Regional Foreign Policy Research Articles

Directions and Characteristics of Turkey's Regional Foreign Policy

Directions and Characteristics of Turkey's Regional Foreign Policy

Contemporary Dimensions of Serbia’s Regional Foreign Policy

The article gives an insight into the general course of action of the Serbian state aimed at the diversification of hydrocarbon sources with an emphasis on the supply of crude oil. Furthermore, a case with primary goal related to the increase of energy system stability is presented in the light of its secondary psycho-informational influence. Interactions with the Russian leadership are analysed, mainly along the lines of the Serbian position regarding the territorial integrity of Ukraine and the possible accession to the sanction’s regime against the Russian Federation. The methodology of the study is based on a structuralist approach consisting of synchronic interpretation of separate phenomena directed towards the derivation of gross constituent units of relations. The results extrapolate that the practical steps aimed at guaranteeing the energy security of the country show lack of interest to move away from Russian supply of natural gas and crude oil which is in turn intrinsically related to the future general geopolitical stance of official Belgrade. Active diplomacy in the region is concentrated along the Vienna-Budapest axis. The significance of the results arises from the fact that the represented gross constituent units of relations expose a firm course that is diverging from the EU CFSP

PRAGMATISM IN IRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY AND RELATIONS WITH ARMENIA

The South Caucasus region has been one of the key directions of Iran’s foreign policy since 1991. Iran is closely interested in the processes that take place in the region, as it has historical ties, neighborly relations and common security interests. In the first years after the countries of the region regained their independence, analysts predicted that Iran would be able to establish closer ties with Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus. Such predictions were based on the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran is a Muslim state and prefers an ideological approach to foreign policy. However, it soon became clear that Iran’s foreign policy is undergoing a transformation. There are elements of the transition from idealism to pragmatism in the country’s foreign policy. Contrary to expectations, Iran’s relations with Christian Armenia began to develop better than with Muslim Azerbaijan. The article examines the place of pragmatism in the foreign policy of Iran in the context of relations with Armenia. At the same time, it analyzes the effectiveness of the idealist approach in the foreign policy of Armenia, as a secular state. The article suggests that, although the conceptual foundations of Iran’s foreign policy are defined by the principles of idealism, they are pragmatic in their relations with Armenia. If we look at the Iran’s policy on the Caucasus since the 1990s, we can conclude that this policy was largely realistic and pragmatic, rather than ideological. In fact, the years when the Caucasus states, including Armenia, regained their independence coincided with Iran’s withdrawal from an ideological approach to foreign policy. At that time, Iran’s new regional foreign policy was based solely on national interests due to the ongoing geopolitical processes, and the expansion of the revolution was no longer a priority.

The “Proxy Wars” Strategy in Iranian Regional Foreign Policy

ABSTRACT The Islamic Republic of Iran’s efforts to export its revolution in the Middle East is quite old news. The largest regional conventional war in recent history was the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), which not only sharpened the historical enmities and hostilities between Arab-Sunnis and Persian-Shiʿi but also revealed Iran’s new foreign policy activism among the other Shiʿi communities in the Middle East – but not only them. This article argues that, after having failed to establish a pro-Iranian government in Iraq, Iran’s regional foreign policy, especially in the matters of managing its proxies and allies in its efforts to build a functional territorial corridor between Iran and Lebanon via Iraq and Syria, views the Syrian geographical region as the last important fortress it needs to complete this strategy. Even though Iran’s economic problems are acute because of decades of sanctions and isolation, Iran still invests billions of dollars in order to safeguard this bastion. The central argument of this work is that the tactical success that the proxies are presently providing for Iran and Syria has been limited to the very specific goal of preserving the Syrian regime since this is what has been enabling Iran to expand its regional stronghold. In terms of this being an effective long-term strategy, however, and despite Iran’s insistence that a proxy war is necessary, such a war benefits its rivals as well. This is because the strategy leads to Iran isolating itself even more in the region and to a loss of its territories of influence.

The Counter-Revolution's Patron: Rafael Trujillo versus Venezuela's Acción Democrática Governments, 1945–8

AbstractThis article uncovers the myriad ways Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo destabilised Venezuelan politics between 1945 and 1948, the period known as the Trienio Adeco. In contrast to works focused on Trujillo's personal animosity towards Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt, this article argues that Trujillo sought to sabotage Venezuela's governments under Acción Democrática as part of his regional foreign policy targeting bastions of Dominican exiles, anti-Trujillo critics and democratic institutions. Trujillo financed an informal network of Venezuelan conspirators who produced propaganda and launched plots undermining the Adeco governments. With the 1948 military coup, Trujillo derailed democracy and gained a reliable ally in Latin America as those he had long backed entered influential posts and remained beholden to their former benefactor.

PARADIPLOMACY OF KUNINGAN REGENCY GOVERNMENT TOWARDS GLOBAL PUBLIC IN THE TOUR DE LINGGARJATI (2017-2019)

The opportunities of globalization and the massive development of the information and communication technology sector, the limitations of the state in providing optimal welfare, and the desire of sub-state actors to optimize their resources have become the impetus for sub-state actors to carry out foreign relations as an effort to fulfill sub-national interests. One of the sub-state actors in Indonesia is Kuningan Regency. To obtain foreign sources and attract global attention, Kuningan Regency carried out its regional foreign policy by organizing the Tour de Linggarjati. This study aims to determine the application of the Kuningan Regency Government in using Tour de Linggarjati activities as an instrument for diplomacy to the global public. This study used the qualitative method, the data collected through interviews with several relevant sources and documentation studies. This study found that the Kuningan Regency Government made the Tour de Linggarjati activity to introduce its region to the global public. This activity has also benefited the community in Kuningan Regency. Therefore, explore the tourism industry in Kuningan Regency can be done in a series of Tour de Linggarjati activities.

APPLICATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF MODERN APPROACHES AND VIEWS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN

Introduction. The article discusses the essence and main new trends of the regional foreign policy of Uzbekistan in modern conditions. New trends in regional cooperation in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan revealed from the second half of 2016. Based on the analysis of the works of Uzbek political scientists, researchers, as well as specialists, the continuity of forms, methods, and mechanisms for ensuring stability in the Central Asian region is analyzed. The President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev in his Address to the Oliy Majlis on December 29, 2020, noted that in the face of today's complex geopolitical processes, the coronavirus pandemic and the global economic crisis, Uzbekistan is actively pursuing an open and pragmatic foreign policy. He noted that as a result of our efforts, the prestige of the country is growing, and priorities for the implementation of foreign policy for 2021 have been outlined. Research methods. The article uses systematization, comparative, problem-chronological scientific research. Results and discussions.

Review: The World Community and the Arab Spring, edited by Cenap Kakmak and Ali Onur Ozcelik

Review: The World Community and the Arab Spring, edited by Cenap Kakmak and Ali Onur Ozcelik

France as a Middle Power in the Shadow of Great Powers After the Pandemic

This study examines France’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific region to explore how a European middle power tries to maintain its status in the emerging focal point of global politics. Based on the concept of middle global power, the paper explores the limits of France’s autonomous regional foreign policy. The paper argues that the best strategic option for France is to seek cooperation with other regional partners, notably Australia, beside the two superpowers, China and the United States. However, the dramatically increased tensions between the United States and China since the second part of the Trump administration have resulted in important changes in the Indo-Pacific region, such as the strengthening of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which makes it increasingly difficult for France to maintain its independence as a regional great power image. This changing reality for France is illustrated through a case study of the AUKUS Treaty.

Consensus and Cooperation Philosophy in Central Asia

The regional foreign policy pursued by Uzbekistan in recent years is multifaceted. Its main goal is - “geopolitics of consensus” based on cooperation, good-neighborliness and strategic partnership. This article is based on the fact that the consensus geopolitics of Uzbekistan is a factor that has a positive effect not only on the development of Uzbekistan, but also on the whole of Central Asia.

Sectarian terrorism in Pakistan: Causes, impact and remedies

Although terrorism has been widely studied for its impact and potential determinants in Pakistan, the answer to the policy question regarding the role of external factors in influencing specifically the sectarian terrorism is not empirically well researched. The study, particularly, analyses the role of Pakistan’s regional foreign policy towards neighbouring India, Afghan wars, and the relations with bi-polar fundamental Muslim Block, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Iran, on sectarian (religious) terrorist incidents for the period 1973–2017. The findings suggest that economic cooperation with India which drive peace-making relations increases the sectarian terrorism. Both the bilateral loans disbursed by the KSA and trade relations with Iran, significantly increase the chances of sectarian terrorism in Pakistan by activating extremist (proxy) groups. However, the Afghan Wars that call for Pak-US strategic partnership helps Pakistan to control the religious terrorism.

ИНСТИТУТЫ МЕЖДУНАРОДНОГО СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВА ЯПОНИИ И ИНДИИ: ТЕКУЩИЕ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКИ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ РАЗВИТИЯ

The intensification in Japanese-Indian cooperation has been seen for the last few years. If earlier the parties declared more interest in expanding bilateral contacts, but did not take serious practical steps to achieve that, now the list of cooperation areas grows and such a trend is likely to continue in the long term. For Japan, relations with India, which is one of the largest markets for Japanese cars, high-tech products and equipment, are mainly economic in nature, but one should not discount the efforts of the Land of the Rising Sun aimed at curbing Chinese trade and economic expansion in South Asia. On the other hand in partnership with Japan, India sees opportunities for attracting the advanced industrial and energy technologies, as well as diversifying its foreign policy in order to strengthen its leading position in the South Asian region. Studying the international cooperation institutions of the two countries has an obvious relevance, particularly given the increasing role of India as one of the world’s major economies, and will allow to identify the key trends in the development of that cooperation on the basis of which it will be possible to make predictions on the future structure of regional foreign policy cooperation.

Djibouti’s Foreign Policy Change from Survival Strategy to an Important Regional-Power Player: Implications for Ethio-Djibouti Relations

This paper examines Djibouti’s emerging active regional foreign policy in the post-Gouled era. The study has multi-pronged strategy: First, it outlines the underlying factors for Djibouti’s emerging as an important player of regional-power politics, while at the same time questioning its viability against the backdrop of its domestic political and economic situation; second, it explores the potential implications of Djibouti’s emerging active regional foreign policy for Ethio-Djiboutian relations; finally, it suggests a viable foreign policy Djibouti needs to pursue towards its neighbouring states of the Horn of Africa, a region of security complex. The paper is important for students interested in the history and contemporary African politics in general and the Horn of Africa in particular. It can also serve as additional source of information for policy decision-makers of Ethiopia and Djibouti.

The regional environment and Iraqi foreign policy after 2003 (Turkey and Iran as a model)

In the midst of Iraq's relations with the regional environment, especially after the changes in the external environment of the study area, especially after 2003, challenges have been resulted directed to the work and formulation of foreign policy of Iraq based on the long legacy of the differences and problems accumulated through history between Iraq and neighboring countries, especially Turkey and Iran. As well as the internal constraints that made the process of political decision-making outside Iraq complex and unbalanced by the treatment of some parties and political forces within the government with those States and defend their interests arriving at the state of regional competition between these systems under various pretexts and objectives, some are due to political and economic causes and others to ethnographic causes. Iraq may have been and continues to be the most affected by these policies and as a result of these interventions, Iraqi foreign policy is unstable and not independent and flounder without a clear and unified vision and unable to achieve the aspirations and objectives of the state.

Indonesia's Regional Foreign Policy After the 2019 Election

Indonesia's Regional Foreign Policy After the 2019 Election

Japan’s Proactive Pacifism: Investing in Multilateralization and Omnidirectional Hedging

Since 2012, Japan’s foreign policy under Prime Minister (PM) Abe has been characterized as assertive, welcome or provocative. By employing the fear of abandonment/entrapment theory as the analytical framework, this article finds that Japan’s regional foreign policy under Abe is characterized by consolidation and investment in broad-based multilateralism, proactive engagement with partners in the region, including China, and strategic hedging. Findings suggest that the current foreign policy under the rubric of ‘proactive pacifism’ will continue to expand as Japan endeavours to consolidate and invest in multilateralism and rule-based norms through regional trade agreements, and by playing a proactive role in international organizations and regional security operations that abide by Japan’s constitutional limitations.

The Perpetuation of Regime Security in Gulf Cooperation Council States: A Multi‐Lens Approach

AbstractGulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have been engaging in diversification efforts, yet the types of efforts suggest that the primary interest is regime security. Regional foreign policy is complex; hence we propose a multi‐lens approach to analyze overlapping and complementary political, economic, and social forces. The international political economy of hydrocarbons demonstrates the similarities among GCC states, regional dynamics illustrate interstate relations and similar patterns, while economic diversification suggests individual state trajectories and comparative and competitive patterns. By outlining the contemporary context for GCC states, we argue that low oil prices, regional dependence on hydrocarbons, and trends in economic diversification efforts signal GCC states' preference to reinforce their rentier systems with alternative state revenue streams. GCC states' diversification into new markets and sectors and use of state‐owned enterprises in microcompetitions indicate a new search for alternative revenue streams and prestige, which in turn are used to assure the perpetuation of regime security. This finding sets trajectories and implications for the region, specifically economic stagnation and supplementary diversification processes.

South Korea’s middle power diplomacy: A case of growing compatibility between regional and global roles

South Korea has emerged as a new middle power that plays a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supports liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. Even though regional challenges will continue to demand large foreign policy resources including time, human resources, and budget, the middle power orientation of South Korean foreign policy behaviour and strategy—for example, multilateralism, the rule of law, and promotion of cooperation and compromise—will remain in place even in the conduct of regional foreign policy. This optimism is based on the fact that South Korea is a middle power not only in global governance but also in the East Asian region. Even on the issue of North Korea’s nuclear weapons, the most important foreign policy challenge of the day, the South has accepted the regionalization of the issue and, over time, its middle power role. It has relied on the middle power strategy of mobilizing international pressure on the North rather than deploying and strengthening its unilateral options such as the use of force or massive economic aid. In order to fully realize the promise and potential of middle power diplomacy, however, South Korea must make strong efforts to alleviate structural constraints on a middle power strategy. First, Korean leaders should undertake a full-scale campaign to de-nationalize Korean education and, thus, Korean foreign policy orientations. Second, a strong domestic consensus should emerge giving the national interest precedence over group interests when dealing with foreign policy challenges. Finally, political leaders and diplomats must create new opportunities in global governance and deliver tangible national benefits through middle power diplomacy. Middle power diplomacy, like all foreign policy strategies, will not be sustainable without strong domestic support; and domestic support cannot be built on goodwill and commitment to universal values alone.

Regional Security Arrangements and Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran Case Study: Shanghai Cooperation Organization

In international system scene, interests and strategies for ensuring these interests are among key strategies of powerful countries. Therefore, super powers, organize security in different geographical areas through competition in order to challenge competitors and threaten them. Shanghai cooperation organization (SCO), as the most important security measure, has been developed by influence of competitive atmosphere in international system by help of Russian, China and some other important regional allies in response to transatlantic actions. As a result, this security measure could control peripheral threats in the region. In this regard, Islamic Republic of Iran, has considered emergence of this regional security measure as a serious threat for its national and regional interests and has acted to suppress them in the framework of its defense diplomacy. Considering this, authors try to answer this question that how Shanghai cooperation organization as security measure can influence the foreign policy behavior of Islamic Republic of Iran? By studying and analyzing how and why Shanghai cooperation organization (SOC) around Islamic Republic of Iran and determining foreign policy of super powers in establishing this organization, its effect on the foreign policy behavior of Islamic Republic of Iran is considered.

Turkey as an ‘Emerging Donor’ and the Arab Uprisings

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, which came to power in 2002, has increasingly been using aid as an instrument of foreign policy, including in the Arab world. This increased with the Arab uprisings and has peaked with the ongoing civil war in Syria, reaching $2 billion in 2012. Despite substantial changes in the amount and geographical coverage of aid after the ‘Arab Spring’, there are also substantive continuities in Turkey's aid policy. The AKP has been focused on security and stability, and on consolidating power among new regimes. The direction of aid has thus followed that of regional foreign policy, and the government's interests have been given an ideational framing through notions of historical and cultural affinity and responsibility.