Religious Campaigns Research Articles

Victory Strategy of Cigentur Village Head, Bandung Regency

Research explains the village head's winning strategy, with an emphasis on political aspects, campaigns and political communication. The focus includes planning, managing and identifying supports. This strategy is considered important in the context of democracy by the Head of Cigentur Village. This research uses Firmansyah's political marketing theory which includes This product, promotion, price and place. The Cigentur Village Head is known to be close to his village residents through active, friendly relationships, and always listens to input and communicates effectively and actively contributes to the community. The Cigentur Village Head's programs and plans include infrastructure development, building Ragas paud and the Cindikia Bojong Paseh Vocational School foundation, then in his education program he focuses on the problem of stunting by building 8 community posyandu to overcome stunting in his health program. and the regional economic development program includes development with an interest-free money loan program, by minimizing mobile bank loans which can cause misery for the community. One of the campaigns carried out against the Cigentur community was a religious campaign by carrying out terawih at around 39 mosques. This is a form of introduction and friendship with the community. campaign costs reached around 200 million in the first period. The difference in votes obtained by the Cigentur Village Head in the first and second periods was approximately hundreds, while in the third period the difference was approximately thousands of votes. Family background h. Hidayat or the Head of Cigentur Village mostly works as an entrepreneur

Departures: Irish Emigration and Supernatural Belief Narratives

Abstract This article explores how everyday concerns related to Irish emigration are symbolically addressed in a range of supernatural legends documented in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It seeks to illuminate how uncanny tales that feature emigrants departing from Ireland relate to the shared worlds of meaning of those who told and listened to them, showing how legends about affliction and miraculous abundance both draw on and construct cultural scripts. It also considers stories that articulate and reinforce traditional ideas about community members who were said to be abducted by the fairies and living in their midst. This was just one aspect of supernatural beliefs that was condemned as part of a larger rationalist and religious campaign by the Catholic Church and others to root out vernacular customs or “superstition,” a theme that informs a number of legends.

Communication and Crisis Information Campaigns: Perspectives of Constructivism, Conspiracy and Misinformation of Coivid-19 messages in West Africa

The research centers on crisis communication, mass media campaigns, with emphasis on constructivism, conspiracy and misinformation in two West African countries in the corona virus pandemic. The setting is Nigeria and Camerouns, two typical African countries. The objectives were to find out the main media of information from the government, the major theme of covid 19 messages, the perception about covid 19 messages by Africans. The study adopted the ex post facto survey method with a population of 6,269,945 and a sample size of 600 persons. The research applied the media constructivism and information manipulation theories. Findings revealed that 84% of the respondents got covid 19 messages from traditional media of , group meetings, radio and television rather than from social media interface with government agencies. Data further revealed that 96 % of the residents accepted the message of covid 19 control of hand washing more than on social distancing and face-masking. Responses indicated that 81 % of the residents regarded covid 19 messages as mere romours, fake media propaganda and anti – religious campaign from the government. Recommendations are: government should adopt regular group discussions and social media to conveying vital messages rather than reliance on transient old information sources. Additionally, messages must be motivating, convincing and persuasive to influence positive attitude.

The Situation of Religious Communities in Western Siberia in the Context of the State Confessional Policy in the Mid-1950s — Early 1960s

State resolutions issued during the period under review were aimed at strengthening scientific and atheistic propaganda and eradicating religion in society, as a result of which religious communities trying to obtain registration faced hidden opposition from the authorities. At the same time, registered communities were forced to account for numerous regulations of the state authorities. Otherwise, they could lose their state registration and cease their activities. This situation provoked the emergence of a large number of unregistered religious groups, and on the other, strengthened the position of registered associations due to the constant influx of new believers into them. Special attention is paid to the study of the situation of religious communities in Western Siberia in the late 1950s — early 1960s, when a new wave of church closures took place within the framework of the anti- religious campaign of N. S. Khrushchev. During this period, not only clergymen, but also ordinary parishioners came under the special control of state authorities. In addition, the activities of the so-called “forbidden sects” were completely banned, the list of which was defined in the instructions for the application of legislation on cults, published in 1961. In addition, in order to reduce the role of religion in Soviet society, resolutions were issued that negatively affected the economic situation of churches. The study concluded that the administrative pressure exerted by the authorities on religious associations, the introduction of a system of registration of persons who attend church, and the repressive methods of work of state regulatory bodies, not only provoked the growth of illegally operating religious groups, but also increased the number of people hiding their religious beliefs.

Religion and Politics: Symbolization of Religion in the contestation of legislative elections 2019

Politics and religion have become inseparable these days. Politicians or political parties' piety and religiosity have become a necessity. A Strong religion as a doctrine, even politics, requires religion as a tool of legitimacy to achieve existence, power and attract votes and sympathy from the masses. Finally, spirituality and religious symbols become political products and domains that become the identity of politicians and political parties and are then introduced to the public, known as political marketing. This article aims to understand further political discourse with religious symbolic packaging on PKS candidate posters used as campaign tools to influence public choice. The approach in this article uses semiotic analysis to analyze the symbols in the political campaign posters of candidates on social media. So, Semiotics tries to dismantle signs that have meaning in social life and political life. The method used in this article is a qualitative method that is descriptive-analytical, with a data collection technique analyzing campaign posters on Instagram social media on the @pkstangerang account. The result of this article is that religious politics exists because of the role of religion that can touch the emotional side of humans. In the account @pkstangerang, most of his posts are inseparable from religious spirituality and religious doctrine elements. While campaigning in legislative elections also can not be separated from religious symbols and narratives or symbols of piety, for example, candidates who wear peci, koko clothes, and hold the book of fiqh. For this reason, the term religious politics in politics or legislative elections is a religious campaign term that describes religiosity in politics as a way of political marketing.

Preventing Islamic radicalization: Experimental evidence on anti-social behavior

Social tensions and violence induced by radicalized Muslims afflict many parts of the world. We collaborated with the main Islamic authority in Mozambique, which sponsored two randomized interventions to prevent violence related to youth radicalization: a religious campaign against extremist views of Islam, targeting change in beliefs; and a training module on entrepreneurship and employment, aiming to increase the opportunity cost of conflict. Our measurement focuses on anti-social behavior in a Joy-of-destruction lab game. We find that only the religious treatment decreased the propensity to destroy the payoffs of others. Consistently, surveys show increased trust in the state and decreased support for extremism. We conclude that religious sensitization is likely to be cost-effective in preventing Islamic radicalization and anti-social behavior.

Atzma’ut 69, Occupation 50

Atzma’ut 69, Occupation 50

The role of the Anglican and Catholic Churches in Uganda in public discourse on homosexuality and ethics

The passage of an Anti-Homosexuality Act in the Uganda Parliament (December 2013), its endorsement by President Yoweri Museveni (February 2014), and subsequent invalidation in Uganda's Supreme Court (July 2014), have focused international attention on Uganda's punitive attitudes to the gay and lesbian community, the survival of colonial sodomy laws and the recent legislative campaigns to intensify anti-gay laws. Much international coverage has focused on the impact of religious campaigns from American Pentecostal and evangelical constituencies to alert Ugandans to the dangers of ‘homosexuality’. International press coverage has also often characterised Uganda as a deeply conservative, deeply religious country, where attitudes have traditionally been unsympathetic to gays and lesbians, and to sexual expressions which deviate from the heterosexual norm. This paper challenges many of these stereotypes. It attempts to show that American conservative religion is neither as widespread nor as important as the publicity accorded to it suggests. The paper seeks to demonstrate that the majority religious communities, the Roman Catholic Church and Anglican Church of Uganda, are deeply embedded within Ugandan culture, and are much more important as shapers of public opinion and in echoing public sentiment than Pentecostal churches. In that sense the anti-homosexuality campaign cannot be primarily seen as a response to recent external conservative influences. The two major churches claim to speak for the vast majority of Ugandans, and to have a central role in shaping debates about the ethical foundations of Uganda's social, spiritual and political life. Their influence on the debates about homosexuality has been decisive in a number of ways, which will be explored in this paper. Nevertheless, despite the churches' recent intervention in opposition to Gay rights, the paper seeks to question the idea that Uganda's culture is as solidly homophobic as is sometimes portrayed, both by Ugandans keen to assert that homosexuality is alien to Africa, and international critics keen to characterise Uganda as deeply entrenched in homophobia. On the contrary, the paper seeks to show that homophobia is, if anything, quite a recent phenomenon in Uganda, and is relatively shallow.

The Role of Religion and Ethnicity in Jakarta's 2012 Gubernatorial Election

The victory of Joko Widodo (‘Jokowi’) in Jakarta's 2012 gubernatorial election has been described as a “triumph of democracy” as Joko and his running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (‘Ahok’), a Chinese Christian, successfully won the election despite negative ethno-religious campaigns against them. How exactly did the ethno-religious boundary influence the election? By analysing the results of the election in relation to ethnicities and religions using the 2000 National Census, the author reveals an ethnopolitical map of Jakarta, for political analysis a potentially important but still under-researched area. The article then proceeds to examine the ‘religionisation’ process of the election campaign. The incumbent governor, Fauzi Bowo, carefully established his religious image and tried to mobilise support through religious symbols and persuasion, even though the electoral results seemed to be divided along ethnic lines. Joko also participated in a number of religious campaigns, albeit in a different way that was more subtle. Because ideological differences between Islamic and secular nationalist parties have become blurred and the general ‘religionisation’ of Indonesian society has continued, religious campaigns are becoming more important in domestic politics, even for ‘less-Islamic’ politicians like Joko.

Battle against poliovirus in Pakistan

On 22 Feb 2013, the Polio Monitoring Cell of Pakistan announced that the 2012-2013 polio campaign ended, and that 1.6 million children could not be vaccinated due to security concerns in several regions where polio workers had been killed. Those who could not be vaccinated included 50,000 children from the Federally Administrated Tribal Area (FATA), 150,000 form Khyber Pakhtoon Khao, 400,000 from a Quetta, 400,000 from Karachi, and a small number from the Rawalpindi District. These statistics are worrying, as several districts in the large metropolitan cities of Karachi and Quetta were also excluded. The fear of advanced medicine, ideas, or complex devices is a new phenomenon in many conservative and poor countries such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Somalia. To safeguard the safety of the rest of the world, the failure in the implementation of WHO guidelines for vaccination must be regulated by the UN. There are a number of reasons for the phobias surrounding vaccination, but as technology continues to evolve at such a rapid rate, those with self-determined ideologies cannot cope with such advances. They become vocal to gain popularity and prevent the use of these technologies and medicine by creating and spreading rumors and propaganda of expediency. The struggle to vaccinate children is not easily understood by anyone living in the developed world. The irrational fear of vaccines and the lack of vaccination pose a serious global health risk and must be curbed through a wide variety of pro-vaccination media and religious campaigns.

Ideias versus redes sociais: ativismo à distância na Inglaterra do século XVIII

What are the historical sources for mobilizations around distant issues - one of the characteristic features of modernity? This article examines the social dynamics that led to the first sustained campaigns on distant issues in late eighteenth-century Britain. Their emergence is often understood to have been determined by the rise of new ideologies of humanitarian compassion during the period. To test the role of these ideologies, I compare two sets of campaigns: Edmund Burke's impeachment of Warrant Hastings and the series of religious mobilizations initiated with the movement against the colonial slave trade. While both campaigns were driven by similar cultural idioms of humanitarian concern, Burke's initiative failed to produce popular engagement, while the religious campaigns were able to mobilize wide groups of public supporters. This striking difference highlights the importance of religious associational networks for the emergence of the first modern instances of mobilization on distant issues.

Altar call: The Democratic Party's religious rhetoric as image repair discourse

In 2004, Senator Barack Obama declared, “We worship a mighty God in the blue states.” During the 2004 and 2008 presidential campaigns, Obama and other Democratic candidates attempted to prove that Republicans do not have a monopoly on religious campaign rhetoric by invoking God, quoting scriptures, and attending forums on faith. These efforts to find political salvation can be seen as an attempt at apologia by Democrats who defended their Party from a perception of being godless or anti-religion. This study analyzes the religious-political rhetoric of the 2004 and 2008 Democratic presidential candidates in order to evaluate and critique the various strategies used to repair the Party's image on religious matters.

Torture: Thinking About It, Working Against It

Torture: Thinking About It, Working Against It

Torture and the Christian conscience: a response to Jeremy Waldron

AbstractIn remarks offered in 2006 at a conference at Princeton Theological Seminary, inaugurating a National Religious Campaign against Torture, the legal philosopher Jeremy Waldron observed that Christian leaders have contributed relatively little to the recent debate over the use of torture. This is regrettable, in his view, because secular morality does not have resources sufficient to address the question of torture, and a Christian perspective emphasising the absoluteness and divine character of the relevant moral norms would represent an important contribution to our reflections on this question. This article offers a response to Waldron's timely and important challenge, setting forth a Christian theological argument that the practice of torture is categorically prohibited. The basis for this prohibition does not rest, however, on the absoluteness of moral norms as such – rather, it rests on the distinctive character of torture as an egregious assault on the human person regarded as image of God.

:Noble Ideals and Bloody Realities: Warfare in the Middle Ages

List of Contributors Notes on Arabic Transliteration and References Introduction PART ONE: NOBLE IDEALS: PERCEPTIONS OF WARFARE Collateral Damage? Civilian Casualties in the Early Ideologies of Chivalry and Crusade David J. Hay Medieval Warfare and the Value of a Human Life Kelly DeVries Religious Campaign or War of Conquest? Muslim Views of the Motives of the First Crusade Niall Christie PART TWO: BLOODY REALITIES: WAR IN PRACTICE Thinking about Crusader Strategy John France The Torture of Military Captives in the Crusades to the Medieval Middle East Piers D. Mitchell Holy War, Royal Wives, and Equivocation in Twelfth-Century Jerusalem Deborah Gerish Arming the Enemy: Non-Christians' Roles in the Military Culture of the Crown of Aragon during the Reconquista Paula R. Stiles Communal Piracy in Medieval England's Cinque Ports David G. Sylvester Wartime Corruption and Complaints of the English Peasantry Ilana Krug PART THREE: UNTO THE BREACH: RE-EXAMINING ISSUES IN MEDIEVAL AND MODERN MILITARY HISTORIOGRAPHY The Military Revolution and the Early Islamic State Hugh Kennedy Byzantium, the Reluctant Warrior Warren Treadgold Reynald of Chatillon and the Red Sea Expedition of 1182-83 Marcus Milwright Appendix

Humphrey J. Desmond, the Catholic Citizen , and Americanism

Milwaukee, Wisconsin, known as one of the three points that form the triangle of the Midwestern United States, is usually considered in its German-American context. Indeed, the archbishops of Milwaukee in the lead-up to and during the heart of the Americanist controversy were immigrants from German-speaking areas of Europe.1 Humphrey J. Desmond, however, was an Irish-American.2 Desmond's family emigrated to the U.S. from Ireland in the early nineteenth century, and in 1842 relocated to Wisconsin.3 The family had established themselves in Wisconsin prior to the emigration to the U.S. associated with the Irish potato famine, which began in the mid-1840s and peaked in the 1850s. The audience Desmond wrote for was, at least in his early years as a writer, mostly of Irish ances try. Therefore, the preconceived Germanic context of Milwaukee must expand to con sider both Desmond's ancestry and the predominately Irish-American readership of the Catholic Citizen (hereafter cited as the Citizen), the Milwaukee-based newspaper of which he was the editor and publisher at the time of the Americanist controversy. A major trigger for the Germanic emigration was the series of economic, political and religious disruptions throughout the Germanic areas of Europe during the midto late-nineteenth century. Many German Catholics in the 1870s emigrated to escape from the German Kulturkampf a political and religious campaign directed against Catholics. By the 1880s, Wisconsin had more German-Americans than any other state, and many of them were Catholic. The challenges of dealing with anti Catholicism in their homeland had impressed upon German-American Catholics the necessity of defending their faith. That, and the challenges of learning a new Ian

The Armed Conflicts of the Third World and the Surgeon

The armed conflicts in the “third” world, to which belongs not only the tropical and subtropical belt across three continents, but also countries in the Balkans, the near east and central Asia, are increasing in number and intensity. Most of these conflicts are “internal” in nature in the sense that they are not wars between neighbouring countries. These conflicts, whether rebellions, civil wars, liberation struggles, succession fights or religious campaigns, have certain characteristics in common, they: • are driven by poverty • tend to be intractable or at least prolonged over many years and decades • have an immense (and so far unmeasured) impact on development indices (e.g. health, education, infrastructure, etc.) • are being fought with modern weaponry manufactured in “developed” countries and sold to the fighting groups legally or illegally • are misunderstood by public opinion in developed countries, which regard them as primitive tribal wars.

The representation of chivalry in The Knight's Tale

The purpose of this paper is to determine to what extent the contemporaneous state of chivalry has influenced Chaucer's Knight in his literary endeavor. First I analyze the Knight's personality, which evinces his militant and nonconformist nature: as opposed to the majority of knights, Chaucer's Knight, in an attempt to uphold the ideal of chivalry, is engaged in religious campaigns, while he refrains from taking part in the Hundred Years War. To his eyes this is an immoral war among Christians which is mainly motivated by the lucrative desires of the so-called nobles.

The Concept of Abiku

family; hence, the life-span of an Abiku is characteristically very short indeed. Owing to the ephemeral nature of its life, an Abiku completes several consecutive life-cycles with one mother. Practically every attempt of the parents to prevent the Abiku's death proves abortive because, by its nature, the Abiku is shrouded in mystery. By means of its occult powers the Abiku destroys itself, leaving the parents dejected and frustrated. If the Abiku child is a mother's first-born, it is not impossiblenor is it uncommon-that she eventually becomes childless in life should the Abiku prove implacable, as is common among this peculiar class of children. Moreover, it is part of the Yoruba belief that no Abiku ever pledges to stay put in life, which explains why the Abiku is indifferent to the plight of its mother and her grief at leading a childless life. In life, an Abiku may even have several mothers one after the other. Once a mother has reached her menopause, the Abiku dies and proceeds to pounce on another unsuspecting pregnant woman. Some time ago, I witnessed the case of a woman who stood up amidst a very large congregation in a religious campaign at Ibadan and proclaimed she was an Abiku. She went on to inform the gaping spellbound audience that she had been living since the flood and had had several mothers in the process. An aunt of mine, now a mother of six, is also a self-confessed Abiku. This aunt takes delight in narrating to her mother and other relations how much she used to enjoy seeing her mother weeping and sorrowing each time she died.