Rights Of Religious Minorities Research Articles

The opportunities and limits of Islamist ideological developments on the rights of non-Muslims and women

AbstractMost academic scholars of the Muslim Brotherhood and like-minded Islamist organisations seem to agree that these groups have come to accept the nation state and the rules of the democratic game over the past few decades. At the same time, several scholars have shown in their work that reforms and developments among Islamists with regard to the state and democracy have not been accompanied by similar trends on religious minority rights and especially women’s rights. The long-held Islamist ideal of an Islamic state in which Islam provides the identity of the state remains difficult to square with full and equal citizenship for non-Muslims. Similarly, Islamists have been willing to make concessions with regard to women’s rights by reinterpreting Islamic tradition, but this has not moved as far as their revisionism with regard to the state and democracy. What is holding them back? The objective of this special issue is to begin to answer this question through various case studies, all of which focus on gaining greater insight into (the development of) views on the rights of religious minorities and women among non-violent Islamists since the Islamic revival in the Middle East and North Africa in the 1960s.

Problems and Challenges Faced by Non-Muslim Students in achieving Higher Education at universities of Pakistan: An Evaluative Study

Introduction: This study examines Pakistani non-Muslim university students' challenges and how they affect their self-esteem. Understanding non-Muslim students' challenges is essential for inclusiveness and a supportive learning environment in increasingly diverse schools. Methodology: This quantitative study surveyed Pakistani non-Muslim university students about their opinions. Curriculum and Literature, Peer and Teacher Views, Rights of Religious Minorities, Inclusive Teaching Skills Techniques, and Student Self-Esteem (CARIS) was a self-created survey tool to assess students' experiences and views 91 male and 61 female non-Muslim students from 46 public and 106 private Pakistani universities were purposefully selected. SPSS 22 was used for descriptive analysis and Smart-PLS 3.9 for SEM analysis. Results/Findings: All four hypotheses greatly increased non-Muslim pupils' self-esteem. Results showed that students had strong opinions on curriculum, literature, attitudes, and rights issues. Non-Muslim students' experiences were not significantly different by gender, institute type (public vs. private), or province. Age and program of study differed significantly among non-Muslim students. Future Direction: This study emphasizes the need for specific interventions for Pakistani non-Muslim university students. Future studies should address academic content and literature concerns, improve peer-teacher interactions, and promote diversity in Pakistani universities. More in-depth mixed-method research is needed to understand non-Muslim students' educational experiences and requirements.

Restrictions on Freedom of Religion in the Time of National Disaster—Lessons from Mohamed and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others

In late 2019, reports of a novel influenza-like virus emerged from China, whose Province of Wuhan was severely affected. It was not until February 2020 that the World Health Organisation was able to give this virus the name Covid-19. At that stage, the world was clearly dealing with a pandemic. Governments worldwide, including the South African government, responded by declaring a state of disaster and imposing restrictions on travelling and public assemblies. After declaring a state of disaster, the government promulgated the lockdown regulations, which prohibited, amongst others, congregating for religious purposes. A group of adherents of the Islamic faith felt aggrieved by these regulations, alleging that they were irrational and unreasonable, to the extent that they unfairly limited their freedom of movement and religion. They launched a constitutional challenge in the High Court in the case of Mohamed and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others. In casu, the court had to deal with the novel issue of the limitation of rights in the context of a pandemic, as well as the rights of religious minorities.

The Implications Of Islamic Law On The Rights Of Religious Minorities In Muslim-Majority Countries

The study explores the complex implications of Islamic law on the rights of religious minorities in countries with majority Muslim populations. Through a comprehensive literature analysis, this review aims to summarize information from various relevant text sources. The study's findings reflect the complexity of religious minority rights issues in Muslim-majority countries. In the context of an analysis of the impact of Islamic law on the rights of religious minorities, it appears that Islamic law may provide a potential basis for protecting the rights of religious minorities. However, its interpretation and application may vary between countries. However, implementing Islamic law in state policy often creates tensions between religious and universal human rights principles, requiring careful efforts to strike the right balance. In addition, in modern contexts, such as the impact of globalization and information technology, Muslim-majority countries are faced with challenges that encourage them to constantly adapt to ensure effective protection of the rights of religious minorities. Therefore, to address these challenges, a comprehensive approach that includes legal reform, interreligious dialogue, and community education is needed to ensure that the rights of religious minorities are respected and substantially protected.

The Human Rights Action Plan and Turkey’s Non-Muslim Minorities

On March 2021, Turkey’s President announced a new Human Rights Action Plan (HRAP), supported by the Council of Europe, to reform the judiciary system and strengthen democratic participation. Although the rights claims of Kurds and Alevis have been prominent, HRAP mentions neither by name. Instead, it includes articles about improving the rights of religious minorities by fighting discrimination and hate, to advance pluralism, revising the Foundations Law regarding the establishment and election of boards of directors of non-Muslim community associations, and providing leave for religious holidays regardless of faith. Given the current distrust between non-Muslim groups and the Turkish state, this study analyzed the political attitudes of Turkey’s non-Muslim minorities to understand how they develop creative solutions to protect their rights. To do so, we interviewed Armenian deputies in Turkey’s parliament and prominent figures from the Greek-Orthodox, Armenian, and Jewish communities, and also reviewed the minority deputies’ parliamentary work in depth between 2015 and 2021. We found that HRAP was widely discussed by both minority and opposition parliamentary deputies. However, they did not strongly welcome any of its provisions because the government had previously ignored or delayed their demands. 

The Rights of Religious Minorities in International Legal Documents and Islamic Shariah

The right of religious minorities is one of the most important rights of human beings through which people can freely perform their religious practices and worship without any fear. According to international documents, no state party to international covenants and conventions is permitted to discriminate against religious minorities. In most countries, there are lots of religious minorities who live as citizens or as migrants. Both need the protection of the state, and should be treated equally in accordance with laws. Fortunately, Islam also supports the rights of religious minorities and protects the rights of all those non-Muslims who live in the Islamic territory by the name of "Dhimmis", who also have to respect the rules and regulations of Islam. The doctrinal research methodology and a descriptive, explanatory, and analytical research approaches are used in this work. It is worth mentioning that this research study is entirely based on library sources. Most of the sources are reputable and trustworthy textbooks, scholarly published and unpublished journal articles, law reports, and online websites related to the research area. Additionally, the position of Islamic jurisprudence has also been clarified regarding the rights of minorities.

Formation and development of prerequisites for international legal protection of vulnerable population groups: historical and legal discourse

The article is devoted to highlighting the process of formation and development of the prerequisites for the creation of a modern set of norms of international law, aimed at protecting vulnerable groups of the population - parts of society with different numbers, with an increased risk compared to other groups or the rest of society of being affected by the effects of a discriminatory nature, becoming victims of violence (especially during armed conflicts), natural, man-made disasters or economic shocks. Usually, the term “vulnerable groups” is used for the elderly, children, certain categories of women, refugees, people with disabilities, migrant workers, indigenous peoples and national minorities, religious minorities. The chronological boundaries of the study cover the period from ancient times to 1919.Today, despite the apparent legal protection, these population groups in their everyday life still continue to face manifestations of discrimination and social stigmatization, despite the fact that international law emphasizes the principle of respect for human rights and declares the equality of people in their rights (political, economic, environmental, etc.), regardless of certain specific factors, including the nature or degree of their vulnerability.This problem became particularly acute with the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Such exceptional actualization is due to the fact that in wartime, unfavorable external and internal factors (primarily humanitarian, economic, ecological) that affect the risks of various most vulnerable categories of people falling into difficult life circumstances, compared to peacetime, are extremely intensified.The article emphasizes that in relation to the era of pre-classical international law, there is no reason to speak of any systematic protection of vulnerable categories of the population. At that time, we see only individual manifestations of a compassionate attitude towards women, children, the disabled, and the elderly. There were no special international legal acts in this area.It was noted that the actual formation of the foundations of international legal protection of vulnerable population groups took place only in the era of classical international law, especially in the second half of the 19th - at the beginning of the 20th century. An important place in the protection of vulnerable categories of the population at the end of the 19th century. signed agreements that specifically laid the international legal foundations for the protection of women, primarily the fight against trafficking in women. During this period, a number of international treaties aimed at protecting the poorest sections of the population were concluded. Among them are agreements on mutual support of poor sailors, sick people, abandoned children, etc. At the same time, important steps were taken to ensure the protection of the rights of religious minorities. An important milestone on the way to the creation of an international legal basis for the protection of vulnerable sections of the population during wartime was the adoption of the Geneva Convention on the Amelioration of the Fate of Wounded and Sick Soldiers in Land War on August 22, 1864, the Brussels Declaration on the Laws and Customs of War of 1874, the Hague the Convention on the Laws and Customs of the Land War of 1907, which, although not directly aimed at protecting the rights of vulnerable groups of the population, were nevertheless tentatively aimed at the implementation of this task.

The Role of Religious Political Parties in Democracy-Reasons for Their Influence on the People of Pakistan

In Pakistan's political system, religious political parties do play a significant role. These parties have generally fought for legislation that is in line with Islamic ideals and has the support of conservative, religiously motivated population segments. They have successfully influenced the nation's political discourse and energized citizens around religious themes. Their impact has also been a contentious issue. According to critics, religious political parties foster intolerance and extremism, which can harm societal cohesion and minority rights. This has given rise to challenges such as sectarian conflicts, the persecution of religious minorities, and the demise of some spiritual institutions, but it has also given rise to a framework for governance. National and local political parties must cooperate at the federal and provincial levels to combat Islamic extremism in Pakistan. In order to create policies that support tolerance, diversity, and respect for minority rights while respecting the Islamic principles that are essential to the nation's identity, collaboration is essential. This demands a holistic approach encompassing education, discourse, and efforts to alleviate socioeconomic factors that can contribute to extremism. Furthermore, promoting an atmosphere that supports moderate and forward-thinking readings of Islam and principles of peace, coexistence, and social harmony is critical. This can be done by encouraging a pluralistic understanding of Islam involving religious scholars, local leaders, and civil society organizations. Strengthening democratic institutions and fostering a climate of religious freedom and pluralism are essential for combating religious extremism. The rights of religious minorities must be protected, and their equal participation in political processes must be guaranteed. To maintain Pakistan's political environment as inclusive, tolerant, and respectful of the rights and aspirations of all its residents, it is important to balance Islamic principles and democratic norms.

Joseph Smith for President: The Prophet, the Assassins, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom by Spencer W. McBride

Reviewed by: Joseph Smith for President: The Prophet, the Assassins, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom by Spencer W. McBride Sasha Coles (bio) Mormonism, Latter-Day Saints, Joseph Smith, Religion, Religious history, Religious freedom Joseph Smith for President: The Prophet, the Assassins, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom. By Spencer W. McBride. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 269. Cloth, $29.95.) Roughly one year before the 1844 U.S. presidential election, nearly identical letters reached five men positioning themselves to compete for the highest political office in the land. All five letters contained the same question: "What will be your rule of action relative to us as a people, should fortune favor your ascension to the chief magistracy?" Here, "us" referred to members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (also known as Latter-day Saints, or Mormons). Joseph Smith, the church's founding prophet and first president, was the one asking. He wanted to know one thing. Would any of the prospective candidates leverage the power of the federal government to defend the right of Latter-day Saints to organize and worship in peace? Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson ignored Smith completely. In their responses, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Lewis Cass offered no guarantees. These results would ultimately lead to a fascinating moment in American political history: Joseph Smith's own presidential candidacy. This is the subject of an impressive new monograph, Joseph Smith for President: The Prophet, the Assassins, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom. In this book, author Spencer W. McBride's depth of expertise in the historiography of American religion is on full display. So is his command of source material related to Mormonism's early years. In roughly 200 well-paced, detail-rich pages, McBride uses Joseph Smith's campaign to inoculate readers against the enduring myth that universal religious freedom [End Page 195] has been respected and protected since the nation's founding. In fact, there is a long history of religious inequality in the United States that, by many measures, endures today. This trajectory can be explained by attachments to one principle in particular: the doctrine of states' rights. In McBride's words, "the states' rights strategy was as effective at impeding efforts to establish the full citizenship rights of religious minorities as it was at blocking efforts to establish the personhood of men and women of African descent enslaved in the American South" (209). The role of states'-rights ideology in maintaining inequality becomes clear when confronted with the marginalization Latter-day Saints experienced during the early American republic. As McBride explains, after the church's founding in 1830, Mormons established tight-knit settlements in Ohio and Missouri, proselytized among Native Americans, and extended church membership to some Black people. To outside observers, these activities proved that Latter-day Saints were insular religious "fanatics" threatening slavery and white supremacy. Sparring between the Mormons and their critics bubbled over in 1838, when Missouri Governor Lilburn W. Boggs issued an executive order calling for Joseph Smith's followers to be "exterminated or driven from the state if necessary." Emboldened vigilantes and militia members assaulted Latter-day Saints and destroyed their property. The Mormons who survived became landless refugees. In the minds of the perpetrators, this opposition did not constitute a violation of citizenship rights. They saw Mormons as "waste people" beguiled by a "fake" prophet. But what they really meant, as McBride describes, is that Latter-day Saint beliefs "were too different from their own." This "skewed, but pervasive, view of religious freedom . . . justified the discrimination and violent persecution of religious minorities because it protected the privileged place of Protestant denominations in American society" (200–201). Much scholarly attention has already been paid to the church's outsider status in the nineteenth century. Where McBride's narrative really thrives is in his rich analysis of how, after the Missouri confrontation, church leaders pursued "every possible avenue for redress and protection" (81). They met with President Martin Van Buren, petitioned Congress, and launched a public relations campaign. They also sought out a fresh start in Nauvoo, Illinois, where they established a muscular city...

The Rights of Religious Minorities in Muslim-Majority States: A Comparative Study of Egyptian Copts and Iraqi Christians

This paper takes up the constitutional recognition of individual and collective rights for religious minorities in Muslim-majority states, discussing how constitutions in such states approach the question of legal protection for minorities in order to foster a climate conducive to coexistence between its constituent religious groups. It also examines the claims that Arab and Islamic states deny religious diversity, offering a comparative analytical study of the rights of Copts under the 2014 Egyptian constitution and the rights of Iraqi Christian minorities under the 2005 constitution. The study concludes that the constitutional provisions for the protection of the rights of religious minorities in these two states are relatively progressive compared to the constitutions of other Islamic states. This is particularly true of the Iraqi constitution, which generally has a better approach to the protections offered religious minorities than its Egyptian counterpart, especially when it comes to combatting discrimination and providing for political participation. Nevertheless, the study asserts that the real problem lies in the application of constitutional provisions on the ground due to the failure of the two states, particularly Egypt, to institute explicit procedural measures to guarantee genuine protection for minority religious rights.

Discrimination unveiled: a field experiment on the barriers faced by Muslim women in Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain

Abstract We examine the penalties faced by veiled and unveiled Muslim women when applying for jobs in three European labour markets: Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain. We rely on recent literature comparing public opposition towards Muslims in general and opposition to Muslims’ religious practices, such as the wearing of the hijab. Based on a cross-nationally harmonized field experiment on hiring discrimination, we use two different signals of Muslimness (volunteering activities in a Muslim community centre or wearing the Muslim headscarf) to identify whether employers discriminate against Muslims as a group or against Muslims adhering to specific Muslim practices—in this case, wearing the headscarf. We present robust evidence that veiled Muslim women are discriminated against in Germany and the Netherlands, but only when applying for jobs that require a high level of customer contact. In Spain, however, the level of discrimination against veiled Muslim women is much smaller than in the other two countries. The high level of discrimination we found in the Netherlands, where the institutional context has traditionally been open to the accommodation of religious minority rights, is particularly surprising and points to the possibly stigmatizing effect of recent policies geared towards the cultural assimilation of immigrants.

Covenantal Pluralism in “Homogenous” Japan: Finding a Space for Religious Pluralism

This article explores the concept of covenantal pluralism in a context of postwar Japan, with a focus on the legal framework separating the state from religion and guaranteeing the rights of religious minorities. The article argues that while there are relatively few instances of sectarian strife, the lack of agreement on how to interpret the category of religion, in particular in relation to Shrine Shinto, continues to lead to struggles between different camps. The article also questions the feasibility of covenantal pluralism as an ideal in a country where national identity is so closely linked to ideas of social homogeneity.

The Perception of Minorities toward the Turkish State: The Case of Ethno-religious Communities

The relationship between state and non-Muslim communities has been a delicate issue since the founding of the Turkish Republic despite the principle of secularism stated in its constitution. Against this background, the association of national identity with Sunni-Islam has been the main marker of inclusion/exclusion to the national identity. Especially since 2002 when the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power, the debates with regard to freedom of religion and the rights of religious minorities came to fore. Over the course of decades there have been numerous studies approaching the state’s perspective towards religious minorities. However, there are still scarce amount of academic studies that focuses on citizenship experiences of the members of these communities in their daily and social life practices. In this article, we first provide a historical perspective of the state towards religious minorities from the establishment of the Republic until today including the JDP period. In the second part of this study we aim to explore recasting perspectives of the non-Muslim minorities over the previous decade by taking the standpoint of the members of Greek Orthodox, Jews and Armenian communities. To this end, we conduct in-depth interviews with the members of these communities who are residing in Istanbul. Finally, new negotiation fields which have been flourishing among these communities will be addressed.

Religious Minorities under the Constitution of the Irish Free State, 1922–1937

Abstract The Irish Free State came into existence in 1922 as a self-governing state with a substantial Catholic majority. This article examines the special constitutional provisions adopted in 1922 that were aimed at religious minorities in the new state. The Protestant community comprised the largest religious minority in 1922 and was particularly vulnerable as many of its members had opposed the foundation of the Irish Free State. Nevertheless, this article recognizes the diversity behind the term ‘Protestant’ and also provides some attention to the position of the Quaker community, often perceived in Ireland as neither Catholic or Protestant, as well as that of the small Irish Jewish community. This article examines the origins and operation of the special provisions of the 1922 constitution of the Irish Free State aimed at protecting the rights of religious minorities and giving them a significant voice within the Irish legislature. It also analyses how and why most of these constitutional safeguards were removed from the text of the 1922 constitution. Most of these provisions were not replicated in the 1937 constitution of Ireland that remains in force to this day. The conclusion argues that one of the weaknesses of the constitutional provisions aimed at religious minorities was that they did not openly include this objective in their wording. This facilitated the removal of almost all of these provisions in the 1930s while ignoring or openly denying that they were aimed at religious minorities despite ample historical evidence to the contrary.

The Rights of Religious Minorities in Iraq: The Case of the Forced Conversion of Minors

Abstract Religion raises many legal questions in confessional systems where a minor child is usually assigned the parents’ religion ex officio. In Iraq, as in many Middle Eastern countries, the conversion to Islam of one of the parents results in the conversion of their minor children. For decades, the Iraqi Court of Cassation has granted children the right to choose their religion upon reaching majority. From the early 21st century, the case law of the Court of Cassation has evolved towards denying children this right of option (iḫtiyār). The child is therefore deprived of his/her right to choose and must remain Muslim. In this article, the author criticizes this reversal of jurisprudence and deplores its dire consequences on social peace. After analyzing the teachings of Islamic law and the texts of positive Iraqi law, he concludes that the new trend of the Court of Cassation is ill-founded and flawed.

The Idea of Religious Minorities and Social Cohesion in India’s Constitution: Reflections on the Indian Experience

India has many religious groups, of which Hindus are a majority, and Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains are minorities. India’s Constitution, adopted in 1950, departed from the existing norms of secularism in Europe and elsewhere, which suggested a strict separation of religion and state. Moreover, freedom of religion is a Fundamental Right guaranteed under the Indian Constitution. With its distinct model of secularism and special provisions for religious minorities, India’s social cohesion arrangement needs special attention. On one hand, the distinct understanding of secularism in the Indian context has led to the advancement of religious pluralism. At the same time, it has invited criticism for selective intervention in the affairs of religious communities from governments in power. The selective intervention has challenged the exclusivity of Indian secularism. This article evaluates the constitutional and theoretical ideas underlying provisions on religious minorities and freedom of religion enshrined in the Indian Constitution. It appraises the idea of religious minorities enshrined in the constitution through a discussion of the process that shaped the idea. The article reflects on the Indian experience of managing the rights of religious minorities and freedom of religion. By analysing a landmark judgement related to freedom of religion and the rights of religious minorities, the article evaluates whether the Indian Constitution advances a model of social cohesion by balancing freedom of religion and the rights of religious minorities or remains ineffective in achieving the same.

Religious Minority Identity in the Work of the Advisory Committee of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities: A Multifaceted Challenge in Evolution

The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) of the Council of Europe counts more than 20 years of existence in the European human rights landscape. Normatively, the protection of minority religious identity is embedded in three main articles of the convention: first, under Articles 7 and 8, which outline a general right to freedom of religion, but also under Article 6, which considers religious minority rights for “new” minorities as related to tolerance. The analysis that follows here will unfold in three stages: the first stage will engage with the crucial issue of the scope of protection of the FCNM and how this relates to the protection of religious minority rights contained in the convention in today’s European societies. The second stage will focus on the main relevant articles of the FCNM that concern religious freedom. Starting with Articles 7 and 8 of the FCNM that focus on the religious rights of minorities stricto sensu, the discussion will then extend to Articles 5 and 6 of the FCNM due to their relevance to the exercise of religious rights by minorities in their cultural and diversity management dimensions. This extension is necessary to illustrate the current implications of religious identity for minority–majority relations. Methodologically, the study relies heavily on a detailed survey of the four completed cycles of monitoring, mapping the typology of issues pertaining to religious minorities as encountered by the Advisory Committee to the FCNM (ACFC) in the monitored states. The final stage of the analysis will provide some concluding thoughts on the general contribution of the ACFC towards standard setting on religious freedom in the European context.

EU Law’s Half-Hearted Protection of Religious Minorities Minority Specific Rights and Freedom of Religion for All

This article begins with some reflections on the definition of religious minorities, their needs and rights and how this relates to the discussion about the need for minority specific rights in addition to general fundamental rights as rights for all human beings irrespective of particular identity features. Secondly, an overall account of the ambiguous relationship between religious minorities and fundamental rights is presented. The third and most extensive section zooms in on the EU and religious minorities, starting with an account of the EU’s general approach towards minorities and then turning to the protection of fundamental rights of religious minorities in/through the EU legal order. First, the EU’s engagement with minority specific rights and the extent to which these norms have been attentive to religious themes will be discussed. Second, the CJEU’s case law concerning freedom of religion and the prohibition of dis-crimination as general human rights is analysed. The conclusion then turns to the overall perspective and discusses whether the EU’s protection of religious minorities’ fundamental rights can be considered ‘half-hearted’ and, if so, to what extent. This in turn allows us to return to the overall focus of the Special Issue, namely the relationship between the freedom of religion for all and special rights for religious minorities.

AN ANALYSIS OF FAMILY LAWS OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN PAKISTAN

It is famously narrated that Pakistan came into being as a state for the Muslim minority of India. Nevertheless, Pakistan was also the homeland of many other religious natives such as Christian, Sikhs, Hindus, Parsis, Buddhists. Even many Jews lived in Pakistan who were the natives of this land for centuries before the partition of 1947. All of these religions are completely different from each other and also have their rituals, traditions, language, caste system, creed, ethnicity, marriage, and divorce laws. All of Pakistan’s constitutions give minorities equal rights, but when in the 1960s, Pakistan developed its first family laws for Muslims and launched “Nikah Nama”, and made other rules and regulations for the majority of its population but forgot about its minorities. Pakistan’s minorities suffer under Anglo Hindu Laws and The Christian Marriage Act of 1872 until recently. Pakistan introduced The Sindh Hindus Marriage Act 2016, the Hindu Marriage Act of 2017 Passed by the National Assembly of Pakistan, The Punjab Anand Karaj Marriage Act of 2018 for Sikh nationals, and the Christian Marriage and Divorce Act 2019 (still waiting for legislation). This article provides a brief introduction of above mention laws in the context of developments under the rights of religious minorities of the state. For this purpose, qualitative research is being conducted.

Headscarves and the CJEU: Protecting fundamental rights or pandering to prejudice

This article examines the Opinion of AG Rantos in two cases concerning Islamic headscarves before the CJEU and argues that this Opinion appears to give almost carte blanche to (private) employers to adopt neutrality policies in their workplaces based on the wishes of their customers. In doing so, the AG appears to allow employers to pander to the prejudices of their customers and to push believers, and especially Muslim women, even further out of sight. It is argued that this affects not only the employment opportunities, but also the social inclusion of people from groups especially vulnerable to discrimination and that this goes against the founding values of the EU. The CJEU now has a choice: it can choose to protect the fundamental rights of religious minorities by taking these rights into account when assessing the two cases before it, or it can allow employers to pander to the prejudice of customers against people from religious minorities.