Representation Of Women In Parliament Research Articles

The Steep Challenge of Increasing the Electability of Female Legislative Candidates in the 2019 General Election

This study examines how the movement of modalities owned by female candidates in the midst of a patriarchal habitus which is still developing in the 2019 elections in Indonesia. Despite obtaining the highest representation of women in parliament throughout history, in reality the increase that has occurred cannot be significant but tends to be ups and downs. The increase in the representation of female candidates in parliament in 2019 is inseparable from several factors, one of which is the capital owned by female candidates. Using the theory from Pierre Bourdie, he explained that capital is indeed very important for women candidates in Indonesia to get elected, but they also have to pay attention to the arena and their developing habits. The researcher uses the literature study method which is quoted from various sources of scientific studies that can be proven valid to answer research questions. This study found that capital (social capital, political capital, and economic capital) is indeed capable of getting candidates elected, but in reality there are still many female candidates who have high modality unable to win political contestation. This is because the capital owned by female candidates has so far been controlled by a patriarchal class system which causes modality to not develop optimally and the increase in the electability of women candidates in parliament in Indonesia cannot be significant.

Evaluation of the Zipper System in Efforts to Increase Women’s Representation to 30 Percent in Parliament

The low representation of women in parliament is a global problem, especially in Indonesia. The status quo shows that the role and representation of women in parliament is still very low, which has implications for legislation products that are not inclusive. Women are vital in legislation, especially in micro-policy aspirations related to welfare, education, equality, and household issues. The affirmation policy with a minimum female candidacy quota of 30 percent in Indonesia is implemented through the zipper system. However, unfortunately, it is still ineffective because women's representation is still very low. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method to analyze the inequality of women's representation in the Indonesian parliament. The data used secondary data, which has been collected and processed by other parties. The result of this study is an evaluation of the zipper system, which is still ineffective because it depends on the placement of candidate sequence numbers and political party awareness. The placement of women in number 1 is only 19 percent, while in number three, it reaches 67 percent, and in number 6, 65 percent. It has a big impact on the probability of low electability. With women's representation, women's voices can be heard and fought for in government, thus realizing an equal and inclusive government. Revamping the zipper system by requiring the placement of female candidates at number 1 is an effective solution to increase women's representation in parliament in line with descriptive representation theory, which emphasizes the importance of proportional representation from various groups of society in government.

Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective

This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study. 
 This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents. 
 The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
 Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota. 
 Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.

Voters’ Attitudes towards the Gender Quota System in Elections in Poland and the Possibility of Its Modification

The article concerns the support for the gender quota system in the elections in Poland. The research was conducted on a double sample of adults for a representative national research, by means of quota sampling method (n = 2119). The respondents who believed that there is insufficient representation of women in parliament outnumbered those with the opposite opinion. We have observed a reluctance among the respondents to introduce solutions aimed at strengthening women’s representation. The difference in views were determined by political preferences, gender, age, domicile, and education. Women and leftist supporters more frequently believed that there are too few women in parliament and supported quotas, as opposed to men and persons with right-wing views. The differences were observed in the youngest age category, where women more often opted for quotas than men.

Women's Suffrage in Indonesia: A Structural Analysis of Women's Representation in Parliament

This study aims to analyze the meaning of women's suffrage through the representation of women in parliament in Indonesia. The Research method used is A Structural Analysis of the Historical Research Method. The study results show that the meaning of women's suffrage in Indonesia, especially in the political field, means the right to vote and be elected. Every woman who has the right to vote can use her right to vote freely, but women who have been successfully elected "to sit in parliament" have not been equal and balanced in number compared to men. The lowest gender empowerment index is the involvement of women in parliament; nevertheless, in the period 2019-2022, there has been an increase. This condition will certainly affect the next period if political parties can consistently carry out affirmative action and other interventions based on gender equality. There is a need to strengthen a gender-responsive political paradigm through various training forums on gender mainstreaming for leaders and members of political parties continually.

Does representation of women in parliament promote economic growth? Considering evidence from Europe and Central Asia

IntroductionThe relationship between gender equality and economic growth has attracted considerable attention in scholarly research. While existing literature has evaluated the significance of gender inequality in education and employment, the impact of gender disparity in public service on economic growth remains an under examined area of scholarly inquiry. The main aim of this study is to assess the effect of female empowerment in public service on economic growth in Europe and Central Asia (ECA). To the best of our knowledge, this is the first analysis of the relationship between female political empowerment and economic growth at a regional level.MethodsWe rely on several econometric techniques to obtain robust empirical results and resolve various problems encountered when using panel data. We start with the random and fixed effects model to obtain the baseline results. The fixed effects model generates unbiased estimates by reducing the impact of time omitted variables. The core empirical technique used in this study is the twostep system GMM estimator.ResultsThe empirical results suggest that female participation in parliament has a positive and significant effect on economic progress. In particular, a 10%-point increase in women's representation in parliament leads to a 0.74%-point increase in GDP growth.DiscussionThus, it is essential to further promote female empowerment programmes in developing countries and continue to adopt new measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in public service. Future studies could explore the relationship between female empowerment and economic growth at subnational levels and test whether female empowerment moderates the relationship between financial development, innovation, trade and economic growth.

ELECTORAL GENDER QUOTAS IN KAZAKHSTAN

The scientific article is devoted to highlighting the issues of equal participation of women in the decision-making process, which is a necessary condition for taking into account the interests of women in modern society, including Kazakhstan. The article analyzes one of the most popular methods of increasing the representation of women in elected bodies - gender quotas. These quotas are aimed at determining the minimum number of women candidates to participate in the elections. As a strategy to increase the share of women in the Parliament of Kazakhstan, gender quotas for party lists were introduced in 2020 and implemented for the first time at the elections of deputies of the Majilis of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan in 2021. This article presents the opinions of citizens in the perception of gender quotas and in explaining the reasons for the underrepresentation of women in political life. The study shows that a significant gender gap arises not only in perceptions related to the legitimacy and effectiveness of quotas in relation to positive discrimination, but also in explanations that hinder women's success in elections, and in which strategies can work better in overcoming inequality. These differences are important because they give an idea of the dynamics that explain why gender quotas do not lead to a noticeable increase in the representation of women in parliament.

Political Marketing Strategy Of Hj. Baiq Isvie Rupaeda, Sh., Mh In Facing West Nusa Tenggara Legislative Election 2019

The representation of women in Parliament has always been an exciting study from time to time. As a country with a democratic ideology, Indonesia provides a massive opportunity for women to enter Parliament as mandated by the constitution, which states that women's representation in Parliament is at least 30% of the total number of members of Parliament. This constitutional mandate in the Indonesian landscape is still experiencing challenges and obstacles. Women in their journey still experience much social discrimination, which causes a low level of women's participation in Parliament. One indication is that in one province in Indonesia, namely NTB, the representation of women is only 1.59%. This is considered very low and does not meet the quota of women in Parliament at the provincial level. An anomaly occurred in the representation of women considered a minority put, one of the NTB women winning two legislative elections for the West Nusa Tenggara Province. Hj. Baiq Isvie Rupaeda, SH., MH, is the only woman who can occupy the Chair of the Regional People's Representative Council of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The MD3 Law states that most votes determine the board's chairman. This research was conducted with a descriptive qualitative case study approach. The purpose of this research is to explore the political marketing of Hj. Baiq Isvie Rupaeda, SH., MH, in the election of the NTB Provincial DPRD in the 2019 Legislative election. The findings of this study use a push marketing approach by prioritizing door-to-door visits considering the characteristics of voters who are dominated by the elderly by consolidating them in each village area by offering an expected work program. The push approach dominates the political marketing process by looking at the demographic and geographic approach. With the term opens the door to door, this is HJ. Baiq Isvie Rupaeda won the 2019 legislative election for the third electoral district of West Nusa Tenggara Province.

Women’s Political Rights Context in Gender and Human Rights Perspective

Women have the right and the potential to make a real contribution to politics. However, the phenomenon of the increasing number of female figures in political contestation in the regions is still the pros and cons. Hence, the involvement of women still invites discussion, and debate, and often leaves doubts. Currently, the representation of women in the legislature is an essential concern of the government, one of which is through an affirmative action policy. In the political context, this affirmative action encouraged women's representation in the legislature. So that a regulation is needed that can guarantee and ensure the representation of women in parliament, both nationally and regionally. Starting with the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms Of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) by Indonesia in 1984 through Law Number 7 of 1984 which provides special treatment to achieve gender equality, it has also been carried out through several other national laws and regulations, such as Law no. 12 of 2003 which regulates the political parties participating in the election to pay attention to the representation of women at least 30% in the nomination of members of the legislature.

Empowerment of Women in India: An Overview of Political Participation

Political participation of women in India is a complex phenomenon being influenced by various factors. Empowerment of women means developing them as more aware individuals, who are politically active, economically productive and independent and are able to make intelligent discussion in matters that affect them. Women turnout during India’s 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63%, compared to 67.09% turnout for men. India rank 20th from the bottom in terms of representation of women in parliament. Women have held the posts of president and prime minister in India, as well as chief ministers of various states. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state legislative assemblies and national parliament for many decades. Present article intends to describe and evaluate with the political participation of women in India and discusses about various initiatives taken by the Government of India for empowering women by analyzing position of India in Gender Inequality Index. Keywords: Empowerment, Gender Inequality Participation, Reservation, and Women.

Militarization and Gender Inequality: Exploring the Impact

ABSTRACT Feminist scholars have long argued that militarism and patriarchy are linked. To date, however, the relationship between militarization and gender inequality has not been empirically tested. Using the Gender Inequality Index and the Global Militarization Index for the period of 1990–2017 for 133 countries, we put the spotlight on militarization to show how it reflects and contributes to gender inequality (in terms of health, education, political representation, and labor force participation). Our article shows that higher militarization is significantly correlated with higher gender inequality, controlling for major variables such as the military in politics, the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women, conflict, democracy level, and regime type. Among other results, we find that higher representation of women in parliament correlates with less military spending. The results are significant in the case of Muslim majority countries and MENA countries, and with respect to countries with different income levels.

Pembuktian Strategi Pengarusutamaan Gender (PuG): Analisis Capaian Indeks Pemberdayaan Gender di Indonesia

This study aims to prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy which is analyzed from the achievements of the Gender Empowerment Index from 2010 to 2020. To prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy, the author uses an index measurement approach from the indicators forming the Gender Empowerment Index which is then analyzed descriptively. It was found that the implementation of the Gender Mainstreaming strategy in Indonesia has not been optimal. The average achievement of the gender empowerment index from 2010 to 2020 was 71.39, which is still far from the perfect ratio of 100. Judging from its forming indicators, it was found that the representation of women in parliament from 2010 to 2020 was still below 30 percent, then women as the professional workforce are still growing at 40 percent which has not yet reached the 50 percent equality level, and the contribution of women's income has experienced an increasing trend which reflects that women have been included in the workforce, but the increase has been slow.

Pembuktian Strategi Pengarusutamaan Gender (PuG): Analisis Capaian Indeks Pemberdayaan Gender di Indonesia

This study aims to prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy which is analyzed from the achievements of the Gender Empowerment Index from 2010 to 2020. To prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy, the author uses an index measurement approach from the indicators forming the Gender Empowerment Index which is then analyzed descriptively. It was found that the implementation of the Gender Mainstreaming strategy in Indonesia has not been optimal. The average achievement of the gender empowerment index from 2010 to 2020 was 71.39, which is still far from the perfect ratio of 100. Judging from its forming indicators, it was found that the representation of women in parliament from 2010 to 2020 was still below 30 percent, then women as the professional workforce are still growing at 40 percent which has not yet reached the 50 percent equality level, and the contribution of women's income has experienced an increasing trend which reflects that women have been included in the workforce, but the increase has been slow.

WOMEN IN THE IRISH PARLIAMENT: HISTORY AND MODERN STATE OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION

The article attempts to trace the history of women's political representation in the Irish parliament - from the struggle for the right to vote and to be elected to parliament to the current level of women's representation in the Oireachtas and related discussions in the political elite and Irish society. The author draws attention to the specifics of the policy of various Irish parties in relation to the problem of representation of women in parliament and demonstrates the importance of political and national culture for such a phenomenon as the participation of women in politics. Analyzing the change in the proportion of women in the lower house of the Oireachtas, the author demonstrates the influence of the Irish women's movement on the dynamics of the number of female TDs. The author concludes that the policy of affirmative action played a significant, but insufficient role in the country, which for a long time remained under the influence of the Catholic Church and its patriarchal view of the role of women in society.

ANALISIS PARTISIPASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF HUKUM ISLAM

The title of this paper is about women’s representation in parliament on islamic perspective. This discussion aims to look beyond the problem involvement of women in parliament, where the government sets the rules of 30% representation of women in parliament, then discuss in Islamic perspective. After conducting in-depth research paper and analysis, the authors concluded 30% representation of women in parliament is set formally in the constitution, while according to Islamic perspective, rule of 30% representation of women in parliament is not contrary to the principles of Islam as it adheres to equality between men and women in leadership issues for women are possessed quality and capability as a leader.

A replication of “Women Representation in Parliaments: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis” (Political Studies, 2010)

ABSTRACT This paper replicates the results of the paper by Krook, M. L. on the Women Representation in Parliaments in 22 developed countries in the west. The data used by Krook was obtained from COMPASSS (COMPArative Methods for Systematic Cross-Case Analysis) and the analysis followed her exact methods and are able to replicate the major findings. However, the paper idetified that krook’s conclusions did not conform to the standard solution (i.e., the intermediate solution) often used in Qualitative Comparative Analysis. By extending the analysis to the standard intermediate solution approach, this replication arrives at differing conclusions. Please see the longer version of the article for details.

An Empirical Study on Women Representation in Parliament of South Asian Nations

Women have been discriminated in every sphere of life. In South Asia, women constitute roughly half of the population, yet they are rarely seen in parliament or as ministers. It is true that in all sphere of political leadership women are severely underrepresented or in other words, men greatly outnumber women in every sphere of decision making even in parliament also. Women need the power to break up the trap of confinement that engage them busy in domestic work and put many restrictions on them in this patriarchal society. Lack of opportunity and low representation in the political sphere deprives women of being politically empowered. This paper is an attempt to examine the study the women representation in the lower house of parliament and as well as to compare this with the average data of women members in the lower house of Asia and World.

High Representation of Women in Parliament and Proportional Electoral System: Does This Relationship Work in Russia?

What factors influence the level of representation of women in parliaments? There are several explanatory models in the research literature, but a broad consensus is formed around one. Research shows that there is a strong correlation between the level of women's representation and the type of electoral system. It is noted that the high representation of women in Parliament is associated with the conduct of elections based on the proportional electoral system. The author emphasizes that scientists came to this statement as a result of, first, analyzing data from developed countries, consolidated democracies and, second, conducting cross-country research. The purpose of this article is to verify this provision in Russian conditions. To achieve this goal, the author collected empirical material based on lists of candidates (both Federal and single-mandate districts) of political parties. The research method was regression analysis. As a result of statistical calculations, the author came to the conclusion that the Duma elections under the proportional system do not ensure high representation of women. It is shown that the voting system does not work automatically in terms of determining the proportion of women parliamentarians. Electoral systems are one of the many factors that can affect women's representation in legislative bodies. Other factors are party characteristics such as party ideology.

Gender Disparities in Post-Conflict Societies: A Cross-National Analysis

ABSTRACT This article investigates the impacts of conflict, resolution, and post-conflict democracy on gender bias. Exploring this question poses two methodological concerns. The first regards selection bias in which countries experience conflict and its resolution. The study addresses this issue using a generalization of the Heckman procedure. The second is that post-conflict democracy is likely endogenous to the level of pre-conflict democracy. This issue is addressed using two-stage least squares. Results show that conflict unambiguously worsens gender outcomes with respect to secondary school enrollment, labor force participation, fertility, and parliamentary representation. However, it does not affect the gap in life expectancy. Conflict resolution improves gender outcomes significantly, but not always by a magnitude that restores pre-conflict levels of equality. Greater post-conflict democratization improves parliamentary representation of women and the gender gaps in life expectancy and secondary school enrollment. However, it worsens the gap in labor force participation. HIGHLIGHTS The study corrects selection bias in conflict and its resolution with a three-step procedure. It instruments for post-conflict democratization using legal origin and geography. Conflict worsens gender inequities in education, the labor force, and representation. Conflict resolution mitigates most conflict-induced inequities, but not fully. Democratization further improves equity in representation and schooling.

Women's Representation through Political Parties in Parliament Period of General Election 2019-2024

This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.