Resumptive Pronouns Research Articles

The That-Trace Effect—A Surface or a Deep Island Phenomenon? Evidence from Resumption and Prolepsis in Igbo

In many languages, a subject/non-subject Ā-extraction asymmetry can be observed: While non-subject extraction is unproblematic, long extraction of the subject requires repair strategies. This phenomenon is known as the that-trace effect. Two broad types of approaches to this effect have been proposed in the literature: (a) structural accounts that prohibit subject extraction in the syntax; (b) surface-oriented PF accounts according to which nothing blocks long subject movement in the syntax, but a surface filter prohibits the output string where a trace follows the complementizer. In this paper, we argue for a syntactic cause of the effect in Igbo (Benue-Congo, Nigeria). The empirical evidence centers around the distribution of resumptive pronouns in the language. We show that Igbo has all the ingredients required for a PF approach to the that-trace effect (viz., long Ā-movement and trace spell-out); nevertheless, it does not apply them to enable long subject extraction but rather resorts to prolepsis (among other strategies). Further evidence against a PF account comes from the impossibility of short subject extraction. Finally, we provide evidence from subextraction from subjects for an antilocality component underlying the subject extraction restriction in Igbo.

Category-Sensitive Escape from Islands in Limbum and Asante Twi

While strong islands generally constitute domains from which extraction is not possible, it has been observed that under certain conditions, they may allow DP but not PP gaps. Based on the recent literature on Asante Twi (Kwa, Ghana) and on novel data from Limbum (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon), this paper shows that strong island configurations in these two African languages are permeable to nominal extractees without restrictions, but the otherwise admissible movement of VPs and PPs is blocked. As DP-displacement from islands shows properties of A¯-movement; an explanation in terms of base-generation and binding of a covert resumptive pronoun, which is only available for nominal elements, is not feasible. Taking into account the overall distribution of overt and covert resumptive pronouns, for Asante Twi, an account of the selective island permeability in terms of repair by resumption, as suggested in previous literature, might be possible. For the Limbum pattern, however, this paper argues that such an approach seems implausible. It then goes on to develop an analysis of selective island permeability based on the distribution of ϕ-features and their interaction with complementizer agreement.

Detecting angloversal tendencies in the outer circle: a pilot study on a Maltese English speaker

Abstract World Englishes constitute an ever-developing study field where keeping track of the real-time changes which occur in language usage is a challenging task. This chapter aims at broadening the application field of the research on angloversals, described in literature as particular features divergent from Standard English and shared by English varieties across the world regardless of their geographical proximity or cultural affiliation. The present qualitative study hypothesises the presence of angloversals in Maltese English and considers a blended methodological approach to verify the research hypothesis. The study was performed on selected oral excerpts taken from a random interview to a speaker of the Maltese English continuum. Both the interviewee and the interviewer are native Maltese speakers and communicated in English all throughout the interview with no instances of code mixing between the two languages. Syntactical structures containing the overuse of the progressive aspect, article omission and resumptive pronouns, as well as unmarked phonology traits have been included in the angloversal categories by previous research on the matter. Said features are particularly found in contexts where language contact has had an impact on both the substrate and superstrate languages. This is the case for the Maltese context, where explanations for the plausible presence of the above features are to be sought in the realms of transfer from Maltese to English, language universals and pragmatic principles.

Hebrew nonverbal sentences wear reconstruction on their sleeve

In this paper, I discuss a particle in Hebrew which has been termed Pron by Doron (1983). While its surface form is that of a pronoun, its distribution resembles that of a copula – it appears between the subject and the predicate in nonverbal present-tensed sentences. However, its distribution is limited in unexpected ways for a copula, which gained it some attention in the literature. Contra the standard line of analysis, I argue that Pron is in fact a resumptive pronoun left by the subject as it raises to a higher position. I show that this analysis ties together many of Pron’s prima facie-surprising distribution patterns.

The particle s uo in Mandarin Chinese: a case of long X0-dependency and a reexamination of the Principle of Minimal Compliance

Abstract X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.

The Role of Resumptive Pronouns in English Island Structures: Implication of Distinct Processing Strategies Across Comprehension Levels

The Role of Resumptive Pronouns in English Island Structures: Implication of Distinct Processing Strategies Across Comprehension Levels

A Morphophonological Approach of Vowels Lengthening in Tagbana

In this article, vowel lengthening word internally in Tagbana, a Senufo language of Côte d’Ivoire is investigated. All vowels are underlyingly short, and all long vowels are the result of a lengthening process. Various lengthening processing are observed in Tagbana. (i) A lengthening due to the fusion of two independent morphemes, an aspect morpheme and a resumptive pronoun. (ii) Lengthening due intonation parameters where sentences last vowels are lengthening for interrogation purposes. See section 2.5 for these lengthening forms. (iii) Vowel lengthening due to the presence of two consonantal segments [l] and [r] in certain morphological environments. It is this late form of lengthening that attract my intention in this paper. It is proposed then that these consonantal segments have a double skeletal position which one is filled by the preceding vocalic segment. The consonants that trigger lengthening function as domain delimiters where both phonology and morphology play important roles. While [r] regularly triggers lengthening in Tagbana, some exceptions arise with [l]. A possible alternative is explored: It is proposed that lengthened vowels by lateral [l] get prominence during their pronunciation, as a consequence of lexical accent. Lengthening is accounted for by using locality conditions as proposed in Distributed Morphology.

A Minimalist Account of Free Relative Clauses in Zahrani Spoken Arabic

This paper explores the syntax of free relative clauses in Zahrani Spoken Arabic (henceforth ZSA). The paper shows that ZSA possesses two types of free relative clauses, viz., nominal free relative clauses and adverbial free relative clauses. The focus of the paper is on nominal free relative clauses. It is shown that nominal free relative clauses can appear in a subject position and a direct object position, and the range of relativization involves subject, direct object, indirect object, prepositional object and possessor relativization. The derivation of free relatives in ZSA involves resumption relativization strategy only where gaps are treated as null resumptive pronouns. As for distribution of null and overt resumptive clitics, there is an alternation between the use of null and overt resumptive pronouns/clitics in subject and direct object position. However, the utilization of overt resumptive pronouns/clitics is mandatory in indirect object, prepositional object and possessor position. It is argued that the free relative markers illi: and mi:n are complementizers. Furthermore, as null and overt resumptive clitics exhibit a big resemblance with respect to their behaviour in the coordinate structures and parasitic gaps, both free relatives with null or resumptive pronouns/clitics involve a null operator movement (in non-island contexts) from inside the free relative clause to the specifier of a complementizer phrase (spec CP). The CP is adjoined to a null antecedent occupying the head of a noun phrase (NP) which is a complement of a determiner phrase (DP) with an empty D.

An Accessibility hierarchy pattern for Resumptive pronouns in spoken French

On the basis of the results of a corpus study on Colloquial French, which show that the distribution of resumptive pronouns globally matches the Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan, Comrie 1977), we argue that resumptive pronouns in French relative clauses are not intrusive and that resumptive and gapped relatives involve different syntactic derivations belonging to different registers. We explain the lack of the highest subject restriction in Colloquial French, in contrast with (other) languages displaying regular resumptive relatives, by the special nature of French subject clitics as agreement markers (Culbertson 2010). This conclusion and the distribution of subject clitics we found in the corpus reinforces the analysis of the relative complementizerquias a grammaticalized form ofque+obligatory resumptionil(Rooryck 2000; Rizzi, Shlonsky 2007).

An Accessibility hierarchy pattern for Resumptive pronouns in spoken French

On the basis of the results of a corpus study on Colloquial French, which show that the distribution of resumptive pronouns globally matches the Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan, Comrie 1977), we argue that resumptive pronouns in French relative clauses are not intrusive and that resumptive and gapped relatives involve different syntactic derivations belonging to different registers. We explain the lack of the highest subject restriction in Colloquial French, in contrast with (other) languages displaying regular resumptive relatives, by the special nature of French subject clitics as agreement markers (Culbertson 2010). This conclusion and the distribution of subject clitics we found in the corpus reinforces the analysis of the relative complementizer qui as a grammaticalized form of que+obligatory resumption il (Rooryck 2000; Rizzi, Shlonsky 2007).

Case Conflict in Arabic Relative Clauses: A Phase-Based Approach

Case conflict in relative clauses is observed when a relative pronoun carries Case different from the one associated with its base position. Instead, it appears with Case that is identical to Case of its antecedent that is external to the relative clause. This phenomenon - commonly referred to as Case Attraction - is attested in languages such as Ancient Greek, Latin, and German. It is also easily observed in Modern Standard Arabic where the relative pronoun shows agreement in Case, gender and number with the noun modified by the relative clause. The original position of the relative pronoun is normally filled with a resumptive pronoun that represents the features of the relative pronoun. This study adopts the most recent assumptions of the Minimalist Program to account for the behavior of Arabic relative pronouns. It assumes that the relative clause is right adjoined to the noun it modifies and the relative pronoun moves to a left peripheral position within the structure of the relative clause leaving behind a copy. At a later stage of the derivation, Case of the relative pronoun is unified with Case of its antecedent. The unified Case feature is then valued under Agree with a higher head.

Resumption optionality in direct object relative clauses in modern standard Arabic

The resumption phenomenon has attracted the attention of linguists within different frameworks and in various languages. However, this phenomenon has received limited attention in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), especially in relation to Direct Object Relative Clauses (DORCs). There have been a few discussions of DORCs and this disregard can be attributed to a fundamental reason which is resumption optionality in this construction in particular. By and large, the interpretation of resumptive pronouns is usually determined by competition with gaps. However, based on the structural facts in MSA (i.e. resumptive pronouns behavior in island constraints) and discussion about optional and obligatory resumptive pronouns, we argue that the resumption strategy is the only method used to generate Direct Object Relative Clauses. Therefore, resumptive pronouns are integral part of the syntactic derivation and could be either phonologically realized or null. A resumptive pronoun, we assume, is a spell-out trace of the moved element. Moreover, a clear description and analysis of DORCs, both definite and indefinite structures (i.e. head DPs with and without the definite article ʔal), will be presented by utilizing the Minimalist Program and the Head Raising Analysis . The mutual influence of the presence and absence of the resumptive pronouns on other elements in the structure (i.e. Head DP and relative marker “ʔallaði”) will be explored as well.

Reconstruction and A'-Movement in Relative Clauses and Wh-Interrogatives in Standard Arabic

Objectives: This study investigates reconstruction in wh-interrogative and relative clause dependencies in Standard Arabic (SA).
 Methods: Two experiments were conducted to assess the acceptability of reconstructed interpretations with respect to three variables: type of islands, dependency-resolving strategy, and binding principles. The experiments were conducted on sixty individuals who willingly volunteered to take part in the study, with the stipulation that their identities would be kept confidential. All participants were experts in Standard Arabic syntax and semantics, holding Ph.D. degrees from Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.
 Results: The results indicate that the presence and type of islands, as well as the type of binding principles, play a significant role in the availability of reconstruction in SA. However, the presence or type of resumptive pronouns has no effect.
 Conclusions: These findings hold true for both wh-interrogative and relative clause dependencies. Therefore, the main theoretical implication of this study is that relative clauses in SA are CPs derived via A'-movement.

Competing factors in SLA: how the CASP model of SLA explains the acquisition of English restrictive relative clauses by native speakers of Arabic and Korean

Abstract The Complex Adaptive Systems Principles (CASP) model of SLA claims that L1 transfer results when language processing effort is minimized. This claim was investigated by a self-paced on-line sentence judgment task in which L1 Arabic and Korean speakers and a control group of L1 English speakers read and judged English subject, direct object, and oblique relative clauses (RCs) in gapped and resumptive pronoun (RP) conditions. It was hypothesized that L1 influence would cause the Arabic speakers to accept English RCs with RPs more frequently than Korean speakers because RPs are acceptable in Arabic direct object and oblique RCs, whereas Korean bans RPs in these RC types. It was also hypothesized that the L2 English speakers would accept RPs more often than the L1 English speakers because RPs would ease L2 sentence processing. As predicted, L1 Arabic speakers accepted RPs more frequently than L1 Korean speakers, a transfer effect, and both L2 English groups accepted RPs more frequently than L1 English speakers, a processing effect. The results thus support the CASP model’s claim that L1 transfer is conditioned by language processing and other complex SLA processes that interact with one another.

From oblique to core case in the Southern Min languages

Abstract This study sets out to discuss the evolution from oblique to core case as a manifestation of overtly-marked nominative-accusative alignment in Sinitic languages. This is due to the emergence of a type of ‘optional’ marking on preverbal direct objects in a construction type that has become widespread in Sinitic (Chappell & Verstraete 2019). In particular, I examine spoken discourse data from Taiwanese Southern Min whose comitative preposition, ka7 , has grammaticalized into an optional object marker. It is argued that this marker is undergoing morphologization into a direct object index (doi) on the main verb in the predicate, subsequent to the omission of the resumptive pronoun it governs. The new index takes over this function of cross-referencing the lexical direct object, typically located in the immediately preceding discourse, if not in clause-initial position. In an epilogue, I also briefly treat the evolution of local cases such as the allative and the perlative to optional object markers in the Southern Min languages of Shantou and Jieyang, situated in Guangdong Province, China. Both of these are extremely rare sources in the Sinitic family, yet common in Tibeto-Burman and Romance languages. The approach adopted is in harmony with recent diachronic studies which target source morphosyntax in order to explain the emergence of a variety of synchronic patterns, all bearing similar discourse and grammatical functions (Cristofaro & Zúñiga 2018).

Testing the Interpretability Hypothesis: Evidence from acceptability judgments of relative clauses by Persian and French learners of L2 English

Many studies have explored the second language (L2) acquisition of relative clauses (RCs) and whether L2 speakers transfer a resumptive strategy from first language (L1) to L2. While evidence seems to suggest that there are significant L1–L2 differences in the processing of RCs, relatively little is known about the source of non-target-like L2 behaviour. The present study investigates the grammatical acceptability of different RC types in L2 English and whether reliance on a resumptive strategy is a syntactic or processing issue. The participants included 71 L1-Persian L2-English, 52 L1-French L2-English, and 44 native English speakers, who completed a proficiency c-test, a grammaticality judgment task, and a reading span working memory (WM) task. Unlike French, which is similar to English in the syntactic derivation of RCs, Persian is a structurally wh-in-situ language that syntactically allows resumption in direct object and object-of-preposition RCs. The results showed that unlike L1-French speakers, L1-Persian speakers were more likely to accept resumptive pronouns in L2-English RCs; however, both L1 and L2 groups overwhelmingly preferred a gap over a resumptive strategy. The results suggest that given sufficiently high proficiency and long immersion experience, L2 speakers can match native speakers in terms of RC syntactic representations, suggesting that the issue faced by learners is a processing issue rather a representational one as suggested by the Interpretability Hypothesis.

어린이 영어 모국어 화자의 관계절 습득과 통사적 특성에 관한 연구

The purpose of this study is to investigate the early language acquisition of relative clauses and the internal syntactic properties of native English - speaking children from the perspective of Minimalist Program. The methods of this study are based on Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995, 2008) and Theory of Parameter (Chomsky 1981, Hyams 1986, 2011, Rizzi 1990). Early relative clauses differ from the adult grammar, in two respects: first, pied - piping in relative clauses is absent. Children produce relatives with preposition stranding, an option available in their target language. Radford (2004) suggested that relative that in child relative clauses is a relative clause complementizer rather than a relative pronoun. The second feature of early relative clauses is the use of resumptive pronouns. English - speaking children accepted resumptive pronouns at a significantly higher rate than adults in all contexts for which gaps were grammatical (McKee and McDaniel 2001). In this study, the properties of relative clauses in child language reflect the process of developing language faculty.

Microvariation in the Distribution of Resumptive Pronouns in the Left Dislocation Construction in Two Tyrolean Dialects of Northern Italy

In this paper we document a so-far neglected case of microvariation involving resumptive pronouns in the left-dislocation construction in Meranese, spoken in South Tyrol, and Mòcheno, spoken in the Fersina valley (Trentino). While in standard German resumptive elements in this construction belong to the class of D-pronouns, the two Tyrolean dialects considered in the paper exhibit, as resumptive pronouns, both (i) D-pronouns and (ii) pronominal usages of the distal demonstrative formed by the definite article (D) and sèll corresponding to ‘that one’. We show that in both languages D+sèll forms overlap with German D-pronouns in most contexts, whereas D-pronouns only superficially, but not functionally, correspond to German D-pronouns, and have undergone a weakening process. While the weakening process is in nuce in Meranese, it seems to be nearly completed in Mòcheno, where D-pronouns appear to have acquired a status close to that of subject clitics of Northern Italian varieties.

The role of resumption in the acquisition of European Portuguese prepositional relative clauses by Chinese learners

This article reports on an experimental study on the acquisition of prepositional relative clauses in second language European Portuguese by Chinese native speakers. It focuses on the role of resumption, mandatory in prepositional relative clauses in Chinese (the native language of the learners) and non-conventional in European Portuguese (the target language). Results of an oral production task and two online acceptability judgment tasks indicated that resumption does not transfer from the native language, and that Chinese learners of European Portuguese employ movement structures to produce and process relative clauses. Additionally, results showed that resumptive pronouns do not rescue or ameliorate ungrammatical extractions from islands, contrary to what is traditionally assumed in grammatical theory. This finding was kept constant across participants, native and non-native. Overall, we conclude that second language speakers are able to select and reassemble movement features in their non-native language and use similar processing mechanisms as native speakers to analyse island configurations.

Grammatical resumption and dependency processing in Southern Jordanian Arabic

Abstract This study investigates the sensitivity of grammatical resumption to islands in wh-interrogative and relative clause dependencies in Southern Jordanian Arabic (JA). An offline acceptability judgment task and an eye-tracking reading experiment were conducted. The results reveal that resumption in southern JA exhibits sensitivity to strong islands, such as adjunct islands, in both dependencies. The findings also suggest that the southern JA parser posits a resumptive pronoun (RP) inside islands that allow resumption. However, the parser does not predict an RP inside islands that disallow resumption. Furthermore, quantitative data show that wh-interrogative and relative clause dependencies pattern similarly in their sensitivity to islands.