Religious Divisions Research Articles

Captivating Verbatim Account of Historical Events in Ana Deaver Smith’s Fires in The Mirror

Fires in the Mirror is a play by Anna Deavere Smith that uses verbatim theatre to explore the 1991 Crown Heights riot in Brooklyn, New York. The play consists of a series of monologues in which she embodies the personas of various people involved in or impacted by the riot. Each monologue is a verbatim transcript of what the interviewee said during an interview with her. By performing these verbatim monologues, Smith authentically portrays the voices and emotions of the people she interviewed. It offers her a multi-faceted and profoundly human perspective on the Crown Heights riot. It highlights the underlying issues of racial and religious divisions while underscoring the importance of empathy and understanding in times of crisis. Fires in The Mirror as verbatim theatre shows how authentic storytelling can deeply connect us to real-life events. It reminds us that theatre can be a powerful tool for understanding others' experiences and raising awareness about important issues.

Bridging the Divides? How Christian Faith-Based Antitrafficking Organizations Construct Co-Ownership in Buddhist South-East Asia

Religious differences are often portrayed as a source of conflict and tension in development work. Such portrayals imply that faith-based organizations (FBOs) struggle to bridge religious divides and construct co-ownership when engaging in multi-religious contexts. This article nuances this view through a study of how Christian FBOs are working with antitrafficking programs in Buddhist South-East Asia. Drawing on interviews and observations in Thailand and Cambodia, the analysis demonstrates that differences in religion need not present an obstacle to the construction of co-ownership. In contrast, a shared religious ontology between FBOs and local stakeholders and beneficiaries facilitates a shared understanding of the problem of human trafficking and the solutions to address it. This indicates that religion can be a resource, rather than a problem, in establishing co-ownership with local actors in the antitrafficking work of the FBOs. However, in interactions with secular antitrafficking actors, finding common ground is more challenging: the secular-religious divide seems wider than the Christian–Buddhist divide. The article thus provides important insights for scholars, policymakers and practitioners by nuancing assumptions about the role of religion in development in multi-religious contexts. Western secularism may in fact present a more significant obstacle than an explicit religious identity when seeking to construct co-ownership with local communities in Buddhist South-East Asia.

Navigating Hindu Family and Christian Belief

Abstract The paper is an ethnographic study of an urban Bengali Christian neighbourhood in Kolkata where Hindu women from nearby places attend the two Christian prayer meetings – Catholic and Pentecostal – run by the local preachers of the neighbourhood. Borrowing the theoretical understanding of belief, the paper interrogates the question, posed by Cannell (2006) ‘what difference does Christianity make, in the lives of these Hindu women? The paper looks into the experiences of these women in the intimate spaces of kinship, marriage and family as they undergo a form of separation from their Hindu beliefs yet remain largely embedded within Hindu familial ties and obligations without engaging in the practice of baptismal conversion. The study allows us to critically examine the sharp binaries of religious divisions and argues that a focus on baptismal conversion only renders invisible the complex possibilities of what difference Christianity makes on the ground.

The path dependency of power‐sharing: Bosnia and Herzegovina's, Cyprus', and Lebanon's first experiences with popular representation

AbstractThe political systems of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, and Lebanon are defined by ethnic or religious divides that have historical roots in their Ottoman and European colonial past. This paper aims to investigate the impact of these historical legacies on popular representation and institutional structures. The Ottomans and European colonizers created institutions that allowed subjects to elect their representatives, shaping these countries' initial experiences with modernity. This paper employs historical institutionalism as a theoretical approach, and path dependency as a methodology to explore how historical legacies have shaped the political institutions and power‐sharing arrangements in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, and Lebanon.

Populist Authoritarianism and Catholic Political Ethics: A Framework for a Moral Review

Can there be an ethics of politics or political ethics in populist authoritarian democracies? Given that politics operates under potentially risky and morally ambiguous methods that involve strategic calculations with some elements of irrationality, developing an ethics of political leadership can be an abstruse exercise. The frequent mismatch between political methods, objectives, and outcomes exemplifies the complexity of political reality and its unpredictability. The existential tension between utilitarian and deontological approaches to ethics frequently arises in politics. However, to address the failures of democracy in political leadership, it is imperative to explore the ethical implications of populist authoritarianism. By scrutinizing how populist authoritarianism undermines democratic principles and polarizes societies, one can better understand its moral challenges and work towards developing a more ethical framework for political leadership. This article discusses Catholic political ethics in response to populist authoritarianism from three different perspectives: first, it analyzes what populist authoritarianism entails and its limitations in political governance; second, it discusses diverse components of political ethics, highlighting realistic dilemmas in the application of each component; and third, it makes an ethical evaluation of populist authoritarianism from the Catholic social ethics perspective, emphasizing human dignity, common good, and solidarity as key to countering populist authoritarianism. The article makes two ethical suggestions in line with Catholic political ethics to address populist authoritarianism. The first is the principle of social cohesion, aimed at addressing the social, ethnic, racial, political, economic, and religious divisions that characterize populist authoritarian leadership. The second is the principle of social recognition, used as a strategy for safeguarding the common good by centralizing human dignity.

Communalism and Relevance to Nazrul

Kazi Nazrul Islam, renowned for his poetry and literary works, championed Hindu-Muslim unity and secularism in India. Born into poverty and influenced by revolutionary ideals, Nazrul's writings emphasized humanity over religious divisions. He critiqued both Hindu and Muslim extremism, promoting a universalistic approach to religion. His literature sought to bridge communal divides, advocating for the harmony of souls and the recognition of truth across faiths. Nazrul's legacy of secularism remains profoundly relevant today, offering guidance in a world still grappling with religious intolerance and division. His efforts in fostering unity and challenging religious dogma remain relevant today as communal conflicts persist, highlighting his enduring legacy as a flow of harmony and social justice.

Społeczne i filozoficzne implikacje sekularyzmu z perspektywy amerykańskiej

The social and philosophical implications of secularism from an american perspective Secularism and religion should be studied, written about, and taught critically. In a world divided into a growing number of religious factions, secularism has been supposed by many to be an answer to the fact of religious plurality. The logic of secularism is that by conducting our affairs without reference to God we can avoid religious division and deal with each other on a common basis. In the American context, it is often suggested that secularism is not only conceptually wise, but is mandated by our Constitution. Advocates of secularism also advance the idea that secularism is rationally superior to religious alternatives in the sense that it hews more closely to the path of science and empirical rationality. It is the contention of this article that all of the above notions about secularism are misguided and that at least some religious societies, particularly Christian ones, are capable of success­fully accounting for pluralism without oppressive hegemony, and, in fact, have an incentive to do so. The analysis of secularism centers specifically on how it evolved in the West, to what degree the framers of the American Constitution set out either a secular or Christian America (or avoided the question entirely), whether secular­ism can successfully claim to be a neutral method of running a society, and whether secularism really deserves a reputation as a running mate of scientific rationality.

Environmental Education through Islamic Lens: Values and Practices

Faced with mounting environmental issues, the convergence of religious beliefs and ecological consciousness appears as a critical domain for long-term solutions. This article examines environmental education via an Islamic lens, revealing the rich tapestry of environmental lessons woven within Islamic tradition. As global challenges such as climate change, deforestation, and pollution worsen, varied cultural and religious viewpoints become increasingly important for comprehensive understanding. Islam, as a holistic way of life, uniquely defines humanity’s interaction with the natural world, providing direction through the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s teachings. This research looks on the ethical foundations of Islamic environmentalism, focusing on stewardship, interconnectedness, and moderation. It goes on to look at practical applications of environmental sustenance in everyday life, with a focus on water conservation, sustainable agriculture, and ethical consumption. The research also looks into the emotional well-being promoted by Islamic environmental education, focusing on mindfulness, purpose, and coping methods. Finally, the importance of Islamic environmental education in community involvement and social cohesion is examined, highlighting its ability to motivate collective action and develop links among various populations. This research contributes to a worldwide conversation on sustainable practises, across cultural and religious divides and establishing a shared commitment to environmental stewardship.

나말려초 鳳林山門의 형성과 분화

The era from late Silla to Early Goryeo Dynasty was a period requiring enormous transition to a new society in which armed conflicts occurred in every corners of the politically-divided states and men of local influence tried to gain political power. It was also a time when a con sequen tial priority should be given to stabilize the local refugees and relieve the starved people. In these circumstances Zen monks were committed to practical asceticism.
 Bonglim-sanmun was founded by Simhui, a Buddhist disciple of Monk Hyeonuk, in the long course of pilgrimage. It was divided and developed by his followers who studied in Tang Dynasty and returned to their homeland with the royal devotion of Silla and strong support of King Taejo of Goryeo. This thesis aims to understand the process focusing on the epitaphs of the monks Chungdam, Chanyu and Hongjun as well as their social activities.
 The religious division of Bonglim-sanmun began in earnest during the funeral in memory of his life and death after Simhui’s visit to Gyeongju. This trend, not irrelevant to the policy to actively embrace Buddhism in Goryeo era, is understood as Simhui’s diagnosis on the religion at the time the influence of positive will to redeem all the lives in the world. The campaign led to the formation of independent Buddhist sects such as Godalwon, Heungbeop Zen Institution and Gyeongcheong Institution, besides Bonglim Temple.
 The religious segment of Bonglim-sanmun is understood as the priest’s Zen spirit to widen Buddhist teachings to the fullest. It also explains his disciples’ cooperation with King Taejo’s efforts for national unification. Such activities are seen to have much in common with the open and practice-oriented Zen ideology of the key priests.

The Concept and Characteristics of the American Mediterranean

This paper presents a less familiar topic, the concept and characterisation of the American Mediterranean and its specific features. It addresses the fundamental similarities and differences between the European and the American Mediterranean. The study analyses the role of peninsulas in the American Mediterranean and highlights the cultural, linguistic and religious divisions within the region.

Ageing and loss attitudes of social work students: a cross-sectional study

ABSTRACT The world’s population is radically shifting; with the help of medicine and technology, people live longer and increasingly healthier lives. As a result, professions like social work are faced with the need for new and expert skills and knowledge when working with people of older age and those experiencing loss. To identify such needs, the exploration of current views is paramount as it will shed light to gaps in skills and knowledge altogether. This is a cross-sectional study that examines social work students’ attitudes and perceptions of old age and losses associated with it. A self-administered Qualtrics-based survey was completed by 128 social work students in graduate and postgraduate programmes in England. The study found that social work students generally view old age as a time of increased knowledge or wisdom but associate it highly with nine undesirable domains: loneliness, illness, frailty, lack of respect, losses (mental and physical), identified as ‘grumpy and miserable’, dependency, social disengagement, and the fear of saying goodbye to people (death). The study also identifies ethnic and religious divides in these views, while it concludes with the need for advanced training and education in social work with older people and associated losses experienced.

Political and security alliances between GCC and Pakistan: a case study of Saudi Arabia, Oman and Qatar

A country's geostrategic position is critical to its economic growth and development, particularly in terms of its international border interactions. Pakistan is located on the gulf's doorstep. The countries of the Persian Gulf are usually recognized as the global economic epicenter due to oil and natural gas resources. The study's overarching purpose was to better comprehend Pakistan's diplomatic ties with Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Oman. The study focused on their political, religious, cultural, and economic collaboration. The paper sought to focus on and deepen understanding of how mutual collaboration and a security alliance might generate mutual benefits. How successful has the political coalition of these states in the face of religious divisions, economic challenges, and external threats from India, Afghanistan, and Iran? This study used qualitative research methods such as analysis, description, and argumentation. This study relied on primary and secondary sources and a qualitative approach was used. Books, magazines, earlier studies and findings, articles, and case studies were the most often employed tools by researchers. The research shows that the Gulf States and Pakistan have been allies for decades, working together to secure their territory from global threats and assisting each other in economic and political advancement.

The doublespeak of ‘leave no one behind’: Implications for religious inequality in Hindu and Muslim pastoralist communities in India

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development pledged to ‘leave no one behind’ (LNOB). This article suggests that LNOB can be a form of ‘doublespeak’, susceptible to being used to mask ideologies and policies that worsen social, political and religious divisions. Despite stated commitments to LNOB, both Agenda 2030 and the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government of India adhere to narrow models of development that fail to address and exacerbate the growing problem of religious and other inequalities. This article argues for reclaiming LNOB’s radical potential by conceptualising it as an empty signifier that takes on meaning through the hegemonic struggle to articulate what ‘left behind’ means. It develops this argument through a case study of Hindu Nationalist developmental normativity and two mobile pastoralist communities in Gujarat: Hindu Rabaris and Sufi Muslim Fakirani Jats. The empirical data show that in Gujarat’s marketised neo-liberal land regime, mobile pastoralism as a livelihood is increasingly stressed and liable to be constructed as ‘left behind’. Simultaneously, the Hindu and Sufi religious practices that shaped pastoralists’ relationships with land and animals are being transformed and, framed by the BJP government’s promotion of a Hindu nationalist religious identity, are shifting towards adoption of communal Hindu and Muslim identities that exacerbate social and religious inequalities, with particular effects on women. The paper concludes that LNOB has potential to tackle religious and other inequalities and generate a more radical and democratic politics of development if the range of demands that are met by this ‘empty signifier’ is broadened to challenge the hegemonic representations that dominate, and religion’s centrality in this struggle is recognised.

Pre-service teachers’ understanding of sacrificial listening as a pedagogical framework

ABSTRACT Listening is necessary for effective learning. Unfortunately, outside of comprehension tasks, listening is rarely emphasized as a key component of classroom instruction. This study considers a specific type of listening, sacrificial listening, theorized to help to bridge cultural, political, and religious divides by emphasizing understanding and unfamiliar voices. In this qualitative, arts-based research study, found poetry is used to investigate preservice teachers (PST) understandings of sacrificial listening as a pedagogical tool, including their consideration of its key components and applications to practice in the elementary classroom. While PST do appear to understand the power of sacrificial listening in reducing misunderstandings between unfamiliar voices, findings from this study also confirm what is already known about teacher education: there is an explicit need for teacher educators to intentionally work with PST on how to take an abstract theory and apply it to practice in concrete ways.

The Two-Nation Theory: A Failed Solution to the Religious Divide in British India

The Indian Partition in 1947 split India into two independent nations: post-partition India was required to remain secular with a Hindu majority and post-partition Pakistan was required to remain secular with a Muslim majority. Unavoidably, the partition uprooted fifteen million people from their homes; Indians and Pakistanis scrambled to live with their respective religious groups. Although politicians intended for the split of pre-partition India to exterminate religious hatred, violence continued. Between one and two million people died – preceding and following the partition -- due to widespread religious violence, disease, and starvation. This essay will examine the progression of the Two-Nation Theory, and how it contributed to the Indian Partition. Understanding one of the main causes of partition will help to provide historical context for the everlasting religious division between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs.

The Western Design Revised: Death, Dissent, and Discontent on the Gloucester, 1654–1656

AbstractIn December 1654 a large naval force departed from Portsmouth and sailed across the Atlantic. Its goal was to expand the English Commonwealth in the Caribbean at the expense of Spanish colonies. The Gloucester, a third-rate frigate recently constructed as part of Oliver Cromwell's ambitious shipbuilding programme, was one of the largest and most heavily armed warships of the expedition. Combining analysis of courts martial accounts, inventories, journals, letters, sailing instructions, and wills, this article argues for the Gloucester's importance as a case study and microcosm for understanding the economic, political, religious, and social problems that the navy and wider Protectorate faced. It revises traditional historiography about the topic that has underestimated the significance of the naval context to the Western Design. Crucial to this new history is that the extreme hardships and religious divisions created tensions that targeted the leadership of Admiral William Goodsonn. Of particular importance in this narrative is Benjamin Blake, captain of the Gloucester, who clashed with Goodsonn over key policies. By focusing on the Gloucester and exploring its crew's experiences, this article shows that the English navy was a restricted and internally conflicted force when operating at the peripheries of the state network.

Making Maine: Statehood and the War of 1812

Imagine an America where police and military officers are appointed solely on the basis of their political allegiances. Imagine an America so politically polarized that opponents are labeled as advocating for an “infidel philosophy” (206). Now, imagine an America that reacts to the invasion of its territory by a foreign power with indifference. Hard to imagine? Well, readers of Joshua M. Smith's fifth book, Making Maine, may be surprised to learn this is precisely what Mainers endured in the first two decades of the nineteenth century. This remarkable episode has been overlooked because it runs counter to the western trajectory of the nation and the “insistence on American success” as the theme of nineteenth-century U.S. history (237).Making Maine takes a chronological approach spanning from the Jefferson Administration through Maine's first years as a state in the 1820s. Although the book has several themes, it defies a clear narrative arc, which gives some sense to the chaos of those two decades. Before the War of 1812, the commonwealth of Massachusetts was a divided state. Long a Federalist stronghold, Thomas Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party were ascendant in the state, especially in its non-contiguous district of Maine. Its influence fading at home and nationally, Federalists jealously guarded their power and even discussed seceding from the Union to avoid what was, in their view, the apocalypse of Democratic-Republican rule. In turn, Democratic Republicans labeled their Federalist opponents as “aristocrats” and as enemies of principles won in the American Revolution (21). Growing religious divisions only further fanned these flames. Methodist and Baptist denominations gained popularity across Massachusetts, yet all citizens were required to pay taxes to support the stalwart Congregational Church. The theme of intense partisanship pervades the book and should help twenty-first-century readers put contemporary ideological divisions in perspective.Massachusetts was not in a suitable posture for war, yet it came in 1812. Chaos and disorder reigned on land and sea in Maine. Canadians and Americans frequently smuggled resources across the border and privateers waylaid ships regardless of the flag they flew. Mainers often saw their political opponents as a greater threat than the British with whom they were at war. Federalists who saw the war as the folly of the Democratic-Republican president, James Monroe, were particularly resistant. They refused to pay taxes, and even in one instance beating a recruiter “with the butt end of a whip handle” (111).Sensing the divisions in Maine and seeking to avenge the several American invasions of Upper Canada, the British invaded Maine in 1814 and met with indifference. Encountering little resistance, British forces successfully captured Downeast Maine. Most Mainers “preferred property to pride,” opting to take neutrality oaths and ride out the war rather than engage in a patriotic defiance (161). Mainers looked to Massachusetts to relieve them of the indignity of occupation—Boston's influence and resources, after all, were the reason many Mainers had curbed statehood efforts up to that point. Massachusetts’ response was uninspiring. Boston Federalists failed to muster the necessary funds or initiative to challenge the British occupation of Maine. Mainers accused Massachusetts’ Federalist governor of “tamely submitting to the invasion of his territory” (204). Massachusetts Federalists’ perceived apathy toward its Maine citizens and their bungling of the militia tipped the scales in favor of statehood, which was achieved in 1820. Smith notes that the separation was not necessarily as acrimonious as one would assume, since “the Massachusetts ideal of an orderly Boston-oriented society lingered in Maine” after independence—seen in the state's constitution and state house imitating the Bay State in both an ideological and physical sense (223).Making Maine will be of interest to scholars and lay readers of the state's history. The amount of research in Making Maine borders on encyclopedic, and the primary sources in the book are impressive, coming from an impressive number of archives. Making Maine seems written for Mainers with an intimate knowledge of the Pine Tree State's geography. Those interested in placing Maine's experience during the War of 1812 within the wider national experience may note that the encyclopedic coverage of the war and the events surrounding it do not lend itself to a narrative structure. Smith vividly describes exciting battles and confrontations but could have also spent more time convincing readers why those events mattered with greater context. As a native Mainer, I fear that those “from away” will have a hard time seeing the relevance or importance of this forgotten episode from a largely forgotten war. Overall, Making Maine brings long overdue attention to an important moment in American history. Unlike Maine's cries for help in 1814, one hopes that this book is heard by scholars beyond the state's borders, because it helps us understand a critical crossroads not just in Maine's history, but the nation's as well.

GOD IS BEAUTIFUL, UGLY, DEAD: NAVID KERMANI, FERIDUN ZAIMOGLU AND (MORE THAN) CHRISTIAN ART

AbstractNavid Kermani's and Feridun Zaimoglu's engagements as Muslims with Christian art reveal the possibilities and limitations of aesthetic experiences of the divine beyond all doctrinal divides. Although Kermani's own research into the aesthetic dimension of Islam highlights the potential for art to offer spiritual insight, his rejection of some Christian imagery, especially of the crucifix, in his book Ungläubiges Staunen: Über das Christentum (2015), suggests this potential has limits which are not only matters of subjective taste but also epistemological barriers that are difficult to overcome. However, some of Kermani's interpretations lead to a syncretic understanding of Christian and Islamic ideas and aesthetics, pointing towards new notions of the divine. Similarly, Zaimoglu's series of contemporary icons featuring Jesus and other Biblical figures opens up spiritual possibilities beyond religious divides through their ambiguous links to Christianity and Islam. This distinction between an experience of the divine across religious boundaries and its failure can be theorised through Jean‐Luc Marion's understanding of the ‘icon’ and the ‘idol’ respectively, whereby the former returns the viewer's gaze and unleashes a destabilising openness to the sacred, whereas the latter involves the dominant gaze of the viewer and reinforces what they already know.

Realism and Reconstruction: A Comparative Perspective

Realism and Reconstruction: A Comparative Perspective

Until death do us part?

In life, identity is based on many things. In death, people tend to be identified more on the basis of religion: separate cemeteries for Jews, Buddhists and the Plymouth Brethren, separate quarters for Muslims, Yezidis, Bahá’í and Orthodox Christians. However, it is not true that cemeteries are only a place for religious division. They are also public spaces and, as such, places where people from all walks of life go. Cemeteries are places where religious preferences and customs are negotiated in a very special way. In this article, practical and theological aspects of cemeteries are discussed from an inter-religious point of view. What areas of conflict are there? How do people of different faiths reflect on each other and the option of cohabiting in death? To what extent are the preferences of different religious groups met in Swedish cemeteries? To some extent, these practical and theological questions pertaining to cemeteries may serve as a lens that sharpens our eyes to challenges of religious freedom and our chance to live (and die) together.