Regional Maritime Security Research Articles

Maritime Diplomacy and Regional Cooperation Mechanisms: Insights from the Black Sea and Bay of Bengal

This article conducts a comparative analysis of maritime diplomacy in the Black Sea and Bay of Bengal, focusing on the challenges and strategies of regional cooperation mechanisms like the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). It explores the unique geopolitical contexts of these maritime regions, addressing issues such as territorial disputes, resource competition, piracy and environmental concerns. The study examines the influence of external powers, including Russia, the EU, China and the USA, and their impact on regional dynamics. Utilizing a comparative analysis approach, the study examines the geopolitical dynamics, roles and effectiveness of BSEC and BIMSTEC in promoting economic integration, security collaboration and crisis response, along with the influence of external powers on these dynamics. The findings reveal the pivotal roles of both organizations in addressing maritime challenges, despite facing issues like economic disparity among members and geopolitical tensions. Key initiatives like joint naval exercises and security agreements have been effective in enhancing regional maritime security and stability. The study concludes by highlighting the need for strengthening organizational frameworks, enhancing transparency and integrating environmental considerations into maritime diplomacy, considering emerging trends like cybersecurity and the increasing role of non-traditional actors.

The Contribution of Naval Diplomacy to Regional Maritime Security

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

Contribuția diplomației navale la securitatea maritimă regională

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

India’s Defence Cooperation with the GCC: Role for the Indian Navy

The success of India’s ‘Look West’ Policy for promoting ties with the Middle East countries has helped to build upon historical trade and cultural ties and paved the way to progress defence and security cooperation. This could be led by the Indian Navy which has emerged as the regional net security provider and which also played an instrumental role in promoting India’s relations with the Southeast Asian countries under India’s ‘Look East’ Policy of the 1990s. Close maritime security cooperation between the Arab Gulf navies and the Indian Navy could be mutually beneficial and help to improve overall regional maritime security. This article looks at how this could be achieved, overcoming potential challenges along the way.

THE EVOLUTION AND INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE NAVAL PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN INDONESIA AND ASEAN

This essay explores the evolution and institutionalization of the naval partnership between Indonesia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The background reveals the maritime challenges faced by these entities in the dynamic Asia-Pacific region, necessitating collaborative security efforts. The purpose of the study is to analyze how this naval relationship has developed over time and its impact on regional maritime stability. The design/methodology/approach encompasses historical analysis, policy examination, and case studies of joint naval exercises. The results demonstrate that Indonesia and ASEAN's naval partnership has evolved from historical precedents to structured cooperation, incorporating joint exercises, information sharing, and capacity building. This collaboration contributes to regional maritime security and exemplifies the collective approach to addressing common challenges. In conclusion, this essay underscores the significance of such partnerships in shaping maritime security dynamics and promoting stability in an increasingly interconnected world.

The Global Maritime Fulcrum as A Strategic Narrative: A Critical Examination of Its Emergence, Conveyance, and Decline in Indonesian Strategic Discourse

In 2014, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo declared he would lead Indonesia, the most populous Muslim nation on earth, to become a ‘global maritime fulcrum’ (GMF). His announcement was taken as a sign of Indonesia’s commitment to be a more active participant in regional maritime security. This nascent maritime vision, however, suffers from endogenous flaws, ranging from personal leadership to widespread bureaucratic deficiencies, culminating in its recession from Indonesian political discourse. This paper seeks to understand how and why the GMF receded from political discourse through the lens of strategic narrative. It finds that technocratic appeal serves as a stronger legitimating method of the GMF compared to other forms, which is due to agential preferences aligning with domestic structural conditions, resulting in development narratives being favoured over maritime-related narratives. The relationship results in government priorities being skewed towards the infrastructure aspect of the GMF at the cost of the other aspects. To demonstrate this argument, this paper analyses an original dataset of 267 speeches and statements, both in English and Indonesian, delivered by key government officials related to formulating and implementing the GMF concept from 2014 to 2021, in addition to relevant policy documents.

AUKUS AS AN EFFECTIVE RESPONSE TO THE PROSPECTIVE LIMITATION OF AMERICAN DOMINATION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC

The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.

Indo-Pacific reluctance and the gulf: an examination of maritime domain awareness as an influence shaping regional maritime security efforts

ABSTRACT Maritime security, while a challenge for littoral states in the Gulf region, has not evolved to reflect global maritime trends. The maritime challenges in the Gulf region point out the necessity of reforming approaches to maritime security and investing in a greater understanding of how the global commons will define the health of individual Gulf states. This paper examines how Gulf states, despite enjoying modern maritime forces, remain fixated on traditional mechanisms for addressing maritime threats. Using a Maritime Domain Awareness framework for analysis, this paper argues that Gulf states lag in information sharing processes tied to maritime security operations that have become a common approach in the Indo-Pacific. Without greater investment by Gulf maritime services into the information sharing arrangements, the Gulf becomes more vulnerable.

Strategic Role of the Defense Industry in Answering the Needs of KRI Capability C4ISR to Achieve Maritime Security in Indonesian National Jurisdictions

The currently growing and complex maritime security threat is marked by the Coronavirus outbreak, which is thought to spread quickly. This virus threat can mean Hybrid Warfare but can also mean proxy where this type of threat can be exploited or used by parties who intend to invest their interests in Indonesia. This threat must be a concern of all countries, and cooperation at sea between countries is needed to overcome it. The Indonesian Navy sees the importance of increasing capabilities in the field of utilizing C4ISR technology (Command, Control, Computer, Communication, Intelligence, Surveillance, And Recognition) and how to integrate it into a single unit that can operate optimally within the framework of maritime defense and security of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. Furthermore, cooperation with the Navy and all naval stakeholders is also needed to build collaboration in realizing maritime domain awareness (MDA) in the national region. The importance of Indonesia as a barometer of regional maritime security, namely; as a measure of the independence of Indonesia's ability to face naval security threats, measuring patterns, methods, and technology of Indonesia's marine security apparatus in dealing with threats, as well as predicting trends in maritime security threats that occur. As the main component of national defense, the Navy is required to carry out capacity building in marine protection and security, So that the defense i

South Korea's Investment in the U.S.-ROK Alliance: A Case Study of the New Southern Policy

executive summary: This essay argues that South Korea's deliberate efforts to find nexuses between its New Southern Policy (NSP) and the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy is an investment in insurance for the U.S.-ROK alliance. main argument South Korea has been exploring connections between its NSP and the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy at the request of, if not pressure from, the U.S. South Korea has expanded the NSP's scope to include nontraditional security and target areas in the South Pacific. This policy choice is, in part, an investment in insurance for the U.S.-ROK alliance to bolster the partnership and ensure a U.S. security commitment to the Korean Peninsula. Were South Korea not to accommodate the U.S. strategy, Washington might reduce its commitment to the alliance in response. However, adjusting to some elements of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy also gives South Korea leeway to engage more with China without causing the perception that it is strategically tilting toward China. policy implications • As the U.S. and South Korea increase their cooperation for infrastructure investment in Southeast Asia, South Asia, and the Pacific Islands, South Korea should demonstrate its interest in coordinating in minilateral settings with Japan, Australia, and India. Doing so would create greater space for South Korea to also participate in China's Belt and Road Initiative more broadly without causing the U.S. to misperceive that South Korea is tilting toward China. • Enhancing cooperation with the Quad states in regional maritime security can give South Korea more room to engage with China in responding to regional nontraditional security issues.

Challenges and Implications of Indonesia's Strategic Position in Maritime Security

The primary goal is to evaluate the regional maritime security problems that Indonesia is now confronting. As is well known, with the beginning of the twenty-first century came the introduction of a new word in regional maritime architecture. The significance of the sea in the current era of globalization has prompted all countries to manage their maritime interests and share concerns in a collaborative, cooperative, and inclusive manner, according to the United Nations. Throughout the period, Indonesia grew more connected than it had been previously. Indonesia, located in Southeast Asia, rose to prominence as a worldwide power in this century. Of course, as a result of its actions, new issues in maritime security have arisen. International relations, maritime cooperation, port and shipping sectors, as well as comparative politics and international relations, as well as Southeast Asian politics and society, will find this article of interest on the topic of maritime security.

Maritime security and the Western Indian Ocean’s militarisation dilemma

ABSTRACT Ten years after the last large scale piracy attacks in the Western Indian Ocean, other maritime crimes such as illicit fishing and maritime smuggling have emerged. The spill over of conflicts in Yemen and Mozambique and maritime grey-zone activities have also become major maritime security issues. Yet, perhaps the most worrying – though largely underappreciated – trend is the surge of naval activity and strategic competition in the region. This is a major dilemma for the region: The region relies on external military actors to protect vital shipping lanes, but the presence of these actors also risks importing geopolitical tensions that could undermine regional maritime stability. How can the region address these maritime insecurities and the evolving militarisation dilemma? We investigate the regional maritime security architecture to identify institutions that can help the region manage the militarisation dilemma. We argue that only the Shared Awareness and Deconfliction (SHADE) mechanism and the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS) can help mitigate geopolitical competition in the region. Preparing these mechanisms to deal with the militarisation dilemma will be vital for the long-term prosperity of the Western India Ocean.

Energy security as a crucial Pakistan’s foreign policy determinant

Considering many factors that can affect the nation’s foreign policy, one can point out the factor of energy security. The article deals with the place of energy security in Pakistan’s foreign policy. The author puts forward a hypothesis according to which the socio-political development of Pakistan directly depends on the state of its energy sector and the prospects for its development, and therefore the nation’s foreign policy in fact stems from the needs of strengthening energy security. The article discusses the general concepts of energy security, lists the existing threats, the role of the energy sector in the Pakistani economy and the structural problems of the industry are analyzed with an overview of the country’s foreign trade balance having been given. The strategically important tracks of Pakistan’s energy policy include the implementation of the China-Pakistan economic corridor, the development of relations with the Gulf countries, an attempt to agree on the implementation of energy projects with the countries of Central Asia. Among Pakistan’s attempts to counter socio-political threats to energy security, counter-terrorism operations of the nation’s armed forces are considered, and its duality is noted, initiatives to strengthen regional maritime security in the Indian Ocean and in particular - Regional Maritime Security Patrols, as well as Pakistan’s role in the civil war in Afghanistan in the context of the Taliban takeover. The author concludes that energy security will remain one of the key factors in Pakistan’s foreign policy until the burning issues in the areas discussed in the article are resolved. Otherwise, Pakistan will remain a country with an extremely vulnerable economy, which will not allow Islamabad to play the role in world politics it hopes for.

Maritime security cooperation within the ASEAN institutional framework: a gradual shift towards practical cooperation

How does ASEAN fare in addressing maritime security problems? This paper examines the shifting character of maritime security cooperation in Southeast Asia. In doing so, this paper looks at the outcomes of three maritime security-oriented fora that exist within the ASEAN regional framework: the ASEAN Regional Forum, the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting, and the ASEAN Maritime Forum. By compiling and analysing data on the forms and frequency of existing cooperative activities from 2003 gathered from publicly available sources, this paper finds that maritime security cooperation among ASEAN members continue to be largely dialogue-based, with few instances of practical cooperation. By comparing the three fora, this paper argues that the organisational design of these forums tends to affect the forms of cooperation. This paper concludes that despite ASEAN showing progress in adopting practical security cooperation, there remain hurdles in achieving regional maritime security.

Role of Maritime Policies and Strategies in Shaping the Maritime Security Threats in Kenya

The prospects and aspirations in Kenya’s maritime domain are today facing complex and highly dynamic traditional and nontraditional maritime security threats that portend a direct consequence to Kenya’s national security. The threats of terrorism and the upsurge of piracy in the Western Indian Ocean region led to the Kenyan government’s reaction to the maritime asymmetric threats. These reactions became the onset of Kenya’s significant engagement in maritime security issues. The adopted maritime responses were reactive in posture, which engendered the establishment and restructuring of several maritime security organizations and training to deal with the threats manifestation in Kenya’s maritime domain. However, the implementation of these maritime security frameworks and responses continue to face challenges, making them tend to be not so much effective in dealing with the maritime threats in Kenya’s maritime jurisdiction. This study sought to find out how are maritime policies and strategies shaping the maritime threats in Kenya. Primary data was collected through key informant interviews with academics, maritime security experts and government officials; both retired and serving. Secondary data was also sourced from relevant publications and media reports. The data obtained were analyzed using content and thematic analysis techniques. The study established that the absence of a strategic national security policy and a national maritime security strategy puts the national interests at stake and under consistent threats that engenders reactive responses among the national security agencies. This has also impacted on regional maritime security cooperation resulting in limited coordination towards common maritime interests, hence an enabler to the multifaceted maritime threats and crimes that went on unabated. There is need to identify the gaps in capacity and centre on strengthening local mechanisms in dealing with maritime security by ameliorating the vulnerabilities, which comes by formulating pragmatic policies and strategy that engenders bilateral, regional and multilateral engagement as key in the maritime governance.

Maritime strategy of Pakistan: Development and future prospects

The Indian Ocean accounts half of the world's container shipments, two-thirds of oil product shipments and a third of bulk cargo. Pakistan as a significant regional power laying claims to a higher role in regional trade. But it demands effective naval forces capable of resisting both traditional (possible blockade of Pakistan's seaports if an armed conflict with India takes place) and non-traditional threats (piracy in the Strait of Hormuz). The article examines the evolution of Pakistan's naval strategy from the moment of gaining independence to the present day. The article provides a brief historical overview of the development of the country's naval strategy, analyzes the place of the Pakistani Navy in the armed forces, their role in the implementation of the China-Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC), considers Pakistan's initiatives in the field of regional maritime security, as well as the processes of modernizing the fleet. The author believes that the role of the Navy in Pakistan's grand strategy will only increase due to both economic and regional security factors. The author claims that the role of the maritime strategy and the Pakistani Navy in the country's foreign policy will increase, which is explained by the need to ensure maritime security to implement the key economic project of the CPEC, as well to build a regional security system in the Indian Ocean resistant to all types of threats. The author invokes historical methods to analyze the evolution of Pakistani maritime strategy and hermeneutics to consider the current development of the strategy and its prospects.

Criminal Threats Undermining Indo-Pacific Maritime Security: Can International Law Build Resilience?

Maritime security in the Indo-Pacific region is strategically important to not only the surrounding states, but also those with an interest in its good governance, to support safe passage and natural resources extraction. Criminal threats, such as maritime piracy and illegal fishing, enabled by corruption and the potential for terrorism, undermine regional maritime security and therefore, there is incentive for states to respond cooperatively to secure the region. Drawing on broken windows crime theory, implicitly supporting the continuation of criminal threats within the region may enables exiting crimes to proliferate. With varying legal and political frameworks and interests across the Indo-Pacific region, achieving cooperation and harmonisation in response to regional maritime-based criminal threats can be challenging. As such, to respond to criminal threats that undermine maritime security, this article argues that from a criminological perspective, aligning states through existing international law enables cooperative regional responses. Indeed, given the prevalence of corruption within the region enabling serious criminal threats, harmonising through existing counter-corruption architecture may be a suitable platform to build from.

Ocean Governance in the Asia-Pacific and the Arctic

Abstract This article summarizes and analyzes the main issues addressed at the 7th Asia-Pacific/Arctic Maritime Security Forum held in Halifax, Canada in Fall 2019. Experts attending this forum discussed issues such as a regional maritime security overview of the South China Sea, East China Sea, Indian Ocean and the Arctic, best practices of regional ocean governance models, maritime dispute settlement practices, maritime law enforcement, and marine environmental issues. A proposal was put forward on international cooperation with regard to maritime security, ocean governance and ocean capacity building.

SOUTH AFRICA’S OPERATION PHAKISA: DEVELOPMENT WITHOUT SECURITY?

In the years since the end of the Cold War, a growing body of literature has emerged discussing the nexus between development and security, holding that these are linked closely and mutually reinforcing. Thinking around the security–development nexus has been extended into the maritime domain, with an increasing recognition of the connection and interdependence of the land and sea, and that secure seas are seen as a vital condition for positive development trajectories emanating from the Blue Economy. This sentiment is increasingly reflected in domestic and regional maritime security strategies and policies, including in the African Union’s African Integrated Maritime Strategy 2050 (AIMS 2050). Despite its leadership in developing a maritime security strategy for the Southern African Development Community (SADC), it can be argued that security is dangerously underplayed in South Africa’s key maritime project, Operation Phakisa. This article presents an analysis of the development–security nexus at sea, an assessment of South Africa’s approach to its maritime security, and the results of a careful examination of Operation Phakisa. The article concludes that there is an urgent need for a review of South Africa’s maritime arena, to truly understand challenges emanating from the sea and how these will affect the development South Africa wishes to derive from it.

Cooperating with “Maritime India” in the Indo-Pacific context – A Japanese view

ABSTRACT The main purpose of this article is to identify a common basis for Japan and India as maritime democracies to work together for the maintenance and enhancement of the rules-based liberal international order at sea in the face of a variety of challenges in the Indo-Pacific region, China’s maritime advancement in particular. As powerful maritime democracies in the Indo-Pacific, Japan and India will be able to engage in a wide variety of maritime security cooperation. The opinions of security experts of both countries should be mustered so that bilateral cooperation keeps up its momentum. Synergy of Tracks 1, 1.5 and 2 dialogues should be pursued for maritime security cooperation. In this bilateral effort, the US-centred alliance network, of which the Japan-US Alliance is the central portion, and India’s autonomous and multi-directional approach toward international security must be intertwined effectively. Also, security dialogues between the two countries and between the two navies should work out the division of labour between Japan and India to contribute to the Indo-Pacific regional maritime security more effectively.