country also stands for the country as a whole, thus symbolizing it.6 In spite of being seemingly invisible, Donald Reid argues, “[s]uccesful revolutionaries have never doubted the urgency of obliterating a deposed ruler’s portrait on the stamp and of following up quickly with new issues which exploit revolutionary symbols.”7 Carlos Stoetzer asserts that it is exactly the subtle and discreet nature of the stamp that—when combined with its wide circulation—enhances its effectiveness in carrying propagandistic messages and making it the “ideal propaganda.”8 At the same time, stamps are artifacts of popular culture due to their ubiquity, wide circulation, manner of consumption, and collectible quality. In his study of Latin American stamps, Jack Child notes that a narrow definition of popular culture as culture created by and for the people often excludes government-issued stamps. A broader definition of popular culture, such as Jean Franco’s, however, would consider stamps as part of popular culture as it includes all aspects of culture except those institutionalized as “High Culture.”9 Brazilian Stamps as a Historical Source Brazil enjoys a long and impressive philatelic history. It was the second country in the world—and the first...

Momotaro as Proletarian: A Study of Revolutionary Symbolism in Japan

This article discusses the ideological working of Momotaro, a popular Japanese folktale in which an imaginary hero liberates his people from evil demons in a distant land. During the 1930s and 1940s, this folktale was used by the imperial authorities to justify the war against “demonic Anglo-Americans.” Little known is that the same story was also appropriated by Japanese orator-communists challenging imperialism and war capitalism. The article critically examines how the folk hero acquired “class consciousness” and became proletarian, critiquing the dominant ideology.

Tobacco as Cultural Signifier: A Cultural History of Masculinity and Nationality in Habsburg Hungary

Since tobacco smoking acquired important patriotic symbolism in nineteenth century, the history of tobacco sheds light on Hungarian nationalism. Hungarian tobacco growers found the Austrian tobacco tariff policy harmful to their interests, particularly when war disrupted the supply of American tobacco in potential export markets. Pushing for a different tariff, Hungarian patriots turned smoking into a marker of Hungarian patriotism. Tobacco symbolism was prominent during Hungary’s 1848 Revolution, not least because tobacco acquired revolutionary symbolism in Italy and Germany as well. The culture of patriotic tobacco corresponded to revolutionary national ideas in that it mostly transcended class barriers but excluded women.

Het hof dat geen hof mocht heten - De monarchisering van de Franse Republiek tijdens het Consulaat van Napoleon Bonaparte, 1799-1804

The Consulate is the last of the many regimes of the First French Republic. During these four crucial years the de facto head of state, Napoleon Bonaparte, gradually accumulated so much power that in the end he seemed to occupy an almost royal position, foreshadowing his imperial dignity. Although Bonaparte tried to keep up a façade of revolutionary symbols and republican customs, it became more and more difficult to find excuses for the monarchical way in which his power was represented. Especially his magnificent entourage of palaces, service personnel, ceremonial pomp and the delicate rules of etiquette had all but by name the appearance of a genuine royal court. Many a staunch republican uttered his anger or annoyance at this apparent return to the detested practices of the ancien régime. But because Bonaparte acted with utmost prudence, patience and dissimulation there was never a general outcry or a serious attempt at obstruction. Thus, when in May 1804 the First Consul was proclaimed Emperor the foundations for his imperial court were already in place.

Socialist Consciousness Raising and Cuba's School to the Countryside Program

As a participant-observer, the author relates observations, interviews, and surveys from her experience in a Cuban Escuela al Campo (“School to the Countryside,” or EAC) camp located on a collective farm outside of the city of Havana. The Pioneers, the youth section of the official Cuban Communist Party, organize the EAC program nationwide. The program's rugged, military lifestyle experience is required for city-based junior high school students in Cuba, an essential rite of passage of the politicization and socialist consciousness-raising efforts designed by the Revolutionary Government. The author proposes that beneath the revolutionary symbols and activities of the EAC, a new and latent socialist consciousness has been evolving for some time, one that reflects neither an absolute nor an erosion of socialist ideals. Rather, this consciousness (conciencia), much like A. Yurchak (2005) demonstrates in his study of Gorbachev's Russia, reveals a system that inhabits incommensurable positions; Cuba's socialism is both everlasting and steadily declining, at the same time full of vigor and bleakness, as well as dedicated to high ideals and devoid of them. None of these positions is a mask. The intention of this article is, therefore, to show how each is real and mutually constitutive in the EAC. Understanding this peculiar dynamic is crucial for understanding the everyday practices of students, their parents and teachers, the socializing function of Cuban schools, and the seemingly duplicitous behavior in Cuban's daily lives. [Cuban education, socialism, value formation]

American Toussaints: Symbol, Subversion, and the Black Atlantic Tradition in the American Civil War

During the American Civil War, Toussaint Louverture was for African Americans the touchstone of a transatlantic identity, which joined their violent struggle for freedom and equality to a black revolutionary tradition that was deeply rooted in the eighteenth-century Atlantic world. White abolitionists reinforced the construction of this identification, for when they saw armed and uniformed black men, they likewise imagined American Toussaints, committed, disciplined, and talented slave soldiers who were eager to both die and kill for freedom. The men and women who seized upon the revolutionary symbols of Toussaint and the Haitian Revolution at this critical moment in the history of the American republic advanced a subversive ideology that undermined the white supremacist ideas that buttressed both the institution of slavery as well as the republic itself.

What happened at the first American writers’ congress? Kenneth Burke's “revolutionary symbolism in America”

Burke's famous performance at the First American Writers’ Congress in 1935 should be understood in relation to its occasion. The Congress was held to enlist the services of writers in creating a broad Popular Front, or People's Front, to encourage social change, so Burke's recommendation that “the people”; ought to be substituted for “the worker”; in Communist Party symbolism—that “propaganda by inclusion”; ought to succeed “propaganda by exclusion “—was actually in moderate keeping with the Congress’ broad aim. Though his recommendation was resisted by some, Burke was actually not so much marginalized by the Congress as identified with its controversies.