Regional Integration Initiatives Research Articles

Trade Policies and Livestock Exports

Purpose: The general objective of the study was to examine the trade policies and livestock exports.
 Methodology: The study adopted a desktop research methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library.
 Findings: The findings reveal that there exists a contextual and methodological gap relating to trade policies and livestock exports. Key findings emphasize the significance of trade agreements and regional integration initiatives in boosting livestock exports, with participating countries benefiting from increased trade volumes and streamlined regulatory standards. Additionally, the study highlights the impact of non-tariff measures, particularly stringent sanitary and phytosanitary regulations, on market access, underscoring the need for capacity-building and regulatory harmonization efforts. Moreover, trade disputes and policy uncertainties are identified as disruptors, necessitating transparent policy frameworks and risk management strategies to mitigate market volatility. Overall, the study underscores the importance of coordinated efforts to address trade barriers and enhance market access, paving the way for sustainable development and economic growth in the livestock sector.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Theory of Comparative Advantage, Political Economy theory and Institutional theory may be used to anchor future studies on trade policies and livestock exports. One key recommendation was to diversify export markets for livestock products, aiming to reduce dependence on specific markets and mitigate trade disruptions. This strategy involved proactive market research, targeted marketing campaigns, and strategic alliances with trading partners to access new markets. Another recommendation was to invest in quality assurance systems and standards compliance to meet sanitary and phytosanitary requirements, crucial for enhancing the credibility of livestock exports. Promoting sustainable production practices was also advised, aligning livestock production with sustainability goals to enhance market competitiveness. Improving trade facilitation measures, strengthening policy coordination and stakeholder engagement, and developing risk management strategies were highlighted to safeguard the stability and competitiveness of livestock export sectors in a volatile global economy.

Impact of cross-border transportation corridors on changes of land use and landscape pattern: A case study of the China-Laos railway

Regional integration initiatives have triggered impacts on land use changes (LUC) and landscape patterns through geo-economic cooperation like cross-border infrastructure, which are often presented, but comprehensive studies on the extent and degree remains insufficient. The China-Laos Railway (CLR), a cross-border transportation corridor connecting Kunming in China with the Laotian capital, Vientiane, which was launched in December 2016 and operation started in December 2021, has recently witnessed rapid and notable changes in landscape and land use. This case study provides a distinctive opportunity to evaluate the relative significance of political and socioeconomic factors on LUC and landscape patterns. In this study, we integrate 10-m land-use data products (2017–2022) provided by Environmental Systems Research Institute, Inc (ESRI) with geospatial analysis to quantify and compare the impacts of cross-border transportation corridors on LUC within a 10 km buffer area along the CLR. The results showed that since 2017, about 3 % deforestation caused by the expansion of cropland (8 %) and construction land (38 %) along the CLR. The comprehensive dynamic degree along the CLR displays two peaks, appearing within the 2–4 km and 8–10 km buffer zones. Interestingly, the fragmentation of land patches within the buffer zone decreases as the distance from the CLR increases. Moreover, the construction of the CLR has a greater impact on the Laotian side, while its completion and operation triggered more significant changes on the Chinese side. The study quantitatively assesses the extent, type, and intensity of the impacts of cross-border transportation corridors on LUC and landscape patterns.

UKRAINE ‘IN BETWEEN’: THE ROAD TO WAR AND KYIV’S REACTION TO THE RUSSIAN AND EUROPEAN INITIATIVES IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE

The regional integration initiatives undertaken by the Russian Federation and the European Union (EU) in the post-Soviet space since the 1990s and the Ukrainian response to such initiatives constitute one of the main factors (and yet not sufficiently explored) behind the geopolitical tension involving the current war in Ukraine. This research shows how Kyiv's reaction towards the aspirations of both Russia and the European Union in the post-Soviet space spurred an acute competition between Moscow and the West, which set the scene for the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

THE AFRICAN CONTINENTAL FREE TRADE AREA AND REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION: POTENTIAL ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND CHALLENGES

The paper examined the African Continental Free Trade Area with a view to assessing its potential economic benefits and challenges for regional economic integration. The paper adopted qualitative methodology and approach in obtaining relevant data towards achieving the objectives. Specifically, qualitative data were obtained from secondary sources such as books, journals, periodicals as well as official documents. It argues that the number of states accepting regional economic integration initiative such as the AfCFTA is one of the major features of globalization whose benefits have not been evenly distributed among nations. It argues further that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents a major opportunity for African countries to pull 30 million people out of extreme poverty and to raise the income level of 68 million others who live on less than $5.50 per day. The paper reveals that with the implementation of AfCFTA, trade facilitation measures that cut red tape and simplify customs procedures would drive $292 billion of the $450 billion in potential income gains. That is to say, that implementing AfCFTA would help usher in the kinds of deep reforms necessary to enhance long term growth in African countries. It further reveals that the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement is capable of creating the largest free trade area in the world measuring the number of countries participating in the agreement. It concludes that achieving economic prosperity by 2063 is such a long period, but African countries must adhere strictly to the principles and objectives of the agreement and avoid anything that will cut short the life span. The paper recommends that the African Union should as much as possible, ensure the protection of the key interests of participating member states by launching in-depth studies as well as mandating member states to commission nationwide enlightenment and sensitization programmes on the AfCFTA so as to give it regional acceptance. It recommends further that the key planners and players should focus implementation on security and terrorism, abide by the agreement of the AfCFA, avoid conflictual policies that may affect free trade especially domestic policies and ensure the availability of adequate transportation system such as road and rail networks.

Exploring Eurasian integration through the lenses of Carl Schmitt: The Eurasian Economic Union as an example of Schmittian “Great Space”

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) embodies Russia’s latest attempt to restore interconnections among former Soviet countries through economic means rather than military might. The literature on the EAEU views the initiative as a geopolitical tool, a post-imperial escamotage, a platform to enhance reforms, or a counterhegemonic strategy. This article wishes to understand the EAEU as an example of Carl Schmitt’s theorizations, especially in relation to the concept of Great Space. The EAEU resembles the Schmittian Great Space in four main respects: the existence of a regional hegemon with spheres of interest beyond its fixed borders, the expression of an “imperial” community of cultural and historical affinity, the overcome of the rigid Westphalian state model expressed by the jus publicum Europeaum in favor of a large space, and the manifestation of the nomos of the Earth, that is a telluric civilization within the Schmittian contraposition between Land and Sea. The application of the Schmittian Great Space paradigm to the EAEU—in tandem with the proliferation of other regional integration initiatives and organizations—confirms the ongoing global shift from rigid Westphalian nation-states to highly integrated political-economic blocs based on civilizational identity in the frame of a multipolar world.

Jordan and the Abraham Accords

This article argues that Jordan should advocate for transforming the Abraham Accords’ regional integration initiatives into a regional security architecture that brings prosperity and security to all its members—including the Palestinians. Jordan is well positioned to influence the Accords’ strategic planners given its credibility, diplomatic assets, and strategic location; it will continue to be a lynchpin in regional security and future integration plans.

LEVERAGING CPFTA FOR NATIONAL ECONOMIC GROWTH AMIDST GLOBAL CRISES

The global challenges related to pandemics and political disputes are one of the hardest front confronted by international development cooperation and becomes the challenge for regional integration initiatives. During the phase of pandemic it is the matter of great concern for all the governments not only to identify possible outcomes to minimize long term losses to their economies but to facilitate the residents for their recovery to challenge the issues of maintaining their livelihood, poverty, employment and through provision of global public goods.The impact of Trade agreements is long-term on a country's economic outlook. China-Pakistan FTA-I entered into force w.e.f Oct.10th, 2009 and bring zero rates on 35.5% of tariff lines and the CPFTAII entered into force w.e.f. Jan-2020 and in terms of tariff lines, China liberalized 1026 new tariff lines. Under CPFTA, China’s tariff on 313- priority tariff lines were eliminated that which cap over $8.7 billion worth of our International exports and over $64 billion worth of imports from China. As a result, though trade with China has increased manifold, still it could not achieve desired results. Additionally, domestic and global economies are passing through an extraordinary time when the world is confronted by pandemic uncertainties and economic threats convoluted by the Ukraine war crunch, where national preferences shaping against globalization. In this background, we need to fast find solutions to these issues and explore how bilateral agreements can be leveraged for enhancing trade ties for sustainable economic growth. This study examines the trade response using export and import data, which indicates the intensity of trade reciprocity by analyzing pre, and post-CPFTA conditions. This study, therefore, aims to comprehend the role of the China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (CPFTA) in Pakistan’s trade regime and its contribution to the economy. The study has compared the imports and Pakistani exports to China during and after the CPFTA-I based on Pakistan’s annual GDP growth rate while for due short period of time from 2019 onwards CPFTA-II data is not utilized for analysis. The resulting analysis will be used to recommend measures to increase trade with China and other regional countries, address non-tariff impediments to maximize utilization of the FTA, and address bottlenecks for the implementation of the Free trade agreement and the results foreshadow forthcoming mutual trade in fields of technology, investment, Agriculture, Blue growth and CPEC between both nations.

Challenges for Western Balkan Countries Regional Integration: the Case of North Macedonia

This paper aims to elaborate on the possibilities that increased regional integration initiatives can have in boosting mutual trade among the countries in the Western Balkans region, such as: creating a Regional Economic Area by 2023; the creation of a Common Regional Market based on EU rules in the period 2021-2024 and the initiative “Open Balkan” created between North Macedonia, Serbia, and Albania for enabling free movement of goods and free movement of workers. For our research, the gravity model of trade for North Macedonia covering the period 2005-2020 is applied. The influence of bilateral and regional trade agreements on the country’s trade is analyzed. The results have shown that for North Macedonia, CEFTA-2006 membership has higher significance for increasing trade when compared to the agreement signed with the EU and to the other bilateral free trade agreements signed with EFTA, Turkey, and Ukraine. This paper point out that deepening trade integration through different regional initiatives could have a positive influence on increasing mutual trade.

The EU Common Regional Market Proposals for the Western Balkans

The EU and the Western Balkans in 2020 launched a regional economic integration initiative entitled ‘The Western Balkans Common Regional Market’, aimed at economically integrating the Western Balkans based on the EU Single Market rules by 2025. The economic integration initiative has been met with challenges, and this contribution provides an assessment of EU-led initiatives to promote economic integration within the Western Balkans between 2014 and 2021, analysing some of the challenges to ensuring that the Western Balkans Common Regional Market is operational by 2025. The contribution conceptualises the mode of governance approach used by the EU in engaging with the Western Balkans since 2014 and suggests that it is largely based on soft law. The contribution finds that the action plan for establishing a regional common market is flawed, as it has not taken on board the high level of corruption and the lack of rule of law in the Western Balkans. The contribution provides new insights into the nature of corruption taking place in the Western Balkans and argues that corruption and the lack of the rule of law could be a major barrier for the proper function of the regional common market. Western Balkans, Berlin Process, Common Market, Open Balkan, Corruption, Rule of Law, Economic Integration, European Neighbourhood and Enlargement Policy

La evolución del imaginario geopolítico de Brasil

The following article proposes a critical analysis on the constitution of the Brazilian geopolitical imagery, stretching from the time of Brazil’s independence to the beginning of the 21st century. More specifically, the text recognises the impact of the country’s colonial past on Brazil’s prevalent geopolitical thinking. That, along with the significance of certain geopolitical thinkers, theoretical approaches and specific socio-political contexts, would explain why factors such as the need to have a state-led plan that promotes integration in furtherance of progress, and Brazil’s hegemonic overreach at the regional and global levels, have been historically dominant in the Brazilian geopolitical vision. Similarly, it is argued that the concern to achieve an effective unification of the national territory, by means of carrying out projects to populate the Amazon, featured predominantly in the geopolitical strategies of Brazilian leaders. These strategies brought about effects visible within and beyond Brazil’s borders, the latter as regional integration initiatives.

Economic Drivers Shaping Bangladesh as a Trading State: The Relevance of Geopolitical Neutrality

The sustained economic growth of Bangladesh and its gradual integration into a globalized economy has influenced its foreign policy. The concerns are to increase merchandise exports; to ensure uninterrupted supply of raw materials, intermediate commodities, and electricity via reliable import channels; to attract much-needed Foreign Direct Investment and technology transfer to close the resource gap; and to leverage itself to become a regional hub of multimodal connectivity to reap maximum benefits from regional integration. Thus, Bangladesh behaves like a Trading State in the global arena, and it is precisely because of these economic determinants that it opts to pursue a policy of geopolitical neutrality. Bangladesh has significant economic dependence on USA, UK and EU for its exports. China and India are the leading sources of much needed import of agricultural produce, raw materials, intermediate goods and machinery. USA, UK and EU member nations are significant investors in Bangladesh. However, long-term Chinese investment commitments under the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) and generous credit facilities have caused the Chinese to acquire greater clout over the last five years or so. Competing regional integration initiatives by India and Japan pose opportunities to counter Chinese influence in Bangladesh and provide the host country with a unique opportunity to select future projects prudently. Due to Bangladesh's diverse economic engagements, it is prudent to maintain its geopolitical neutrality and avoid becoming entangled in a New Great Game.

A Deep Dive on Pertinent Issues beneath Supremacy of Community Law: Special Reference to the East African Community

This paper seeks to address issues surrounding applicability of community/regional/supranational law at national level by East African partner states. By practice regional integration initiatives results into laws that bind partner states and individuals as well. It is these laws that regulate the relationship between the states, institutions and individuals in the regional block so created. In this regard legal issues do arise in the implementations of these laws. This paper will make a discussion on these issues, namely; the principles of sovereignty, supranationality and international legal personality, which must be outlined in the constitutive instruments of any regional community. These principles create the environment for proper implementation and application of community law in national courts if they are very well articulated in the community’s constitutive instrument. It is these principles that gives validity to community law, and makes the law supreme, autonomous directly applicable and effective in national court of partner states.

Regionalismo e Integração Regional na América do Sul: uma discussão sobre as dificuldades e divergências ideológicas (2000-2016).

This paper analyzes the regional integration process in South America and discusses the main difficulties and obstacles until 2016. During the 2000s, with the so-called Pink Tide, there was the rise of several left-wing and center-left governments in the region, which were dedicated to formalizing regional integration initiatives to project South America as a center of power on the international scene. However, these initiatives were not homogeneous in their ideological aspects, generating some contrasts between them. Also, with the decline of the left-wing and center-left governments in the region between 2011 and 2016, the initiatives gradually weakened, causing a setback to regional integration in the subcontinent.

Regional integration and the regional risk paradox

How does regional economic integration affect the risk exposure of multinational enterprises (MNEs)? Investigating firm regionalization patterns, I uncover evidence of the regional risk paradox: as MNEs regionalize to exploit the lower risk environment offered by regional economic integration initiatives, they ultimately increase their regional risk exposure by deepening their commitment and embeddedness in regional business networks. Informed by the Theory of the Regional Multinationals and by theories of regional integration, I employ a social network lens to investigate the evolving structure of business relationships in regions governed by different regional integration frameworks. I then explore the implications of these evolving relationship network structures on the transformation of regional business risk. I find that moderately integrated regions lower transaction costs to moderately low levels, thus encouraging moderate MNE regionalization. This leads to moderate MNE embeddedness in loosely coupled regional business networks and a moderate increase in regional risk. By contrast, deeply integrated regions lower regional administrative distance to very low levels and encourage intense MNE regionalization. This leads to deep MNE embeddedness in tightly coupled regional business networks and a significant increase in regional risk.

Regional energy security goes South: Examining energy integration in South America

This article proposes to promote a regional approach to achieving energy security in South America. To this end, it first discusses the concept of energy security, concluding that it is a concept slippery, hard to define universally, because it is polysemic, multi-dimensional and context-dependent. Analyzing the South American case, initially focusing only on the Mercosur countries, we identify that there are different regional integration initiatives, such as the case of Itaipu Dam and GASBOL Pipeline, however the experiences are exclusively based on binational initiatives. Through an energy modeling called Open Source energy Modelling System using a new framework named South America Model Base (OSeMOSYS SAMBA), four scenarios are created with different levels of energy integration in the region. It is concluded that more integrated scenarios lead to a reduction in the need to increase installed capacity, as well as lower geographic and socio-environmental impacts, due to resource optimization and greenhouse gas (GHG) mitigation.

Brazil’s foreign policy and the eternal quest for Latin American integration

Brazil has historically been regarded as the natural leader of Latin America, given its level of development, the size of its economy, its military might and its ambitious foreign policy. This image was cemented during the presidencies of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, who supported Latin American integration (particularly via the creation of such blocs as UNASUR and CELAC) and diminishing Washington’s historical influence in the Western Hemisphere. However, the situation has dramatically changed with the rise to power of President Jair Bolsonaro, a staunch supporter of the US in general (and President Donald Trump in particular), which has affected Brazil’s role in the region. Based upon the analysis of specific domestic and foreign policy components, the author draws conclusions on how Brazil’s prospects as a participant (or even the key motivator) in the transformation processes in the region have changed. Brazil is no longer perceived as the axis of attempts at regional integration, but rather “just another separate state” taking care of its own interests. Brazil’s economic crisis and Bolsonaro’s strategy (or the lack thereof) regarding the COVID-19 pandemic have negatively affected Brazil’s image even further. Then again, as this analysis seeks to demonstrate, Latin America has a mixed record when it comes to integration attempts, as regional governments are zealous guardians of national sovereignty. Hence, while there have been some successful regional thrivings towards promoting cooperation, the rise of some supranationalist organization similar to the European Union – is a dream. This is not necessarily a bad thing, as Latin American (and Caribbean) blocs do not need supranationalism to be effective, but it shows the limits of regional integration initiatives.

A Policy Approach towards Achieving Regional Economic Resilience in Developing Countries: Evidence from the SADC

External economic shocks such as the global financial crisis (GFC) affect regional economic growth in developing regions through impacting export demand and capital inflows. Resilience to these economic shocks—i.e., the ability to recover from the initial impact and prolonged effects of said shocks—is influenced by the inherent vulnerability of regional economies to their impact. The research objective is to investigate regional economic resilience policy in the context of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the wider perspective of trading blocs among developing countries. Central hereto is undertaking an equilibrium and econometric analysis to identify endogenous and exogenous factors of the regional economy that influence economic resilience. Analysis findings indicate that economic openness, export market dynamics and sectoral composition may influence economic resilience. SADC vulnerability may be attributed to the dependence on foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows and exports to higher-income markets, relatively low import tariffs and the comparative importance of tertiary activities to output. A balanced regional policy approach is required: one focused on industrialization, while incorporating elements to support economic resilience. The latter includes increased intra-regional trade anchored in the development of regional supply and value chains which support primary sector activities, and capacitated supranational institutions to oversee regional integration initiatives.

Sea Dispute in Chilean-Bolivian relations: origins, evolution and prospects for settlement

The article discusses the evolution and current state of the territorial dispute between Bolivia and Chile, as well as the prospects for its settlement, taking into account possible options that would satisfy both sides. Appeared in the mid of the XIX century, the conflict remains relevant at present, hindering the development of bilateral relations. An important feature of this dispute is not only its long history and the multiplicity of periods of escalation and de-escalation, but also the involvement of other actors, as well as the engagement of various institutions to resolve it. The consequences of the loss of coastal territory for the development of Bolivia are examined in details. As a result of consideration of the practices of the settlement of territorial disputes accumulated in international history, renting out part of the territory and establishing a joint management regime were substantiated as the most suitable. The conflict between Bolivia and Chile poses no threat to the regional security, since the conflict is unlikely to escalate to war. But at the same time, the actualization of this dispute at the beginning of the XXI century signifies the erosion of bilateral trust between the two large states, which, in turn, can further affect the intensity of bilateral cooperation and regional integration initiatives.

Russia between east and west, and the future of Eurasian order

This article introduces the special issue by going beyond the traditional debates about geopolitics and great power rivalry. Instead, it examines the emergent and highly complex world of Central Eurasia, in its transformative effort to reorder itself in response to both global and local change. In particular, the paper (and the volume) focuses on two interrelated themes: one of a changing Russia, that is anxiously trying to adapt to the uncertain dynamics within and beyond the wider Eurasian space; and the other—of an emerging complexity of new order-making regional (integration) initiatives that are poised to reshape the future of international and global order. The overarching intention of this paper and the volume is to advance the need to focus on ‘the local’, to gain a more holistic understanding of the present-day challenges and the kind of global response needed to stay attuned to the increasingly complex world.

Regionalism in the Pacific Rim. The linkages between Latin America and Asia-Pacific (2000–2020)

One of the trends in the construction of the international system in the early 21st century has been the complexity of the regionalism and regionalisation processes in the world. In the case of the Pacific Rim, this set of interactions between governments and civil society organisations (CSO) in Latin America and Asia-Pacific highlights the slowly but surely political-economic dynamism among a representative group of social actors which have promoted these regional cooperation and integration initiatives. The research proposes that the linkages among specific zones on both sides of the Pacific Ocean during the 2000s and the 2010s, has favoured the social construction of an incipient, interconnected and integrated region based on mutual principles of dialogue, consensus, and co-operation. In this sense, the existence of regionalism and regionalisation processes shows the importance of top-down and bottom-up approaches to achieve these goals. And it considers the feasibility in the formation of regional community-building initiatives via inter-regionalism and trans-regionalism in the Pacific Rim.