Repertoires Of Political Action Research Articles

Dynamics between national security laws and repertoires of political action: A comparative analysis of Hong Kong and South Korea

AbstractThis article undertakes a comparative analysis of two cases, Hong Kong and South Korea, each characterized by distinct levels of political and civil liberties to elucidate how the institutionalization of national security operates in shaping the repertoires of popular political actions and the repressive conduct of state actors. In both cases, the legal frameworks serve to curtail popular political action, both online and offline, often through discretionary applications of national security norms, resulting in ambiguity. They bestow legitimacy upon state agencies to engage in protest policing, surveillance, and the suppression of individuals or organizations in the name of upholding national security. In contrast, the national security laws in Hong Kong and South Korea, influenced by varying interpretations and applications of perceived threats to national security, result in differences in the extent and degree of contentious political actions and state repression.

Civil society – Politically engagedormember-serving? A governance perspective

Which types of civil society organizations are politicized as indicated by regular political engagement and why? If they are, how wide-ranging are their political action repertoires? This article proposes an ‘organizational governance perspective’ on civil society organizations’ political engagement by arguing that organizations resembling traditional ‘voluntary associations’ are less likely to be politicized and to employ a broad political action repertoire than those resembling highly professionalized ‘voluntary agencies’. Applying event count regressions to new data from four recent population surveys widely substantiates the proposed perspective, thereby challenging prominent arguments about the detrimental effects of professionalization and state dependency on organizations’ ability to contribute to democratic representation.

Imperial Internationalisms’ in the 1920s: The Shaping of Colonial Affairs at the League of Nations

ABSTRACT The evolving internationalisation of imperial and colonial affairs fostered the emergence of specific, and interrelated, arguments, institutional arrangements and repertoires of political action regarding colonial societies. The actors and the institutions aiming to shape colonial dynamics in a number of fields of intervention, with different agendas and expertise, multiplied, and the topics under debated expanded. Expressions of imperial internationalism – that is, discourses and projects promoted by groups and institutions aiming at developing forms of internationalism dealing with imperial and colonial affairs, namely through international organisations – proliferated. This article deals with two: The Union Catholique d’Études Internationales (UCEI), an example of (conservative) religious internationalism, and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), a case of (progressive) ‘international feminism’. Alongside other important transnational, non-governmental organisations, which competed for protagonism in the historical unfolding of the intersections between internationalism and imperialism and colonialism, the UCEI and the WILPF were active voices in the most important debates carried out by the League of Nations and its specialised agencies (from slavery and ‘native labour’ to opium trade), influencing their content and direction.

Precarious revolution: labour and neoliberal securitisation in Egypt

The article draws on precarious workers’ engagement with the Egyptian revolution between 2011 and 2013. Despite their radical moves—reclaiming land previously appropriated by the state and staging various neighbourhood protests—the workers in this ethnography refused to associate with the revolution. Their curious position between radicality and dismissal of the revolution lays the groundwork to explore neoliberal securitisation. Although securitisation evolved globally alongside neoliberalism in order to facilitate accumulation by dispossession, the particular securitisation strategies used with disparate groups of workers, and their implication on the different ways workers make claims for a good life, still need further research. The article thus explores the class project of neoliberal securitisation. It argues that securitisation has generally been marginalised in studies of labour precarity, which have tended to point to the retrenchments of welfare benefits and insecurity under market conditions. By instead positing neoliberal securitisation as a class project, I show how the evolution of property relations is drawing new actors into the class struggle. The article thus re-centre class within the literature on labour precarity and the politics of security. Based on an ethnographic study in al-Tibbin, a town built around the largest and oldest steel factory in the south of Cairo, the article explores how the differential tactics used to securitise workers’ communities deeply impacted their repertoires of political action, becoming a catalyst for class struggle between various groups of workers. Securitisation thus co-constituted precarity by continuously drawing new subjects to the class struggle. Despite this, scholars and revolutionary actors have accorded more attention to the ‘spectacular’ resistance of organised workers in contrast to precarious workers’ ephemeral but influential engagements—a tendency that has been detrimental to the revolution’s trajectory.

The social networks of cyberfeminism in Spain: identity and action repertoires

This article explores the daily activity of the cyberfeminist communities in Spain from the study of social media as spaces for identity formation and repertoires of political action. Starting from the analytical framework of social movements, cyberfeminism and its relationship with technologies, the article tries to understand the use of digital spaces for collective action. From the foundations of virtual ethnography, four reference communities on Facebook are analyzed (according to institutionality and existence of offline base) to assess how discourses against gender violence are articulated, as well as the participation and groupings that coexist in these platforms. As a result, six different effects are identified in the communication of these digital groups, concluding that their deliberative dimension regarding gender violence is scarce and insufficient in the era of Web 2.0.

Socialization and generational political trajectories: an age, period and cohort analysis of political participation in Britain

ABSTRACTThe role of political socialization in explaining disengagement from specific modes of activism beyond voting remains largely unexplored, limited to date by available data and methods. While most previous studies have tended to propose explanations for disengagement linked to specific repertoires of political action, we propose a unified theory based on the different socialization experiences of subsequent generations. We test this theory using a new dataset of collated waves of the British Social Attitudes Survey and by applying age–period–cohort models for repeated cross-sectional data and generalized additive models to identify generational effects. We show that generational effects underlie the participatory decline across repertoires. Consistent with our expectations, the results reveal that the generation of “Thatcher’s Children” are much less likely to engage in a range of repertoires of political action than “Wilson/Callaghan’s Children”, who came of age in the more politicized 1960s and 1970s. Significantly, and in line with our theoretical expectations, the “Blair’s Babies” generation is the least politically engaged of all. We reflect on these findings and highlight the concerning implications of falling levels of activism for advanced democracies.

Selective or Generic Activism? Types of Participants, Political Action Repertoires and Mobilisation Capacity in a Post-Communist Society

This study develops and tests two arguments for how repertoires of political action are reconfigured in post-communist Romania. Using multivariate statistical analysis, it examines whether citizens' engagement in post-communist politics is linked with generic socioeconomic and attitudinal traits or, alternatively, if it is connected with selective mobilisation opportunities provided by social networks and organisations. The findings reveal that while most Romanians are politically inactive two decades after the fall of communism, those who engage in politics do so selectively and their political action repertoires are largely influenced by four mobilising agents: trade unions; political parties; social networks; and civil society organisations.

Votando na prateleira: a politização do consumo na América Latina

Há pelo menos uma década que a utilização do poder de compra pelo consumidor para perseguir finalidades políticas ou éticas é um fenômeno debatido pelas Ciências Sociais internacionais. Diante do aparente desengajamento público com a política, o fenômeno do consumo politizado passou a ser reconhecido como uma das formas mais inovadoras e crescentes de participação política não convencional para os indivíduos, quebrando a tradicional divisão entre cidadania, a esfera dos bens públicos e os agentes políticos, de um lado, e o consumo, a esfera dos bens privados e os agentes de mercado, de outro lado. Entretanto, esse debate mal foi iniciado na América Latina, menos ainda sua discussão empírica. Este artigo aborda as evidências sobre a cidadanização das relações com as corporações que estimulam o uso do poder de compra como forma de influenciá-las a seguir valores e políticas favoráveis à sociedade e ao meio ambiente. A discussão se baseia em dados de pesquisas quantitativas com amostras representativas da população adulta da Argentina, Brasil e México e revela que o consumo político é um fenômeno já estabilizado e que tende a complementar outros modos de engajamento político na América Latina.

Landscapes of conflict: unity and disunity in post-Second World War Croatian émigré separatism

In recent years, the terms transnationalism and diaspora have both become the focus of increased academic attention. Subsequently, the question has arisen as to how expanding theories surrounding transnationalism – which include an ever wider class of actions, processes and institutions that cross the boundaries of states – affect the ways in which both diaspora and diaspora communities are understood. This article examines how the transnational character of one diaspora group – Croatians following Second World War – influenced the organisational development of radical émigré separatism, particularly in relation to the strategies of action adopted by some of the more extreme nationalists. The article focuses on how difficulties arising from the fact that the Croatian diaspora existed in ‘landscapes’ as much as ‘lands’ helped define and delimit the repertoires of political action taken up by radicals. The internal and external pressures of being forced to operate in transnational space – including the fractional splintering which resulted from these pressures – helped shape the range of possible development for Croatian émigré organisations, including for some the adoption of violence as an acceptable form of political expression.

Emergence and Development of Bulgaria's Environmental Movement

An environmental movement emerged in Bulgaria in the late 1980s around which regime dissent coalesced. Success was achieved in bringing an end to the communist state, but environmental problems were not resolved. Environmental issues now must be tackled within a developing pluralistic political system and its new political elite and within a struggling market economy. As Tarrow suggests in his "cycles of protest" thesis, new repertoires of political action are available to the environmental movement along with new political opportunities for it to seize. This study of the Bulgarian environmental movement suggests that even when a social movement secures significant success, far from bringing an end to activity, the movement is likely tofind that there are unresolved and even new issues to address that must be pursued under significantly changed political, social, and economic conditions.

The generalized action potential of protest movements: The new class, social trends, and political exclusion explanations

Three explanations have been advanced to account for the generalized action potential of contemporary protest movements: the rise of the new class, a set of general social trends that cumulatively lead to liberalized social values and loosened social restraints against protest, and the mobilization of excluded groups. Analyzing three dimensions of generalized action potential—protest potential, political action repertoires, and protest movement support—we find support for all three explanations. Educated salaried professionals, especially sociocultural and public sector professionals, display greater protest potential, especially for civil disobedience, and are supportive of emerging “middle class” movements. A set of general social trends centering on increased education, life-cycle and generational change, secularism, and increased women's autonomy also create greater action potential. Reflecting mobilization against political exclusion, African Americans display a consistently strong generalized action potential. These protests reflect the rise of new political repertoires, particularly “protest activism,” which combines protest with high levels of conventional participation and is centered among the more educated.

The development of political participation and political action repertoires in West Germany 1974–1986: Max Kaase Sonderforschungsbereich 3, J.W. Goethe-Universitaet Frankfurt und Universitaet Mannheim

The development of political participation and political action repertoires in West Germany 1974–1986: Max Kaase Sonderforschungsbereich 3, J.W. Goethe-Universitaet Frankfurt und Universitaet Mannheim

Political Discontent and Political Action

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesPolitical Discontent and Political ActionStephen C. Craig, and Michael A. MaggiottoStephen C. Craig Search for more articles by this author , and Michael A. Maggiotto Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 43, Number 2May, 1981 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2130380 Views: 125Total views on this site Citations: 38Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1981 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Claire Seungeun Lee, Juan Merizalde, John D. 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