Resumption Of Diplomatic Relations Research Articles

Michelangelo Antonioni, Tourist Snapshots, and the Politics of the ‘Backward Scene’ in 1970s China

In 1972, Radio Televisione Italiana, Italy's state broadcaster, commissioned famed director Michelangelo Antonioni to film a documentary in the People's Republic of China, following the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations. Socialist China, in the throes of the Cultural Revolution, was a subject of intense Western fascination at the time. Radical activists worldwide were drawn to Maoism, and references to the Cultural Revolution abounded in European popular culture. Against this backdrop, Antonioni's Chung kuo/Cina found a receptive audience in Europe and North America. Yet by early 1974 the director's ‘anti-China film,’ which had not yet had a public screening in the nation, became the subject of strident condemnation in China's state media, caught up in struggles between competing political factions. This article presents a close reading of Chung kuo/Cina, and examines how the campaign condemning the film spilled over into stricter management of foreign tourists and the production of new forms of tourist literature by state publishers. Examining how notions of China's ‘backwardness’ implicated photographic practice, this article explores how Chinese officials regulated tourist photography, how foreign tourists understood those regulations, and how guides and ordinary Chinese citizens entered into the visual discourse of tourism on their own terms.

新羅國執事省牒으로 본 9세기 新羅와 日本의 外交

This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.

新羅國執事省牒으로 본 9세기 新羅와 日本의 外交

This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
 In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.

The Japanese conservative camp's bridging method for China–Japan relations under the separation of politics and the economic policy: investigation of the case of the Kenzo Matsumura Group, 1959–1972

AbstractFrom the signing of the Treaty of San Francisco to the resumption of diplomatic relations between China and Japan, Japan has always adopted a political and economic separation policy that maintains diplomacy with Taiwan and economic and cultural relations with China. Within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, to break the existing deadlock, Kenzo Matsumura of the Japanese House of Representatives and others formed a foreign policy group in 1959. This group spoke highly of China's importance to Japan's development on the grounds of national interests rather than ideology and national sentiments, played a bridging role in the political communication between China and Japan, and created a precedent for the nontraditional improvement of international relations in Japan.

THE ROLE OF CHRISTIAN RAKOVSKY IN DEVELOPING OF SOVIET POLICY TOWARD FRANCE (DECEMBER 1923 - AUTUMN 1924)

Ch. Rakovsky’s activity in relation to the Third Republic is still poorly studied. The removal of the “Secret” tag and the opening of access to previously closed archival materials allowed us to analyze the role of this Soviet political and diplomatic figure in the context of the Franco-Soviet relations. The article states the importance of France in the foreign policy of the USSR. It revealed that the first suggestions Ch. Rakovsky began to actively express in December 1923, in the same period, he was appointed to lead “French affairs”, which he did until the autumn of 1924, when successfully passed the informal Franco-Soviet negotiations on the resumption of diplomatic relations. There are two main types of strategies proposed and, if possible, implemented by Ch. Rakovsky: on the one hand, determination and rigidity (economic and political pressure on Paris from the outside: recall of the trade mission of the USSR, demonstrative rapprochement with Britain and the possibility of restoring a wider Russian-English-German alliance, etc.), on the other hand - diplomacy and tactfulness (desire to establish a connection and enlist the support of a number of French politicians, without interfering directly in the internal affairs of the Third Republic, providing only advice to their allies). It can be concluded that Ch. Rakovsky, officially serving as the plenipotentiary of the USSR in London, played a fairly large role in the development and implementation of Moscow’s policy regarding Paris, and thanks to the active and decisive actions of Ch. Rakovsky, the Third Republic recognized the Soviet Union.

Cigars, Castro and Communism: Country Concept as a factor in Cuban tourism advertising effectiveness

A study conducted prior to the historic announcement about resumption of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States measured US adults’ attitudes toward Cuba as well as their interest in visiting the island nation. Within the framework of the Model of Country Concept, this paper presents U.S. respondent attitudes toward Cuba as well as whether those attitudes moderate the effectiveness of a Cuban tourism television commercial. The study is the first to couple a scale of Country Reputation and a measure of Country Image in an effort to arrive at Country Concept and its potential to moderate advertising effects.

Cigars, Castro and Communism: Country Concept as a factor in Cuban tourism advertising effectiveness

A study conducted prior to the historic announcement about resumption of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States measured US adults’ attitudes toward Cuba as well as their interest in visiting the island nation. Within the framework of the Model of Country Concept, this paper presents U.S. respondent attitudes toward Cuba as well as whether those attitudes moderate the effectiveness of a Cuban tourism television commercial. The study is the first to couple a scale of Country Reputation and a measure of Country Image in an effort to arrive at Country Concept and its potential to moderate advertising effects.

Political Uses of Religion in Complex Contexts. The Soviet Republic of Armenia and the Armenian community in Argentina during the beginning of the Cold War

The present paper analyses the political uses of religion after the Sovietization of Armenian Republic and the first years of the Cold War until the death of Stalin in 1953 focusing in the Armenian community of Argentina. The interest of this community lies in its scarce visibility despite its relevance in the Western Diaspora - after the Armenian communities of France and the United States -, taking into account its number and the relevance of its institutional life from their creation to the present as well as its close link with the Republic of Armenia. The article focuses on the Armenian Apostolic Church as the axis of tensions between the diaspora and Armenia as well as within the diverse Armenian communities. We concentrate on the Armenian community in Argentina and the links of this community with Soviet Armenia during the Cold War, sometimes with fruitful exchanges, in others, tense including the relation with the Argentine State from the moment of the resumption of diplomatic relations with the ex USSR.

Prospects of Strategic Relations between Russia and Saudi Arabia"

Russia's active foreign policy is characterized by its multi-party approach, which necessitates the establishment of close strategic relations with influential regional players. For Russia, forging a partnership with Saudi Arabia is of utmost importance, as Saudi Arabia is a leader in the Gulf Cooperation Council and a significant player alongside Russia in the global oil market. The developments in the region are interconnected with global transformations, and Saudi Arabia's announcement of its socio-economic transformation vision, Saudi Vision 2030, opens up new possibilities for both countries.
 Political Dialogue: Current Situation Since the resumption of diplomatic relations between the Soviet/Russian and Saudi Arabian governments in 1991, bilateral cooperation has not been consistently stable. Close ties have been interspersed with periods of deterioration and mutual accusations, particularly during the transitional processes in the Arab world in 2011-2012. While there may be some alignment of positions regarding events in Egypt and Tunisia, Moscow and Riyadh have different perspectives on the situation in Syria, primarily due to their divergent stances on Iran's policies. Furthermore, Riyadh has supported Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, both of which contributed to the downfall of Muammar Gaddafi's regime.

The New World and the ‘New Turks’: the American-Turkish Claims Commission and Armenian-Americans’ contested citizenship in the interwar period

ABSTRACTThe flourishing of nativist political sentiments during the recent United States presidential election has resulted in popular speculation about who is, and who is not, a ‘real’ American. Foreign-born citizens’ struggles to forge a sense of civic belonging amid fears of national disloyalty have significant precedent. This article examines one such historical episode, which centres on a claims commission established between the United States and Turkey during the interwar period. The American-Turkish Claims Commission was intended to aid the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations through the resolution of private claims. For the hundreds of Armenian-Americans who filed claims, the Commission provided an unparalleled opportunity to seek their new government’s assistance in claiming compensation from the Republic of Turkey for losses incurred during the Armenian genocide. However, such faith was unwarranted, as the United States excluded from consideration all of the claims made by American citizens who were former Ottoman subjects. This article examines the reasons behind the exclusion of these claims and raises questions as to how immigrant communities can overcome the narrowing of what it means to be American both on the world stage and at home.

Interstate Relations in East Asia and Medical Exchanges in the Late Eleventh Century and Early Twelfth Century

From the late eleventh century to the early twelfth century, diplomatic relationships were unstable in East Asia, and thus the importance of diplomacy was emphasized between countries. In this period, each country sought to strengthen its sovereign power and used diplomacy as a means to accomplish this objective. Of particular importance, the exchange of medical services and medical education became a means of diplomacy. In one incident, Koryŏ requested from Song medical aid for the treatment of the king's illness. As the resumption of diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Song began, Song responded positively to the request for assistance. In addition to the relationship between Koryŏ and Song, medical services provided by Koryŏ served to establish early diplomatic negotiations with the Wanyanbu Jurchen. Koryŏ also requested physicians from Japan with the aim to establish relations with them, but were unsuccessful in this as Japan's worldview and diplomatic customs were very different from Koryŏ's. Such requests served to promote interstate diplomatic relationships as it allowed for not only the exchange of medical knowledge, but also for conveying diplomatic messages and negotiations. This paper, centered on Koryŏ, reviews the circumstances and events during this period in which the use of medical services was used a means for diplomacy.

Interstate Relations in East Asia and Medical Exchanges in the Late Eleventh Century and Early Twelfth Century

Abstract From the late eleventh century to the early twelfth century, diplomatic relationships were unstable in East Asia, and thus the importance of diplomacy was emphasized between countries. In this period, each country sought to strengthen its sovereign power and used diplomacy as a means to accomplish this objective. Of particular importance, the exchange of medical services and medical education became a means of diplomacy. In one incident, Koryŏ requested from Song medical aid for the treatment of the king’s illness. As the resumption of diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Song began, Song responded positively to the request for assistance. In addition to the relationship between Koryŏ and Song, medical services provided by Koryŏ served to establish early diplomatic negotiations with the Wanyanbu Jurchen. Koryŏ also requested physicians from Japan with the aim to establish relations with them, but were unsuccessful in this as Japan’s worldview and diplomatic customs were very different from Koryŏ’s. Such requests served to promote interstate diplomatic relationships as it allowed for not only the exchange of medical knowledge, but also for conveying diplomatic messages and negotiations. This paper, centered on Koryŏ, reviews the circumstances and events during this period in which the use of medical services was used a means for diplomacy.

Australia and Japan's Admission into the Colombo Plan

In October 1954 Japan was admitted to the Colombo Plan as a donor country with Australia's sponsorship. The dramatic shift in Australia's position on Japan's involvement in the Colombo Plan, from strong opposition to sponsorship, was recognised by the Japanese government as the first Australian initiative to improve the bilateral relationship since the resumption of diplomatic relations in April 1952. This article examines Japan's attempts to participate in the Colombo Plan and considers how Australia's actions and reactions determined the course of events. The episode provides an insight into how Australian diplomacy was conducted towards Japan and the Japanese view of its relations with Australia at the initial stage of the bilateral relationship.

The Cambodian Wars: Clashing Armies and CIA Covert Operations

<i>The Cambodian Wars: Clashing Armies and CIA Covert Operations</i>

Współpraca w regionie Morza Bałtyckiego – Rada Państw Morza Bałtyckiego

In 2011 the Baltic Sea region was marking the 20th anniversary of the Baltic countries regaining their independence and the resumption of diplomatic relations with them. This region with the riches of experiences is the region where the currently established methods and practices of cooperation are a source of knowledge and experience for a peaceful striving after stabilization and welfare. The changes that took place 20 years ago have brought development of different forms of cooperation and a lot of regional international organizations were established. The governmental international organization is the Council of the Baltic Sea State, a regional political forum, whose stated aims are to coordinate the cooperation between the partners and to achieve sustainable growth of the region. The Prime Ministers have established a number of the valuable initiatives, such as Baltic21, which was a regional counterpart to the UN Agenda21, the Strategy for the Baltic Sea region or the Northern Dimension Partnership for Health and Social well-being. Also the groups of experts were appointed in order to advance work in the respective areas. Many of these aspects are connected with sustainable development, which nowadays is considered as one of the biggest challenges. The Baltic Sea region is also important for the European Union due to its strategic neighborhood.

Hostages to International Relations? The Repatriation of Japanese War Criminals from the Philippines

While the Philippines was one of the last of the Allied nations to execute Japanese war criminals, it was also one of the first to allow for their repatriation and pardon. This article examines the period between the last execution of Japanese war criminals in January 1951 and the pardon of the remaining criminals in December 1953, in the context of international negotiations regarding the Philippines' position in the lead up to the San Francisco Peace Treaty and beyond. It traces the development and the strategies of the movement for the repatriation of war criminals in Japan. It argues that the repatriation of war criminals from the Philippines (and elsewhere) became an important domestic political issue in Japan in the period between 1951 and 1953, and that the extent of this domestic pressure was also recognised in the Philippines. In both countries, the repatriation of war criminals was linked in public discourse with progress on the negotiation of reparations, the last obstacle to the resumption of diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines.

Suez and After: Canada and British Policy in the Middle East, 1956–1960

The Suez crisis is generally considered to be a decisive turning-point in Canada’s relations with Great Britain. Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson refused to support Britain’s military action in Egypt, choosing instead to work through the United Nations for a resolution of the conflict. It seemed that Canada was repudiating a subservient role and declaring its final independence from the mother country. However, the documentary record shows that Canadian politicians and diplomats were in fact eager to work for what they believed to be Britain’s good. In their view, Britain had temporarily lost sight of its own, and the western world’s, best interests. During the years immediately after Suez, support for British policies was a priority of Canadian diplomats, most notably Arnold Smith, Canada’s ambassador to Egypt from 1958 to 1960. Smith played an important role in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Britain and Egypt. Drawing on previously unused documents in the files of the Department of External Affairs, this paper outlines Canadian views of, and Canada’s relationship to, British policy in the Middle East during and after Suez. It demonstrates that a “colony to nation” framework is inadequate for the study of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in the years following World War II. Instead, the broader context of Cold War politics must be taken into consideration. The paper also shows that despite the surface differences between Liberal and Conservative foreign policy, there were strong elements of continuity between the St. Laurent and Diefenbaker governments.

Lord Curzon and the Appointment of Lord D’Abernon as Ambassador to Berlin in 1920

This article examines British policy towards Germany in the period between the end of the first world war and the resumption of full diplomatic relations between the two countries in June 1920. In particular, it concentrates on the relationship between the Foreign Office and the War Office in determining British policy and the pressures that were brought to bear on Lloyd George to comply with a common Allied policy towards the resumption of diplomatic relations with Germany. Far from rejecting the more open methods of conducting diplomacy that were favoured after the war, Lord Curzon was prepared to embrace them on occasion to further his own ends. The article also offers an insight into Foreign Office attitudes towards Lord D’Abernon as ambassador to Berlin. His unconventional background as well as his means of conducting diplomacy resulted in a tense relationship with the Foreign Office, which had a negative as well as a positive effect on British policy towards Germany in the early 1920s.

Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of Postcolonial Vietnam, 1919-1950

This book is a rare and wonderful thing: a study of United States–Vietnam relations that says new things in new ways. Mark Philip Bradley focuses on the development of American and Vietnamese perceptions of each other from the end of the Great War to the beginning of U.S. aid for the Frenchbacked Bao Dai government in Vietnam and concludes with a brief look at the resumption of diplomatic relations between the United States and Vietnam in 1995. Here is what Americans thoug ht of the Vietnamese: they were backward, lazy (the tropical heat was “too fatiguing for revolutionary feelings,” one scholar wrote in 1927), dishonest, and cowardly. No such people were capable of selfgovernment. Here is what the Vietnamese thought of Americans: they were heroic in their revolutionary past and idealistic in their faith in democracy but also materialistic, at the expense of moral values that ought to reside at the core of any proper society. Such people could be of help in the anticolonial struggle. Or, they might abandon principle in their quest for less exalted goals—and that, of course, is how it turned out.

Recent Developments in Sino-Japanese Trade

Trade between Japan and the People's Republic of China commenced in 1950, though commercial relations fluctuated greatly for a decade thereafter, reflecting the instability of political relations between the two countries. As China's relationship with the Soviet Union, a major trading partner, deteriorated in the late 1950's, Chinese planners began to increase trade with noncommunist nations. This led to the advent of the friendly trade' between Japan and China in 1960, which was formalized by Liao and Takasaki in a Memorandum in late 1962. That Memorandum initiated a period of stable expansion of Sino-Japanese trade, which has been interrupted only once-by the 1966 Cultural Revolution. Since the end of the Cultural Revolution, trade between the two countries has increased steadily. In 1972, the total amount of Sino-Japanese trade reached a record high of $1.1 billion2 including both imports and exports, an increase of 22 per cent over 1971. China imported Japanese goods worth $608,921,000, an increase of 5.3 per cent over the preceding year, while Japanese imports from China totaled $491,116,000, an increase of 52 per cent. The excess of Japanese exports over imports, which has existed since 1965, has gradually decreased from a high of $315 million in 1970, to $255 million in 1971, and to $118 million in 1972. In spite of its expansion, Sino-Japanese trade comprised only 2.1 per cent of Japan's total foreign trade for 1972. Japan's trade with other countries has expanded even more rapidly than its trade with China. 3 The Sino-Japanese trade in the first half of 1973 again increased significantly following the resumption of diplomatic relations between Japan and the People's