Results Of Regional Elections Research Articles

Analisis Yuridis Terhadap Tingkat Efisiensi Penyelesaian Perselisihan Hasil Pemilukada oleh MK

The results of votes obtained in official legislative elections by the KPU often receive unsatisfactory responses from election participants. This was triggered by intent, negligence, technical errors, administrative weaknesses or human error. In order to realize democratic elections, the following principles should be applied; honest; independent; orderly, fair, legal certainty; prioritizing public interests; openness and transparency; proportionality; professionalism; accountability; efficiency; and effectiveness. The Constitutional Court should have credibility and professionalism as a decision maker in election disputes. In 2019, 676 PHPU cases were reported to the Constitutional Court and 1135 other cases related to Kada PHP. UU no. 7 of 2017" has been ratified as a codification of election law, in order to create consistency and legal certainty as well as effective and efficient elections. Brazil, as one of the countries with the title of an effective election system, has an institution called "the Electoral Judges for municipal elections", which can be used as a reference by Indonesia in resolving disputes over regional election results. The method used in this research is normative, with explanatory explanations, using various library sources.

THE AMBIVALENCE OF REGIONAL ELECTION DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN INDONESIA: The Dynamics of the Constitutional Court's Interpretation of Dispute Resolution Designs on Regional Election Results

THE AMBIVALENCE OF REGIONAL ELECTION DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN INDONESIA: The Dynamics of the Constitutional Court's Interpretation of Dispute Resolution Designs on Regional Election Results

Constitutional Court Verdict on "Error In Objecto" Lawsuit in Dispute Over Regional Election Results

Abstract: The settlement of cases resulting from the Regional Head Election (Pilkada) is still within the authority of the Constitutional Court. In deciding this case, the Constitutional Court made explicit regulations regarding the procedural law of the trial as outlined in the Constitutional Court Regulations. One of the problems that arise in the examination (trial) of disputes over the results of the regional elections is that the application submitted by the losing party (applicant) turns out to be the wrong object (error in objecto). This error usually occurs because the object being sued is not the final decision on the election results. This research is a normative juridical research that aims to examine the attitudes and decisions of the Constitutional Court regarding requests for disputes over Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) that are Error In Objecto. The result of this study is that the Plaintiff in making the application must clearly not be mistaken in determining the object. In the case/dispute over the results of the regional elections, the object of the lawsuit is the final decree of the General Elections Commission regarding the determination of the results of the election results and not others. Accuracy in making posita and petitum is very important because wrong posita and petitum will lead to the wrong and fatal determination of the object of the application. When this is the issue, the Constitutional Court will not accept the application because it is not authorized. An error in determining the object of this application in procedural law is termed error in objecto, so accuracy as an applicant, respondent, or related party is needed. The recommendation given is that the plaintiff should be more careful in making applications and the revision of the application given by the Constitutional Court at the preliminary hearing, can be used by the applicant to correct his application so as not to incorrectly determine the object of the application/error in objecto.

Beyond the second-order national elections model: Incumbency effects in regional elections in the Czech Republic

ABSTRACT Literature provides four basic theories to explain regional election results and how they differ from national patterns: authority of regional governments, ethnic or linguistic cleavages, congruence of national and regional electoral systems, and second-order election effects. The second-order national election theory explains why regional elections exhibit lower turnout levels, why government parties lose voter support, and why opposition, minor, and new parties gain support. While second-order election theory provides the dominant explanation for countries with low regional power, we argue in favour of an additional explanation based on incumbency effects on parties’ electoral support. We test the explanations on Czech regional and national election data for the years 2000–2020. The results attest to a strong effect of regional governorship, with a bonus of 5 percentage points for parties whose governors run for re-election. Parties also receive another bonus when national-level MPs and local mayors are present on the ballot.

Legal Standing Provision to The Community on Disputes Over The Results of Regional Elections With A Single Candidate In Constitutional Court

This article discusses Constututional Court Regulations Number 6 of 2020 which regulates parties who can be applicants in disputes over the results of Regional election with a single candidate are only candidate itself and election monitors, but ignores the right for community to become applicants. This paper argues that legal standing in disputes over the results of regional head elections with a single candidates should also be given to the community based on: community is a real subject involved in elections, and has an impact on the election of regional heads, the right to argue and actualize themselves in the democratic process, then the state should be able to open an opportunity for the public. The approach method used is normative juridical with secondary data. This paper concludes with the existence of a mechanism that provides access to the public as applicants in disputes over the results of regional elections with one pair of candidates, the community does not only play a role in choosing the options offered by the political system but is able to speak out over the circumstances created by the system.

2021 regional elections in Catalonia: new trends in political participation

In this article, the author identifies new trends in political participation in the elections of deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia (February 2021). Political participation in Catalonia is of interest from the perspective of changes in the identity and party orientations of voters, transformations of the Spanish and Catalan party systems. The analysis of territorial differences in political participation is promising in terms of clarifying their factors and dynamics. System analysis, synchronous comparative analysis, secondary analysis of the results of questionnaires are applied hereinunder. Political participation in the Catalan community is autonomous, it corresponds to the civic type of political culture, due to informatization of society and the pandemic, forms of online involvement in political activity prevail. The community is segmented along linguistic, ethnic and ideological lines, which increases the volatility and pluralization of the party system. New trends in political participation in the elections in Catalonia (2021) have manifested themselves in a significant decrease in voter turnout, preference for online forms of voting and political discussion, which is caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It has been proven that the public opinion of Catalan voters maintains a low level of trust in state institutions, despite improvements in economic situation. The paradox is explained by the long-term orientations and attitudes of political culture. The degree of awareness of electoral orientations (according to the self-esteem of the respondents) is high, the sources of formation of their orientations are, first of all, television and the Internet. The electorate is divided into supporters of state unity and secession, republic and monarchy. Increased support for secessionism is evident among the voters with a high level of income and education, among the inhabitants of the foothill and mountain areas. The Catalan elections in 2021 confirmed a moderate rise in secessionist sentiment. The left trend of changes in political participation in Catalonia is opposite to that of Spain as a whole, the results of regional elections in Madrid and the Basque Country.

STRATEGI ELIT DAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PILKADA MUNA TAHUN 2020

Abstract: The purpose of this research is to identify, analyze and understand the Elite strategies, community participation and the implications of elite strategies and community participation on the results of the Regional Election. The theory used in this research is the theory of social practice by Pierre Bourdieu, methodologically this research is a qualitative research by collecting the data using observation and in-depth interviews technique. The results of this study indicate that the TERBAIK candidate pair fully empowers political elites and party elites in socializing to become campaign teams, empowers volunteer teams and approaches religious elites and civil elites. The pair of candidates for TERBAIK has also built good communication so that they have the full support of two former Muna Regents who still have a strong mass among the Muna community, namely the former Muna Regent for the 2000-2010 period and the former Muna Regent for the 2010-2015 period and other bureaucratic elites in Muna Regency. While the RAPI candidate pair did not empower the political elite and their supporting/supporting parties in socializing, the RAPI candidate pair maximized the teams and volunteers that were formed long before the Regional Election stage began and approached the religious elite and the civil elite. Several traditional and religious leaders were involved in practical politics so that there was disharmony between communities after the determination of the winner. The increasing political participation in the Regional Election is because apart from the vigur of the two pairs of candidates, alsi because of material rewards. In winning a candidate pair, the communication that is built is unconsciously influenced by history and the agreement of the Ancestors, affected by the district (ghoera) and social stratification (kaomu and walaka). Keywords: Community Participation, Elite Strategy, Implications, Regional Election Results

ВЫБОРЫ-2021: К ОЦЕНКЕ ЭЛЕКТОРАЛЬНЫХ ПЕРСПЕКТИВ НОВЫХ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПАРТИЙ

The article assesses the electoral prospects of new political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation in 2020, on the eve of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, scheduled for September 2021. Based on the results of regional elections held on a single voting day on September 13, 2020, party rhetoric and documents, the author consistently characterizes the electoral potential of the political parties such as «New People», «For Truth», «Green Alternative», and «Direct Democracy Party». The author's judgments are based on the hypothesis that the current electoral potential of new parties, which is fixed at a relatively low level, does not allow us to consider them as competitive and independent subjects in the election campaign at the start of the campaign. The likelihood of certain new parties receiving deputy mandates due to the victory of their candidates in single-mandate constituencies is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the consideration of methods of forming a pool of supporters of new political parties, determined by the specifics of their functioning.

The dual logic of Russia's party system nationalization

The article attempts to identify major factors of the nationalization of the vote in contemporary Russia using the two level approach: the between- and within-region. The former compares regions as units of analysis while the latter additionally takes into account voting in municipalities to obtain levels of voting homogeneity within the regions. The study uses data from the last 2012–2016 national-regional electoral cycle investigating both federal and regional election results. Following Ishiyama (2002) for the between-region level of analysis the Regional Party Vote Inequality index has been utilized. The Party Nationalization Score proposed by Jones and Mainwaring (2003) has been applied to the measurement of voting territorial diversity at the within-region level. The results show that regional political factors may be still considered as major drivers of the nationalization of the vote as it did in the 1990s. The difference is that in politically recentralized Russia non-competitive regions headed by politically strong governors provides between-region inequality rather than contributing to nationalization. At the same time, the similarity continues in the ability of governors’ “political machines” to contribute homogeneity of the vote, but only within their regions.

CITRA AKTOR POLITIK PILKADA GUBERNUR DAN WAKIL GUBERNUR PROVINSI MALUKU UTARA TAHUN 2018

North Maluku is the youngest province in Indonesia which has begun to carry out democracy through the Election of Regional Heads (Pilkada). One of the largest regional elections in North Maluku is the Governor's Election. Unfortunately the Governor's Election that has been running so far has been colored by various problems. Symbolic violence such as black campaigns by bringing down political opponents using ethnic and primordial issues sprang up. In addition, the ability of figures to build the image of political actors who have power and influence also makes people accept the results of regional elections that are full of disputes. Coupled with the condition of the mass media that have a tendency to take sides because of certain interests, the existence of social construction on the image of political actors is getting stronger. This study wants to see how the image of political actors is constructed. Through the Focused Group Discussion method with the parties involved it was found that social construction of reality had happened through the role of mass media. Although there are social constructions conveyed by the mass media, the community has its own ability to build that image in itself through the power of interaction and communication as well as through the power of other media such as social media.

Cultural attitudes, economic shocks and political radicalization

The present paper focuses on the emergence and consequences of the so-called ‘Dogville Effect’, i.e., the negative socioeconomic and spatial impacts caused by radicalization of cultural attitudes in a region. After a conceptual and historical outline of this phenomenon, we present an empirical case, viz. the rise of the ultra-right-wing party in Greece, Chrysi Avgi. We analyze the party’s spatial dispersion and its aftermaths in the period 1993–2015, using both local and regional election results. Spatial-economic controls are derived from the EUI (European University Institute, Florence) regional database. We employ a 2SLS approach (with historical voting results from 1974 as an instrumental variable) and a difference-in-differences approach with a propensity score matching. Our findings show that there exists a cultural persistence in the local share of ultra-right-wing support. The growth in this radicalization, however, is predominantly determined by the shrinking regional household welfare caused by exogenous forces in our model. Finally, the ‘Dogville Effect’, i.e., a further impoverishment of more radicalized localities, seems to be present in Greece, in the vein of the notion of Myrdal’s vicious circles.

¿YATAMA Vive Aún?: Conversando con Brooklin Rivera1, Hazel Law y Blass Coleman

A partir de los resultados de las elecciones regionales autónomas del 2014, la correlación de fuerzas entre el FSLN y YATAMA cambió drásticamente en la RACN y la RACS. Estas entrevistas realizada a Brooklyn Rivera, Hazel Law y Blas Coleman describen los sucesos, las pugnas y los diversos enfoques que tienen destacados líderes tradicionales del pueblo miskito y que responden a las diversas estrategias y tomas de posiciones que existen actualmente entre la comunidad miskita.Wani Vol.71 2016 pp. 69-73Yatama kau raya sa? Brooklin Rivera, Hazel Law bara Blass Coleman wal aisanka dauki 2014 manka ra Klauna kabamintka iliksanka ra dia takan ba wina FSLN bara YATAMA wal ai karnika marikanka ba kasak pali sins takan kata RACN ra bara RACS ra. Naha makabi walanka nani Brooklin Rivera ra, Hazel Law bara Blass Coleman ra daukan ba marikisa dia takan ba bara blahwanka nani bara aisi miskitu ta upla nani lukanka bri ba naha ba natka yus munanka nani bui ansika yaban sa baku sim miskitu tawanka bapanka nani ra.¿Yatama kidi sangka yah?: Brooklin Rivera, Hazel Law dawi Blass Coleman balna karak yulbauwi talna 2014 kurihni yak kulnin aslah yalahwa sauni daklana yak tunan muihni anawi yakna yamna kaupak, FSLN dawi YATAMA karak banimak sitna kidi RACN dawak RACS yak satuk palni kalahna. Adika yulwi dakana kidi Brooklyn Rivera, Hazel Law y Blas Coleman balna yak yulwi dakana yak ais kalahwi kaina kidi, kaput bik adika Miskitu sulani kapat kalbauna satni yamwi kaina kidi yulni yuyulwi dawak sulani kapat amput tanit yak lapakwi kiunin kulnin lâni dudûwa kidi yuyulwi.

Sub-National Elections in Russia: Variations in United Russia's Domination of Regional Assemblies

This study examines the support for United Russia in 43 regional assembly elections which were conducted over the period from March 2008 to March 2011. In contrast to previous studies, which have tended to focus on the overall results of regional elections or just on the party-list votes, it provides a quantitative analysis of the votes for United Russia in the plural single member district contests. By widening the traditional focus on the aggregate results and party-list voting the study brings to light important variations in the patterns of United Russia's electoral domination of regional assemblies. The specific form of United Russia's domination depends on the configuration of regional elites and their strategies. Social and economic features of the regions have little impact on the degree and modes of United Russia's electoral domination, but influence the ability of regional leaders to ensure electoral mobilisation in the regions and this is more significant the higher the level of the election.

Le elezioni comunali del maggio 2011 nei comuni italiani con oltre 15.000 abitanti: il voto per blocchi e per partiti

This article analyze the results of the italian municipal elections held in May 2011. First we make simple count of the municipalities won by varius political blocs, secondly we make a comparison with the results of regional elections of 2010. We have conpared data concerning both the performances of political blocks and those of the political parties who appeared in this elections. We also presents the results of disaggregated data, both from the demographics standpoint and from geographical point view. The analysis shows a clear electoraldefeat of the center-right coalition both in terms of municipalities lost and in terms of percentage of votes obtained. The fact that these two phenomena have occured especially in the North, its traditional area of electoral strenght, make this defeat particulary significant. The centre left coalition, due the difficulties of itsopponent, gets a good results in terms of number of municipalities won, while not improving itsperformance in therm of percentages of votes obtained. The centrist coalition, finally, does not goet get agreat performance in terms of votes obtained, but it often proved decisive in forcing the other twoconditions to the second ballot.

The Structure of Party Alternatives and Voter Choice in Russia

Persistently high levels of voter volatility in Russia can be explained with reference to the lack of stable party identifications in the electorate. Alternatively, and increasingly in correspondence with the available survey evidence, the principal source of volatility can be found in party system properties. This article contributes to the second theory by exploring the sources of volatility between the 2003 national legislative elections and regional legislative elections that were held concurrently or within one year after the national ones. The analysis demonstrated that the results of regional elections were strongly affected by the varying structures of party alternatives. Voter choice in regional elections is found to be strongly influenced by variations on such parameters as the number of parties and the presence or absence of electoral blocs as principal means of articulating local issue dimensions.

Regional Elections and Political Stability in Russia

A noted American specialist on regional affairs in the Russian Federation presents and analyzes a compilation detailing the political orientation of Russia's provincial executives. The data represent electoral results and include information from 68 provinces (49 oblasts, 6 krays, 10 autonomous okrugs, and 1 autonomous oblast) and 21 republics through September 1997. The discussion covers Russian regional politics, the results of regional elections held in 1996, and an assessment of alternative futures. Tabular material identifies the names of chief executives, dates of most recent elections, party support, and results relating to incumbency. Journal of Economic Literature. Classification Numbers: H77, D52, P41. 3 tables, 25 references.

The Pacification of Central America: Political Change in the Isthmus, 1987-1993.

This unique guide to the politics and recent history of Central America by one of its most distinguished commentators opens with a succinct overview of pacification and democracy in the region. Dunkerley focuses on the causes and consequences of the ending of civil war in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua. Drawing on a wide range of local and international sources, he stresses the variety of means by which peace has been sought and achieved. He also analyses economic performance, relations with the US, refugee and human rights problems, narcotics and corruption, and the issue of war crimes. The second section of the book comprises a detailed chronology covering all key developments between 1987 and 1993. the book concludes with indispensable appendices which clearly set out statistical profiles of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua for the decade since 1982. they document US economic and military aid to Central America, the dates and results of regional elections, and provide statistics on refugees and displaced persons. The Pacification of Central America is a valuable tool of reference for anyone with an interest in the complicated and often confusing politics of the region.