Egyptian Relations Research Articles

“Alexandria Trilogy”: A Mirror of Variations in Group Relations in Egypt’s Modern Society

Abstract Egyptian writer Ibrahim Abdel Meguid’s best-known works form the “Alexandria Trilogy”: No One Sleeps in Alexandria (1996), Birds of Amber (2000), and Clouds Over Alexandria (2011). The Trilogy is set in three important historical periods: the Second World War, the Suez Crisis in 1956, and the 1970s. It focuses on describing the rise and fall of Alexandria, an ancient and modern city, from its heyday to its decline, from diversity to extremes, thus reflecting the writer’s deep concern about the Islamic radical thoughts flooding the city. The city of Alexandria is the main place and clue that runs through the three novels from beginning to end. The writer compares the landscape of the same city in different periods in the Trilogy, giving the space the ability to speak for itself, and it fluctuates in the whirlpool of the times. Whether it is telling the fate of characters, recording the history of the city, or describing spatial changes, the core idea conveyed by the Trilogy is that the city has gradually evolved from an open and prosperous modern international city in the past into a depressing place of gloom, and its contemporary history holds a mirror up to the changing nature of ethnic relations in Egypt.

Social Discourses in Egypt: Historical Developments of Interfaith Relations between Christians and Muslims

Abstract Based on analysis through the lens of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, this article demonstrates how the theory is applicable to the complex situation of Christian and Muslim relations in Egypt. It argues that although the discourse of national unity remains dominant after the 2011 Egyptian Revolution, the humanist voice has become more vocal under the spirit of revolutionary fervor. Moreover, after the overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood’s friendly regime, the religious discourse has been significantly toned down. With an emphasis on more inclusive national unity, an increasing number of Egyptians are inclined towards more fully embracing diversity in their society, paving the way for improving interfaith relations and peaceful coexistence of both faiths. In summary, from the perspective of interfaith relations, this article examines the intertwining of national discourse, religious discourse, and humanist discourse in Egyptian society.

Soviet Historiography of Egypt 's relations with the USSR in 1967-1977

The subject of the study is Soviet historiography about Egypt's relations with the USSR. Soviet-Egyptian relations have a long history and have passed an unprecedented stage in their life. During the Cold War, Egypt was the main ally of the Soviet Union in the Middle East. Therefore, the prepared studies on the history of relations between the two countries at that time occupy an important place in Russian science. In this article, the author seeks to present the historical background, goals, objectives, methods and features of the USSR's policy towards Egypt, as well as its development in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century. The novelty of the research lies in the coverage of various criticisms, comments and points of view of researchers, writers, politicians and diplomats who devoted their works to the goals of Soviet foreign policy towards Egypt during the Arab-Israeli conflict. The author of the article also spoke about the course of relations between the two countries, explaining their strengths and weaknesses. The article highlights the mistakes and crises of political and military relations and their impact on both countries, which helps to avoid future mistakes between Egypt and the Russian Federation. The history of the USSR is the basis of the history of modern Russia.

"SISI DOCTRINE”: EGYPT AND THE GREAT POWERS AFTER THE “ARAB SPRING”. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CAIRO’S RELATIONS WITH WASHINGTON, BEIJING AND MOSCOW

The foreign policy of Egypt changed significantly since the "Arab Spring". At the regional level, Cairo had to respond to numerous challenges and threats, and at the global level – to pursue a policy of diversification in order to compensate for the partial weakening of ties with the United States. This article focuses on whether Egypt's rapprochement with China and Russia can become an alternative to a strategic alliance with the United States. The author aims to analyze the peculiarities of Egypt's relations with each of the mentioned great powers and to identify trends in further development of these relations. The article analyzes Egypt’s cooperation in security and economic spheres. The main conclusion is that Egypt remains interested in maintaining and developing strategic relations with the United States. However, China and Russia are playing an increasingly important role in Egypt's foreign policy strategy. The PRC is turning into a major trading partner, and Russia is a partner in the military and political spheres. It is also a key provider of food security. Comparative analysis of Egypt's relations with the United States, China and the Russian Federation shows that in the medium term Cairo will gradually move away from Washington and pursue a more balanced policy with respect to great powers.

Anglo-French Relations in Egypt 1798-1875

Several canonical works exist on European capitalism in North Africa, especially Egypt. From a revisionist perspective, this work analyses the features of British and French relations in Egypt of the nineteenth century. The definitions of capitalism in scholarly engagements reflects in the narratives of how English and French capital manipulated the political space to map Egypt in the dynamics of international economy. Internal or domestic capitalism was an institutionalized and standardized in the era of Mohammed Alis modernization policy. Invariably, the paper examines the nexus in the interplay of land, labor and finance that tied Egypt to global capitalism. The terminal period of 1875 marked a period of financial crises that plunged the nation to endless debt burden that further defined its national governance and international relations. With the plethora of secondary sources such as books and journals, this work adopts the historical method.

Christians and Muslims in Egypt

This essay surveys the long history of Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. Interfaith relations in this context have ranged from cordial to tense, depending on a variety of internal and external factors.

Key Models of Religious Institutions’ Interaction in the Context of the State-Church Relations in Russia and Egypt

The article reveals and comparatively analyses the peculiarities of the state-church relations in Russia and Egypt. Currently, the role of religion and religious institutions in world politics is actively increasing, as well as the process of secularization of public life is being redefined. Religion still often becomes the cause of discrimination, persecution of certain groups of society; the level of Islamophobia in Western countries and Religiophobia in the whole world is not decreasing. In these conditions, the importance of state-church relations within key international actors is also growing. The purpose of the study is to provide comparative analysis of the specifics of the state religion policy of Russia and Egypt in order to develop recommendations for the use of Russian religious institutions to strengthen Russias position in the Middle East. Russia and Egypt were chosen as research objects, since these countries have a rich history of interaction in the religious sphere, which could become a basis for the future cooperation between religious institutions of the two countries. In addition, Egypt is one of the key states in the Middle East, where Russian influence has never been dominant, but where exactly religious organizations such as the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) most actively and successfully pursued Russias interests. Methodologically, the article is based on historical and empirical institutionalism, as well as comparative analysis and historical-genetic method. The study is quite novel, as it identifies four models of interaction between religious communities, which are based on two criteria: a) presence of religious institutions representing the interests of a particular community; b) status of religion in the state (dominant / minority religion). The practical significance of the study lies in its attempt to make recommendations for improving the use of religious organizations in Russia to promote state interests in Egypt on the basis of the highlighted features of state-church relations in Egypt.

The Rule of Abd аl-Fattah al-Sisi: Politics, Economics and International Relations of Egypt in the 2010s.

The article is devoted to the history of coming to power and the analysis of the domestic and foreign policy of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE), Field Marshal Abd-аl Fattah al-Sisi. The author notes that the new leader of the country chose a tough internal political course aimed at strengthening his own power and suppressing the opposition, fi rst of all, the Muslim Brotherhood (the organization’s activities are prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation), and the 2014 Constitution and its 2019 amendments led to the virtual disappearance of the independent branches of power and its concentration in the hands of the president, as well as the consolidation in the Basic Law of provisions on the special role of the military in the life of society. Thus, the head of state and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces determine the political processes in the country, controlling civil institutions. Unlike the traditional ARE course, Abd-al Fattah al-Sisi is building a tougher and more uncompromising policy, demonstrating a readiness to use force, primarily in Libya, narrowing his scope for diplomatic maneuver.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT FROM 1991 TO 2020

This article aims at revealing the multilayered relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Arab Republic of Egypt from 1991 to 2018. This research was done based on the archival materials of the Ministry of Foregin Affairs of the Republic of Armenia; other studies of subject matter experts contributed to our study as well. Most importantly we have conducted field studies in Egypt’s capital Cairo where we had multiple discussions and debates on the topic with Armenian and Arab diplomats and people in charge from Armenian community of Egypt. In the article we try to reveal the details of Armenia – Egypt relations, Egypt’s policy towards Armenia. In this perspective we find out to what extent Armenia succedded in implementing its Middle Eastern strategy and what kind of challenges were faced and obstacles were overcome. In our conclusions we introduce also the chances and potential directions of development of mutual relations in spheres such as international trade, humanitarian dimension and also the potential of cooperation within the framework of Eurasian Econiomic Union which two states must unleash in future.

Cronyism as an outcome of institutional settings: the case of pre-2011 Egypt

PurposeWhy are state business relations in Egypt characterized by widely acknowledged high levels of cronyism? The purpose of this paper is to investigate the institutional factors explaining this research question with a focus on pre-2011 Egypt.Design/methodology/approachBased on a general theoretical discussion, certain institutions were proposed as being responsible. A game theoretical model is then introduced. It explains why cronyism was the best strategy for various business players in contrast to aggregating and lobbying their efforts to obtain government available resources, whether these resources are energy subsidies, public banks’ credit or regulations. Then pre-2011 Egypt is discussed as a case study. This discussion is enriched by the available literature and empirical data.FindingsChoosing cronyism was attributed to the presence of a weak and dependent private sector, where businesspeople are unable to aggregate their power; a relatively stronger government; poor governance performance; higher levels of regime legitimization practices, such as providing generous consumer subsidies; and economic growth caused by an increase in resources rather than by governance institutional improvement. A discussion of the available literature and empirical data on pre-2011 Egypt, going over the various proposed institutional factors, helped to support these arguments.Research limitations/implicationsFurther empirical evidence is needed to support and modify the suggestions of this paper. More detailed indicators would have further helped this research. Moreover, more case studies, other than the case of pre-2011 Egypt, are also needed. It is hoped that this paper would encourage further research endeavors that would cover these limitations.Practical implicationsGovernance institutional reform is needed to minimize cronyism, especially institutions such as voice and accountability, rule of law, regulatory quality and control of corruption.Social implicationsThis paper can explain why high levels of cronyism are witnessed in many countries of the world, including the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The region shares many institutional factors with Egypt. Governments in the MENA region have various sources of power with regard to their dependent private sectors added to the general poor performance in various governance indicators in the region.Originality/valueThe deep analysis conducted in this paper for the causes of Cronyism in Egypt has not been done elsewhere. This is also true for the whole MENA region. The introduced theoretical model is the first trial of this sort and should be important for future works on this topic in the MENA region and developing countries.

Civil-Military Relations in Egypt since 2013

The military has been a powerful and active actor in Egyptian politics since Naser period. By the collapse of the Mobarak regime as a result of the popular demonstrations in 2011, hopes for democratization increased; however, the military coup against Morsi administration once again changed the balance in civil- military relations in favor of the military and led the military to become dominant actor in both Egyptian politics and economics. This article analyzes civil-military relations in Egypt since July 2013 and attempts to understand to what extent the military was empowered by the privileged rights in both politics and economics. Within that framework, given rights and power by the constitution to the military, gained privileged rights at the executive, legislative and judiciary levels, economic power and activities of the military, and its influence over media and civil society were examined. This article argues that on the one hand military has been certainly consolidating its dominancy in Egyptian politics and economics since 2013, on the other hand the military involvement in politics and economics has been deteriorating institutionalism and efficiency of the Army itself.

Copts and the Security State: Violence, Coercion, and Sectarianism in Contemporary Egypt

Copts and the Security State: Violence, Coercion, and Sectarianism in Contemporary Egypt

The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt (By Angie Heo)

Reviewed by: The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt by Angie Heo Aomar Boum (bio) The Political Lives of Saints: Christian-Muslim Mediation in Egypt Angie Heo Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2018. 316 Pages. In the last few decades ethnic and religious minorities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have continued their long postcolonial migration outside of the region. These migratory trends risk to turn the region into a homogeneous ethnic and religious locality void of religious and ethnic diversity especially given the rising ideological extremism. In this context of growing rejection and [End Page 114] animosity towards minorities, more academic scholarship is needed to describe and analyze the histories and articulations of the “minority question” in the MENA region. The Political Lives of Saints provides one answer to this shortage of scholarship on the minority question in Egypt and a needed addition to the larger debates on Christian-Muslim relations in the MENA region where academia tends to focus mostly on Jewish-Muslim relations. The publication of this ethnographic work comes at a unique moment in the history of Middle Eastern Christians. The election of Donald Trump in 2016 set the stage for a new American human rights policy voiced publicly by Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Michael Pompeo. It prioritizes mostly Christians of Iraq and Egypt and acknowledges, for instance, Middle Eastern dictators such as Egypt’s Abdel Fattah Sisi as the champion of minority rights for allowing the building of Coptic churches. The Political Lives of Saints is a major contribution to the study of minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa largely because of its focus on one of the most important Eastern Christian communities, especially at a time when Christians in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt have undergone experiences of violence in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. Nevertheless, while the media has largely focused on the bombings of churches, destruction of private property and sometimes individual killings, Heo’s fieldwork adds a complex dimension to our understanding of Coptic life in Egypt using media studies and semiotics. The ethnography showcases a life of marginalization where Coptic political involvement remains alive. The Political Lives of Saints is an anthropological approach to saints as a vehicle to understand Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. For Heo, while the ethnographic subject is the Orthodox Coptic Church and Egyptian Christians, the central argument of the work is how Christian and Muslims mediate their daily social relations as members of a political, national, sectarian, and minority group. Heo claims that the two central players, the Church and the Egyptian State, in these social encounters use mostly saints to oversee and manage Egyptian Muslim and Coptic differences under the umbrella of the nation-state. By using the material culture and saints in particular as a subject of study, Heo re-shifts our ethnographic eye and analytical perspective from the human subject to holy figures, sites, material objects and places. Visual objects and iconographic materials, Heo claims, are vehicles through which people understand, interpret and express their views of the world. In this context, the book proposes to study Christian-Muslim relations by moving away from individual interviews and the Coptic Church hierarchy to “relics, apparitions and icons” (p. 6). Heo sees this approach a new way to add to our understanding of how Egyptians imagine their national and religious belonging through their “distinctive styles of material imagination” [End Page 115] (p. 6)). The semiotics of image-objects is therefore central to The Political Lives of Saints. Heo focuses on the categories of “nation” and “religion” to highlight the broader intersections of the Christian-Muslim relations. In her analysis of the different stages and aspects of Copts and state relations, Heo succeeds to a larger extent in demonstrating the extent to which both institutions support each other to maintain a sense of “Egyptian-ness” grounded on nationhood and sectarianism at the same time. Yet, while Heo manages to a large extent to explore the different aspects and features of Coptic relics and ritual memories, there are larger gaps within the broader analysis of Christian-Muslim relations. The focus on materiality...

Political Participation and Power Relations in Egypt: The Scope of Newspapers and Social Network Sites

The political use of media in Egypt post-2011 revolution brought about drastic transformations in political activism and power structures. In the context of communication power theory, this article investigates the effects of newspapers and social network sites on political participation and political power relations. The research employed a mixed methodology, comprised of a survey of 527 Egyptian youth and semi-structured interviews of 12 political activists and journalists. The results showed a significant relationship between reading newspapers and youth’s political participation, but not between using social network sites and political participation. In addition, newspapers and social network sites were platforms for a series of conflicts and coalitions that emerged between pro- and anti-revolution actors. Despite the importance of social network sites as key tools for informing and mobilizing the public, they eventually failed to empower new political actors, and this was because old actors, supported by newspapers and other mainstream media, managed to obstruct the new actors’ progress.

Х. МҮБАРАК ТҰСЫНДАҒЫ МЫСЫР–ИЗРАИЛЬ ҚАТЫНАСЫНЫҢ АЙМАҚТЫҚ АСПЕКТІСІ

Х. МҮБАРАК ТҰСЫНДАҒЫ МЫСЫР–ИЗРАИЛЬ ҚАТЫНАСЫНЫҢ АЙМАҚТЫҚ АСПЕКТІСІ

Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt: politics, society and interfaith encounters

The subject of Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East and indeed in the West attracts much academic and media attention. Nowhere is this more the case than in Egypt, which has the largest Christian community in the Middle East, estimated at 6-10 per cent of the national population. Henrik Lindberg Hansen analyzes this relationship, offering an examination of the nature and role of religious dialogue in Egyptian society and politics. Analysing the three main religious organizations and institutions in Egypt (namely the Azhar University, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Coptic Orthodox Church) as well as a range of smaller dialogue initiatives (such as those of CEOSS, the Anglican and Catholic Churches and youth organisations), Hansen argues that religious dialogue involves a close examination of societal relations, and how these are understood and approached. The books includes analysis of the occasions of violence against and dialogue initiatives involving Christian communities in 2011 and the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood from power in 2013, and thus provides a wide-ranging exploration of the importance of religion in Egyptian society and everyday encounters with a religious other. The book is consequently vital for practitioners as well as researchers dealing with religious minorities in the Middle East and interfaith dialogue in a wider context.

The Awakening of Muslim Democracy

Jocelyn Cesari (senior fellow at Georgetown University’s Berkly Center; director,Islam in World Politics program), teaches contemporary Islam at theHarvard Divinity School and directs its Gerogetown-based interfaculty“Islam in the West” program. On March 3 at the IIIT headquarters in Herndon,VA, she elaborated on the topics discussed in her latest book: The Awakeningof Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State (CambridgeUniversity Press: 2014). She explained that this book was based on threeyears of research on state-Islam relations in Egypt, Turkey, Iraq, Pakistan,and Tunisia.She began her talk by saying that she was interested in “broadening outthe concept of political Islam,” which had existed before the now well-knownmovements and parties in the Muslim world. The key moment in this regardwas the building of nation-states in Turkey, Egypt, Tunisia, Iraq (under SaddamHussein), and Pakistan. She pointed out how the West was enthusiasticabout Arab Spring, which brought both men and women into the streets withoutsigns proclaiming “Islam” in a “bizarre” manner of protest.She maintained that political Islam cannot be limited only to secularismand the state, for the former, especially in Europe, is supposed to engenderthe decline of religiosity, the movement of religion to the private sphere, andthe separation of religion and state. But all of this is unique to the West becauseIndia, the oft-proclaimed world’s “largest democracy,” is officially secular despiteits pervasive Hinduism. She wondered why the West cannot see Islamin the same way. And, moreover, why does the last century of the very westernapproaches of secularization and modernization have to determine what ...

Nasser's Dilemma: Egypt's Relations with the United States and Israel, 1967–69

The article examines the American political efforts to bring about an agreement between Israel and Egypt between 1967 and 1969 and analyses the reasons for their failure. But it does not focus exclusively on the Americans; it also outlines the alternatives for Egyptian action during the period in question and looks at the political and military steps taken by Egypt's president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, vis-à-vis Israel and the United States. The main conclusion is that despite Egypt's dependence on the Soviet Union for economic aid and the rebuilding of the decimated Egyptian army, Nasser knew that the only route to a political process to regain Sinai ran through the United States. His diplomatic efforts were all derived from this insight. At the same time, the Egyptian president's attempts to exploit American pressure to his benefit, as he had done in 1957, was undercut by his overestimation of his bargaining chips, a mistake that was one factor in the collapse of the efforts to reach a diplomatic agreement in the region.

Devolving the Power to Divide: Sectarian Relations in Egypt (2011-12)

This article is about decentralisation and social cohesion in religiously heterogeneous communities in times of political transition. Post-Mubarak Egypt is taken as a case study involving the informal devolution of power in managing sectarian relations between the majority Muslim and minority Christian populations between February 2011 and June 2012. On the surface, the process had features of a political decentralisation of power which holds promise of downward accountability. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) delegated the governance of local sectarian conflict to religious community leaders enjoying high popularity, a policy that was subsequently followed by the Muslim Brotherhood-led government. However, the process of local leaders assuming the power to govern was also an unintended consequence of the collapse of rule of law in a context of extreme political volatility associated with a country in revolt.

Good Copt, Bad Copt: Competing Narratives on Coptic Identity in Egypt and the United States

This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.