Registrar General's Social Class Research Articles

Socioeconomic Inequalities in Body Mass Index across Adulthood: Coordinated Analyses of Individual Participant Data from Three British Birth Cohort Studies Initiated in 1946, 1958 and 1970.

BackgroundHigh body mass index (BMI) is an important contributor to the global burden of ill-health and health inequality. Lower socioeconomic position (SEP) in both childhood and adulthood is associated with higher adult BMI, but how these associations have changed across time is poorly understood. We used longitudinal data to examine how childhood and adult SEP relates to BMI across adulthood in three national British birth cohorts.Methods and FindingsThe sample comprised up to 22,810 participants with 77,115 BMI observations in the 1946 MRC National Survey of Health and Development (ages 20 to 60–64), the 1958 National Child Development Study (ages 23 to 50), and the 1970 British Cohort Study (ages 26 to 42). Harmonized social class-based SEP data (Registrar General’s Social Class) was ascertained in childhood (father’s class at 10/11 y) and adulthood (42/43 years), and BMI repeatedly across adulthood, spanning 1966 to 2012. Associations between SEP and BMI were examined using linear regression and multilevel models.Lower childhood SEP was associated with higher adult BMI in both genders, and differences were typically larger at older ages and similar in magnitude in each cohort. The strength of association between adult SEP and BMI did not vary with age in any consistent pattern in these cohorts, but were more evident in women than men, and inequalities were larger among women in the 1970 cohort compared with earlier-born cohorts. For example, mean differences in BMI at 42/43 y amongst women in the lowest compared with highest social class were 2.0 kg/m2 (95% CI: −0.1, 4.0) in the 1946 NSHD, 2.3 kg/m2 (1.1, 3.4) in the 1958 NCDS, and 3.9 kg/m2 (2.3, 5.4) the in the 1970 BCS; mean (SD) BMI in the highest and lowest social classes were as follows: 24.9 (0.8) versus 26.8 (0.7) in the 1946 NSHD, 24.2 (0.4) versus 26.5 (0.4) in the 1958 NCDS, and 24.2 (0.3) versus 28.1 (0.8) in the 1970 BCS. Findings did not differ whether using overweight or obesity as an outcome.Limitations of this work include the use of social class as the sole indicator of SEP—while it was available in each cohort in both childhood and adulthood, trends in BMI inequalities may differ according to other dimensions of SEP such as education or income. Although harmonized data were used to aid inferences about birth cohort differences in BMI inequality, differences in other factors may have also contributed to findings—for example, differences in missing data.ConclusionsGiven these persisting inequalities and their public health implications, new and effective policies to reduce inequalities in adult BMI that tackle inequality with respect to both childhood and adult SEP are urgently required

Are social inequalities widening in generalised and abdominal obesity and overweight among English adults?

BackgroundObesity is now more common in lower socioeconomic groups in developed nations, but the socio-economic patterning of obesity has changed over time. This study examines the time trends in the socioeconomic patterning of generalised and abdominal obesity and overweight in English adults.MethodsData were from core annual samples of the Health Survey for England 1993–2008, including 155 661 participants aged 18–75 years. The prevalence of generalised and abdominal obesity and overweight was reported as crude and age-adjusted estimates. Binomial regression was used to model measures of obesity and overweight with age, sex, survey years, and two indicators of socioeconomic position: Registrar General’s Social Class (manual and non-manual occupational groups) and relative length of full time education. Trends in socioeconomic patterning were assessed by formal tests for interactions between socioeconomic position measures and survey periods in these models.ResultsThe prevalence of generalised and abdominal overweight and obesity increased consistently between 1993 and 2008. There were significant differences in the four outcomes between the two socioeconomic position (SEP) groups in men and women, except for generalised and abdominal overweight with social class in men. The prevalence of obesity and overweight across the whole period was higher in subgroups with lower SEP (differences of 0.2% to 9.5%). There was no significant widening of the socioeconomic gradient of most indicators of greater body fat since the early 1990s, except for educational gradient in generalised obesity in men and women (P = 0.001).ConclusionsSubstantial social class and education gradients in obesity and overweight are still present in both sexes. However, there is limited evidence that these socioeconomic inequalities have changed since 1993.

Breast feeding and intergenerational social mobility: what are the mechanisms?

ObjectiveTo investigate the association between breast feeding and intergenerational social mobility and the possible mediating role of neurological and stress mechanisms.DesignSecondary analysis of data from the 1958 and the 1970...

Deriving trends in life expectancy by the National Statistics Socio‐economic Classification using the ONS Longitudinal Study

Health inequalities among socio-economic groups are well documented. One of the measures used to track inequalities over time is the series 'Trends in life expectancy by social class, 1972-2005', on the Office for National Statistics website. In 2001 the National Statistics Socio-economic Classification (NS-SEC), replaced Registrar General's social class (RGSC) for the purposes of official statistics. This paper describes the challenges involved in producing an analogous series of trends in life expectancy by NS-SEC to that by RGSC, the approach adopted, and publishes the first results of the new series. NS-SEC was devised in the 1990s and introduced in 2001. Like RGSC, it is an occupation-based measure. In order to produce a series of trends over more than 20 years based on NS-SEC, it is necessary to classify people according to NS-SEC based on their occupation at the 1981 and 1991 Censuses and then to measure subsequent mortality rates for different classes. The 1981 Census preceded the construction of the NS-SEC classification system by nearly 20 years, and there was no recognised way of classifying 1981 Census respondents by NS-SEC. This paper describes how an approximation to allow such a classification was derived. The ONS Longitudinal Study was used to provide the data from which mortality and survival rates by NS-SEC class could then be estimated. The results are presented in terms of life expectancy at birth and at age 65 by five-year calendar periods, from 1982-86 to 2002-06. A social gradient was found using NS-SEC, similar to the one found using RGSC. For most classes for all periods studied, life expectancy improved for both males and females but inequalities persisted between classes. There was a difference of around six years for males between the most and least advantaged classes in expectation of life at birth and about four years for females in the period 2002-06. The estimates suggested a widening of inequalities over the study period for men, which appeared to end after 2001. For women, no overall trend could be detected, but there were no signs of any narrowing of the gap in the most recent period. NS-SEC can be used to provide medium-term trends in life expectancy by occupation based class, which will be capable of extension over time, although certain approximations are necessary. It is important that work should continue on investigating other means of classification, particularly for women, for example based on educational attainment and on household rather than individual-based measures.List of Tables, 12.

Repeated exposure to socioeconomic disadvantage and health selection as life course pathways to mid-life depressive and anxiety disorders

BackgroundSocioeconomic position (SEP) in childhood and adulthood influences the risk of adult psychiatric disorder. This paper investigates first how cumulative childhood manual SEP influences the risk for mid-life depressive and anxiety disorders and secondly the effects of health selection based on psychological disorder in childhood and psychological distress in early adulthood on mid-life social position.Methods9,377 participants of the 1958 Birth Cohort were followed up at 45 years with the Revised Clinical Interview Schedule to measure depressive and anxiety disorders. SEP was measured by Registrar General Social Class in childhood (ages 7, 11 and 16 years) and adulthood (ages 23, 33 and 42 years). Internalising and externalising disorders were also measured in childhood.ResultsCumulative manual SEP in childhood was weakly associated with increased risk of mid-life disorder. Childhood internalising and externalising disorders were associated with less upward social mobility and manual adult social position. Psychological disorder on three occasions in childhood was associated with manual adult occupational status (OR = 3.33, 95% CI 2.63–4.21) even after adjusting for childhood SEP and malaise score at 42 years.ConclusionsBoth social causation and health selection contribute to the association of childhood socioeconomic disadvantage and mid-life depressive and anxiety disorders. Tackling accumulation of disadvantage and understanding and treating childhood psychological disorders and their educational and occupational consequences could reduce the risk of mid-life psychiatric disorders.

Inequalities in disability-free life expectancy by social class and area type: England, 2001–03

Disability-free life expectancy (DFLE) is an important indicator which combines longevity with functional health status. This article examines inequalities in DFLE by socio-economic position in England, and between Local Authorities (LAs) in the deprived 'Spearhead group' and other LAs. Census and vital event data available from the ONS Longitudinal Study were used to calculate estimates of DFLE based on limiting long-term illness or disability status for each Registrar General's Social Class (RGSC) in 2001-03, in England as a whole and within the 'Spearhead group' and non-Spearhead LAs. A predominantly linear relationship was present with DFLE increasing with rising social class. The differences observed in DFLE at birth and at age 65 between people assigned to the professional and unskilled manual social classes were statistically significant and substantial, demonstrating a clear social inequality in the amount of life, the functional health status during those years lived, their absolute number, and thus the relative proportion of life spent free from a limiting long-term illness or disability.Among professional men, no statistically significant differences in DFLE at birth were found between the 'Spearhead group' and the non-Spearhead LAs. However, men assigned to the other social classes in the 'Spearhead group' were disadvantaged in terms of lower DFLE than their counterparts in the non-Spearhead LAs. Manual women living in non-spearhead LAs had comparable DFLE to women assigned to the managerial and technical and skilled non-manual social classes living in the 'Spearhead group'.The magnitude of inequality in DFLE at birth between professionals and the unskilled manual class in the proportion of life spent free of a limiting long-term illness or disability also varied between the 'Spearhead group' and non-Spearhead LAs: among men, a difference of 7.7 per cent was present in non-Spearhead LAs, compared with 13.1 per cent in the 'Spearhead group'; among women, the equivalent differences were 5.2 per cent and 9.4 per cent. These results confirm that the assumptions made with regard to sex differences in DFLE need to be set in the context of socio-economic position, and assumptions made regarding sex and social differences need to set in the context of geography. The scale of the inequalities shown is important for policy responses and understanding of differences in service needs.

Inequalities in healthy life expectancy by social class and area type: England, 2001–03

Healthy life expectancy (HLE) is an important indicator which combines longevity with health status. This article examines inequalities in HLE by socio-economic position in England, and between Local Authorities (LAs) in the deprived 'Spearhead group' and other LAs. Census and vital event data available from the ONS Longitudinal Study were used to calculate estimates of HLE based on general health status for each Registrar General's Social Class (RGSC) in 2001-03, in England as a whole and within the 'Spearhead group' and non-Spearhead LAs. A predominantly linear relationship was present with HLE increasing with rising social class. The differences observed in HLE at birth and at age 65 between people assigned to the professional and unskilled manual social classes were statistically significant and substantial, demonstrating a clear social inequality in the amount of life, the quality of those years lived, the absolute number of healthy life years, and thus the relative proportion of life spent in 'Good' or 'Fairly Good' health.HLEs at birth were statistically significantly higher for women than for men in the non-Spearhead LAs for all social classes; however, in the 'Spearhead group' of areas higher HLEs in women were only present among the skilled non-manual, skilled manual and partly skilled social classes. This suggests that an interaction effect between sex and area in the level of HLE may be operating.The magnitude of inequality in HLE between professionals and the unskilled manual class in the proportion of life spent in 'Good' or 'Fairly Good' health also varied between the 'Spearhead group' and non-Spearhead LAs: among men, a difference of 6.6 per cent was present in non-Spearhead LAs, compared with 10.6 per cent in the 'Spearhead group'; among women, the equivalent differences were 5.3 per cent and 7.6 per cent. The within-class HLEs for men and women were lower in the 'Spearhead group' compared with the non-Spearhead LAs, and statistically significantly lower among the intervening social classes for men; among women they are significant for all social classes other than the professional class. The scale of inequalities shown is important for policy responses and understanding of differences in service needs.

Childhood and adulthood socio-economic position and midlife depressive and anxiety disorders

This paper investigates how childhood socio-economic position influences the risk for midlife depressive and anxiety disorders at 45 years of age, assessed by the Clinical Interview Schedule in 9377 participants of the 1958 British Birth Cohort. Socio-economic position was measured by Registrar General Social Class in childhood and adulthood. The association of paternal manual socio-economic position with any diagnosis at 45 years of age was accounted for after adjustment for adult socio-economic position. Manual socio-economic position in women at 42 years of age was associated with midlife depressive disorder and any diagnosis; these associations were diminished by adjustment for childhood psychological disorders. Effects of childhood socio-economic position on adult depressive disorders may be mediated through adult socio-economic position.

Soziale Schicht als kardiovaskulärer Risikofaktor

It's been known for a long time, that certain diseases are more frequent in lower socioeconomic classes. But knowledge about the nature of this association, its main risk factors and how to improve health outcomes in lower social groups is still limited. Social class has been defined by different indicators by e.g. occupation and job position or the highest school qualification achieved. For international comparisons different classifications such as "The Registrar General's Social Class Classification " or the "International Standard Classification of Education" have been used. Several European Studies show a higher prevalence of cardiovascular diseases and cardiovascular risk factors including smoking, obesity, physical inactivity, hypertension and hypercholesterolemia in lower socioeconomic classes. But this studies also show that all socioeconomic groups have access to medical services. The Data from the Swiss Health Survey show the distribution of cardiovascular risk factors and diseases by three levels of education: Behaviouralfactors such as smoking, obesity and physical inactivity are more commonly present in the lower socioeconomic groups. People with a lower educational level visit their GP more often, whereas people with a higher level of educational consult specialists more frequently. Medical services are often used to check of blood pressure, blood sugar and cholesterol. An indication of state of health may be shown by medication and treatment for cardiovascular disease which is more prevalent in lower socioeconomic groups. The present discussion of explanations of the poorer state of health in lower socioeconomic groups goes beyond the classical risk factors for cardiovascular disease. Studies have shown that after the correction for risk factors a correlation remains between social class and state of health. It is believed, that psychosocial factors such as self-esteem, control in the workplace or coping-strategies play an additional important role in staying healthy. Therefore prevention of cardiovascular disease should not be restricted to minimisation of risk factors or to the measurement of certain blood-values and treatments. Efforts must also go into creating the conditions for a healthier life and promote possibilities for healthier behaviour in all socioeconomic classes.

SOCIAL POSITION AND HEALTH: ARE OLD AND NEW OCCUPATIONAL CLASSIFICATIONS INTERCHANGEABLE?

There is growing international interest in the choice of socioeconomic indicators for health research. This study used a combination of standard and novel methods to compare three occupation-based measures of social position in terms of their ability to explain variation and measure inequality in self-assessed health. The recently developed National Statistics Socioeconomic Classification (NS-SEC) is compared with its predecessor, the Registrar General's Social Class schema (RGSC), and with another occupation-based measure, the Cambridge Social Interaction and Stratification Scale (CAMSIS). With data from two large, independent, nationally representative samples of adults aged 16-64 living in private households in Scotland, logistic regression models are used to compare the classifications' ability to predict self-assessed health. Concentration indices are estimated to compare how well they capture inequality in self-assessed health. The study shows that all three classifications are strongly associated with self-assessed health, though the associations are heavily attenuated by adjustment for one another and for other measures of social position. Despite their differing theoretical bases, the three are closely related. No evidence is found that any of them systematically under- or overstate the extent of inequality in self-assessed health in either men or women, and the extent to which they measure independent dimensions of social inequality is questioned. It is concluded that the availability of the new classifications is unlikely to transform our understanding of the extent or the causes of socioeconomic inequality in health, but provides useful opportunities for sensitivity analysis.

Gender differences in the relationship of partner's social class to behavioural risk factors and social support in the Whitehall II study

In most countries health inequality in women appears to be greater when their socio-economic position is measured according to the occupation of male partners or spouses than the women's own occupations. Very few studies show social gradients in men's health according to the occupation of their female partners. This paper aims to explore the reasons for the differences in social inequality in cardiovascular disease between men and women by analysing the associations between own or spouses (or partners) socio-economic position and a set of risk factors for prevalent chronic diseases. Study participants were married or cohabiting London based civil servants included in the Whitehall II study. Socio-economic position of study participants was measured according to civil service grade; socio-economic position of the spouses and partners according to the Registrar General's social class schema. Risk factors were smoking, diet, exercise, alcohol consumption, and measures of social support. In no case was risk factor exposure more affected by the socio-economic position of a female partner than that of a male study participant. Wives’ social class membership made no difference at all to the likelihood that male Whitehall participants were smokers, or took little exercise. Female participants’ exercise and particularly smoking habit was, in contrast, related to their spouse's social class independently of their own grade of employment. Diet quality was affected equally by the socio-economic position of both male and female partners. Unlike the behavioural risk factors, the degree of social support reported by women participants was in general not strongly negatively affected by their husband or partner being in a less advantaged social class. However, non-employment in the husband or partner was associated with relatively lower levels of positive, and higher negative social support, while men with non-working wives or partners were unaffected. Studying gender differences in health inequality highlights some of the problems in health inequality research more broadly. We are brought face to face with the fact that the development of conceptual models that can be applied consistently to aetiology in both men and women are still at an early stage of development. Closer attention is needed to the different processes behind material power and ‘emotional power’ within the household when investigating gender differences in health and risk factors.

Forty years on: the effect of deprivation on growth in two Newcastle birth cohorts.

This study used two prospective birth cohort studies from the same city to examine the extent to which deprivation gradients for height and weight have changed over 40 years. Participants were 954 (86%) full term members of the Thousand Families (TF) 1947 and 3145 (99.9%) members of the Growth and Development Study (GDS) 1987-1988 Newcastle birth cohorts with both deprivation and growth data. Weights were available at birth, 6 months, and 1 year; weight and height at 4 (GDS only), 9, and 13 years (TF only), and in adulthood (TF only). These were stratified by level of deprivation, measured by Registrar's General social class in 1947 and area-based Townsend scores in 1987. Both cohorts had similar birth and infancy weights, but there was no gradient by deprivation level at birth or in infancy in the 1947 cohort, while the 1987 cohort showed a consistent gradient from birth onwards. Height had increased from the 1947 to the 1987 cohort, but both showed very similar deprivation gradients, equivalent to a 4-cm difference between the most and least affluent strata at age 9 years. Body mass index was similar for both cohorts and only showed a deprivation gradient in adulthood. We found no evidence of a changing influence of socioeconomic deprivation on growth in childhood, despite increases in mean height over a 40-year interval.

Socio-economic position and health: what you observe depends on how you measure it

A number of different socio-economic classifications have been used in relation to health in the United Kingdom. The aim of this study was to compare the predictive power of different socio-economic classifications in relation to a range of health measures. A postal questionnaire was sent to a random sample of adults in the West of Scotland (sampling from 1997 electoral roll, response rate 50 percent achieved sample 2,867). Associations between social position and health vary by socio-economic classification, health measure and gender. Limiting long-standing illness is more socially patterned than recent illness; income, Registrar General Social Class, housing tenure and car access are more predictive of health than the new National Statistics Socio Economic Classification; and men show steeper socio-economic gradients than women. Although there is a consistent picture of poorer health among more disadvantaged groups, however measured, in seeking to explain and reduce social inequalities in health we need to take a more differentiated approach that does not assume equivalence among social classifications and health measures.

Socio-economic status, standard of living, and neurotic disorder

Evidence on the association between socio-economic status and the prevalence of neurotic disorder is contradictory. We studied the association between three elements of socio-economic status and the prevalence of neurotic psychiatric disorder in a representative sample of adults aged 16-64 living in private households in the UK. A cross-sectional survey of 10,108 adults aged 16-65 resident in private households in the UK was selected by a multi-stage, clustered, random-sampling design. Neurotic disorders were defined using a standardised interview, the revised clinical interview schedule (CIS-R). Data for 9570 people were available for this study. We used housing tenure and access to cars as measures of standard of living; both were associated with the prevalence of neurotic disorder even after adjustment for other socio-economic and demographic variables, including the Registrar General's Social Class and educational attainment. Those people with no access to a car had an odds ratio for neurotic disorder of 1.4 (95% CI 1.1-1.7), compared with those who had access to two or more cars. People who rented their homes were also at increased risk (1.3 [1.1-1.5]). We estimated that about 10% of the neurotic disorder in the UK could be attributed to the increased prevalence of those without cars who rented their homes. There was a complex interaction between the Registrar General's Social Class and sex, and there was no independent association with educational attainment. There is an independent association between low standard of living and the prevalence of neurotic psychiatric disorder. The UK has experienced one of the largest increases in income inequality within western market economies over the past 20 years, and this inequality may have had adverse consequences for the mental health of the population.

When does cardiovascular risk start? Past and present socioeconomic circumstances and risk factors in adulthood.

STUDY OBJECTIVES: To compare associations of childhood and adult socioeconomic position with cardiovascular risk factors measured in adulthood. To estimate the effects of adult socioeconomic position after adjustment for childhood...

Socioeconomic status and birth weight: comparison of an area-based measure with the Registrar General's social class.

OBJECTIVE: To compare the relation of birth weight with socioeconomic status measured by an area-based measure of material deprivation and by the Registrar General's social class. SETTING: West Midlands Health...

Social inequalities in male mortality amenable to medical intervention in British Columbia

The objective of this study is to examine the rates of mortality among different social classes and socioeconomic groups of British Columbian males from causes of death amenable to medical intervention. We examined the rates of avoidable mortality from the causes of death published by Charlton, excluding causes of death restricted to women as well as perinatal deaths. For the purposes of our study, we determined a population at risk using 20% samples of occupational data for men from the 1981, 1986 and 1991 censuses conducted by Statistics Canada. For the analysis of mortality by social class, individuals were divided into five social class levels based on occupation using an adaptation of the UK Registrar General's Social Class Scale. In addition, three levels of socioeconomic analysis were performed using the Blishen Index classification system. Once individuals were assigned to a social class in each classification system, the death rates from each amenable cause was calculated and standardized to the total population. For almost every cause of death examined, the rate of mortality was higher in individuals of lower social and socioeconomic classes than in individuals of the upper social and socioeconomic classes. These results were consistent regardless of the social class component, education, occupation, or income was being measured. The mortality gradient was most notable in deaths due to hypertensive heart disease, tuberculosis, asthma and pneumonia and bronchitis. Due to the fact that these causes of death were observed to be consistently higher in the lower social classes, we feel that specific measures aimed at improving survival from these conditions in lower social classes could help to amend the social class disparity.

Socioeconomic status, standard of living, and neurotic disorder

Evidence on the association between socioeconomic status and the prevalence of neurotic disorder is contradictory. We studied the association between three elements of socioeconomic status and the prevalence of neurotic psychiatric disorder in a representative sample of adults aged 16-64 living in private households in the UK. A cross-sectional survey of 10,108 adults aged 16-65 resident in private households in the UK was selected by a multi-stage, clustered, random-sampling design. Neurotic disorders were defined using a standardised interview, the revised clinical interview schedule (CIS-R). Data for 9570 people were available for this study. We used housing tenure and access to cars as measures of standard of living; both were associated with the prevalence of neurotic disorder even after adjustment for other socioeconomic and demographic variables, including Registrar General's Social Class and educational attainment. Those people with no access to a car had an odds ratio for neurotic disorder of 1.4 (95% CI 1.1-1.7), compared with those who had access to two or more cars. People who rented their homes were also at increased risk (1.3 [1.1-1.5]). We estimated that about 10% of the neurotic disorder in the UK could be attributed to the increased prevalence of those without cars who rented their homes. There was a complex interaction between Registrar General's Social Class and sex, and there was no independent association with educational attainment. There is an independent association between low standard of living and the prevalence of neurotic psychiatric disorder. The UK has experienced one of the largest increases in income inequality within western market economies over the past 20 years, and this inequality may have had adverse consequences for the mental health of the population.

Women's Social Standing. The Empirical Problem of Female Social Class

The Registrar General's social class scheme - the Stevenson version The Registrar General's social class scheme - the last half-century women in the social class scheme do women marry socially? classification using HORG and the alternative measuring female life chances - the variables and the data the distribution of female life chances a tall story the role of height implications.

Communicating the diagnosis of lung cancer

In order to assess their reaction to the information given, 50 patients underwent a semi-structured interview with a social worker within 1 week of having been told the diagnosis of lung cancer. There were 32 men and 18 women with a mean age of 63 (range 38-82) years. Thirty-eight (76%) belonged to Registrar General social class IV or V, and 45 (90%) had left school at the age of 15 years. Two patients were unaware of the diagnosis despite having been told that they had lung cancer. Two patients would have preferred not to have been told the diagnosis and two were unsure, while 46 (92%) felt that telling them the diagnosis truthfully had been correct. No patient felt that they had been given too much information, but 13 (26%) indicated a lack of information about prognosis. Despite being told 'bad news', 31 (62%) felt more reassured after their interview with the doctor, 5 (10%) felt less reassured, and 14 (28%) were uncertain. Twenty-one (42%) patients were experiencing a sense of guilt or regret at having smoked. Many patients had concerns about specific symptoms which they expected to suffer. In general, patients wanted to be told their diagnosis truthfully and required a high level of information. Many patients felt reassured by the discussion of such details.