Referendum For Independence Research Articles

Political referenda and investment: Evidence from Scotland

We present evidence that referenda have a significant, detrimental outcome on investment. Employing an unsupervised machine learning algorithm over the period 2008-2017, we construct three important uncertainty indices underlying reports in the Scottish news media: Scottish independence (IndyRef)-related uncertainty; Brexit-related uncertainty; and Scottish policy-related uncertainty. Examining the relationship of these indices with investment on a longitudinal panel of 3,589 Scottish firms, the evidence suggests that Brexit-related uncertainty associates more strongly than IndyRef-related uncertainty to investment. Our preferred specification suggests that a one standard-deviation increase in Brexit uncertainty foreshadows a reduction in investment by 8% on average in the following year. Besides we find that the uncertainty associated with the Scottish referendum for independence while negligible at the aggregate level, relates more strongly with the investment of listed firms as well as those operating on the border with England. In addition, we present evidence of greater sensitivity to these indices among firms that are financially constrained or whose investment is to a greater degree irreversible.

The Treatment of the 2014 Referendum for Scottish Independence in the Media in Quebec: From Analytical Comparison to Political Recuperation

Basé sur un corpus journalistique, cet article analyse le regard que porte la presse québécoise sur le référendum qui a eu lieu sur l’indépendance de l’Écosse en septembre 2014. Il révèle le processus de comparaison, qui s’accompagne d’un phénomène de réappropriation et met en évidence une sorte de cause commune qui unit le mouvement souverainiste québécois et son homologue écossais, le référendum marquant le point culminant dans cette affinité.

Unsettling ‘we’re all mixed-race’: Métis.se/colonial futurity, settler colonialism and the countering of Kanak sovereignty

This article aims to uncover the colonial character of the statement ‘on est tous métis’ (‘we’re all mixed-race’) in Kanaky/New Caledonia, a racially and politically polarized space where there is an ongoing struggle for independence led by Indigenous Kanak people. It uses data gathered in semi-structured interviews with self-identified ‘mixed-raced’ people during a six-month stay in Kanaky/New Caledonia before and after the November 2018 referendum for independence. It also uses ethnographic material and, more specifically, encounters with the figure of the ‘mixed-race’ person in political debates, campaigns as well as art and media that signal an investment in the idea that, in Kanaky/New Caledonia, ‘we are all mixed-race’. The article exposes the political discourse of multiracialism as exclusionary and as a mechanism of Indigenous disappearance in the settler colonial context. It also sheds light on the way in which settler anxiety feeds the multiracial discourse. In challenging and deconstructing the orientations towards a multiracial or métis.se future, that individuals and institutions imagine, wish or advocate for, the article aims to call for a desolidarization from modes of thinking and being that support the French colonial project, even when it masks itself as inclusive.

Discourses about independence: A corpus-based analysis of discourse prosodies in Spanish and Catalan newspapers

The present study is a corpus-assisted analysis of discourses on the Catalan movement of independence in the Catalan and Spanish press. A referendum for Catalan independence was held on 1 October 2017 but was not approved by the central Spanish government and was declared illegal. Spanish and Catalan newspapers differed considerably in their treatment and representation of the conflict, which also drew the attention of the international press to Catalonia. My analysis interconnects theoretical perspectives from linguistic critical discourse studies, cognitive linguistics, and media studies. The methodology is based on the analysis of two comparable corpora of journalistic texts (in Catalan, Spanish). My aim is to identify and compare different features of the semantic prosody of words describing the event of geopolitical separation and the different narratives on this sociopolitical conflict that these prosodies contribute to producing. More specifically, I focus on a selection of keywords, like independence, secession, and sovereignty, that seem to be indicative of different discursive strategies consciously, and possibly unconsciously, chosen by a selection of national Catalan and Spanish newspapers. By carrying out a contrastive analysis of the two corpora, I am able to describe certain similarities, like the similar frequent use of the word independence, and differences, like the more frequent use of the word secession in the Spanish corpus, that indicate different framings of the same event and can be related to different ideological positionings against or in favor of Catalonia’s independence from Spain.

The Nation´S Referendum for Independence (The South of Sudan´S Instance- Catalonia´S Instance)

The experiences of South Sudan and Catalonia are very important experience around the world of self-search and translation of the gap between two different people who are unable to adapt and communicate in living together within the boundaries of a particular political community, where people translate their rights to self-determination through the referendum process, which is considered one of the finest means of expression. on the general will. Regardless of the success of the first experiment in Southern Sudan and the failure of the second, but this phenomenon cannot be assessed with success or failure as much as it can be viewed according to the course of these experiences and all the circumstances surrounding them. The lesson is to show that the general intention and will crowned by the political behavior of the majority of citizens living in that geographical area as evidence of a real problem with inability to integrate and shattered feelings of citizenship. So, the two experiences give us lessons that the true will of the peoples may be latent and unable to appear to the public because the political system rejects the idea altogether, while there are experiences that appear to the public and find light, but it is very likely that they clash with political forces that impose their coercion and prevent them from implementing this will stemming from someone the basic pillars of peoples' rights to self-determination under various arguments, including unity (artificial) or unified force, social-political (formal) integration, and others .. That is why the prevailing saying remains that the will of the people takes precedence over all other will as it is the source of authority and the basis for obedience to it

The 2017 independence referendum and the political economy of Kurdish nationalism in Iraq

In September 2017, the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq held a referendum for independence despite the high likelihood of heavy retaliation. In contrast to the narrative that presents that decision as the result of gross miscalculation, this article offers an alternative explanation highlighting the role played by Kurdish nationalism in upholding the structures of power of the region. The current class structure, institutional framework and rentier economy of Iraqi Kurdistan had their origins in the 1990s when Kurdish forces gained permanent control of the region. The new ruling class that developed in that decade had a profoundly extractive character and based its power on a strategy of appropriation of the public resources pursued through the control of the political institutions and security forces. The 2017 independence referendum must be understood as an attempt to thwart the threat to this social arrangement represented by a wave of popular protests. These events reveal the profound connection between Kurdish nationalism and the region’s class structure. They also allow us to appreciate the – often neglected – political agency of the subaltern classes in a rentier society.

The Plight of a Nation without a State: An Analysis of the Struggle of Kurds for an Independent State

Struggle of the Kurds for an independent state can be considered to be one of the most challenging and most underestimated issue in the political analysis of Middle East. Kurd is the fourth largest ethnic group in this region with an estimated populace of 35 to 40 million who are dissipated among four states Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran separately. This study intends to examine the origin of Kurds, their political struggle, the factors that compelled Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq to conduct referendum for Independence and reaction of all the four countries who share Kurdish population. By adopting exploratory and explanatory approaches and utilizing primary as well secondary data, it has been found that Kurdish struggle and its outcome have been influenced by multiple complex factors which led their conflict to an unresolved state. Our analysis concluded that the states need to realize that suppression of ethnic identities and voices of Kurds might appear to be solution for short time, but not in the long run for promoting peace and regional stability in the Middle-East.

Reloading the Minority Nations after 1945: Some Transnational Suggestions

The articles contained in this issue constitute a selection of the papers presented at the Reloading the Nation? Alternative concepts of sovereignty and citizenship in national movements (1960-2014) workshop, which was held in Brussels by NISE and the Centre Maurits Coppieters on 3-4 December 2015. Five years later, the reflections contained in these contributions do not appear to be outdated. Events since then, in particular the evolution of the Catalan secessionist challenge and the new impulse that Brexit seems to give to the possibility of holding a second referendum for independence in Scotland, continue to stress the utmost relevance of sub-state nationalism in present-day European politics.

Political Referenda and Investment: Evidence From Scotland

We present evidence that referenda have a significant, detrimental outcome on investment. Employing an unsupervised machine learning algorithm over the period 2008-2017, we construct three important uncertainty indices underlying reports in the Scottish news media: Scottish independence (IndyRef)-related uncertainty; Brexit-related uncertainty; and Scottish policy-related uncertainty. Examining the relationship of these indices with investment on a longitudinal panel of 3,589 Scottish firms, the evidence suggests that Brexit-related uncertainty associates more strongly than IndyRef -related uncertainty to investment. Our preferred specification suggests that a one standard-deviation increase in Brexit uncertainty foreshadows a reduction in investment by 8% on average in the following year. Besides we find that the uncertainty associated with the Scottish referendum for independence while negligible at the aggregate level, relates more strongly with the investment of listed firms as well as those operating on the border with England. In addition, we present evidence of greater sensitivity to these indices among firms that are financially constrained or whose investment is to a greater degree irreversible. JEL Classification: C80, D80, E22, E66, G18, G31

Political Referenda and Investment: Evidence from Scotland

We present evidence that referenda have a significant, detrimental outcome on investment. Employing an unsupervised machine learning algorithm over the period 2008-2017, we construct three important uncertainty indices underlying reports in the Scottish news media: Scottish independence (IndyRef)-related uncertainty; Brexit-related uncertainty; and Scottish policy-related uncertainty. Examining the relationship of these indices with investment on a longitudinal panel of 3,589 Scottish firms, the evidence suggests that Brexit-related uncertainty associates more strongly than IndyRef -related uncertainty to investment. Our preferred specification suggests that a one standard-deviation increase in Brexit uncertainty foreshadows a reduction in investment by 8% on average in the following year. Besides we find that the uncertainty associated with the Scottish referendum for independence while negligible at the aggregate level, relates more strongly with the investment of listed firms as well as those operating on the border with England. In addition, we present evidence of greater sensitivity to these indices among firms that are financially constrained or whose investment is to a greater degree irreversible.

Referendums as a political party gamble: A critical analysis of the Kurdish referendum for independence

This article brings the case of the Kurdish referendum for independence into the wider literature on independence referendums. It examines the decision to hold an independence referendum and explores the pre-referendum conditions and the post-referendum consequences. The article argues that the referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq was held due to internal political competition and party politics rather than the ripeness of the timing for independence. Theoretically, this article adds a new dimension to the scholarship on independence referendums, as it demonstrates that the purposes of independence referendums can go beyond the question put to the population – such as consolidating popular support by connecting to the population’s nationalist desires, despite independence not being a realistic prospect. Finally, it brings further support for previous findings of the importance of international support for independence referendums.

The development of Kurdistan’s de facto statehood: Kurdistan’s September 2017 referendum for independence

This research aims to analyse the drivers which informed the decision and timing of Kurdistan’s independence referendum on 25 September 2017. Here we argue that any proper examination of these drivers must begin by investigating the relationship between the fight to counter the Islamic State begun in 2014, the disputes arising as a result of Kurdistan’s presidential election issue in 2015 and the internal political rivalry exacerbated by the question of whether to hold a referendum. The findings of this article highlight the centrality of de facto entities’ internal governance in their struggle towards statehood. The fight against IS served as a primary driver in influencing the timing and the approach of the September 2017 referendum. While the 2015 political deadlock resulting in the illegal extension of Barzani’s presidency was not a determining factor leading to the referendum, nonetheless it quickened the process and influenced the timing.

The Referendum for Catalan Independence and its Aftermath: A Personal Account

The Referendum for Catalan Independence and its Aftermath: A Personal Account

Strategies to Gain International Recognition: Iraqi Kurdistan's September 2017 Referendum for Independence

Despite the growing interest in the study of de facto states, our understanding of the conditions under which these entities construct and change strategies to gain international recognition remains partial. The aim of this article is to answer the following questions: firstly, what strategies did the Kurdistan Region of Iraq adopt in its pursuit of international recognition? And secondly, what internal and external dynamics are responsible for changing these recognition strategies? To do so, we analyse 68 speeches, interviews and statements from former KRI President Masoud Barzani, from the public announcement of an independence referendum on 7 June 2017 to the holding of the referendum on 25 September 2017, looking into his arguments for independence and how internal and external dynamics have shaped the KRI's recognition strategies. Drawing on the case of the KRI, the article tries to provide insights into how de facto states construct their arguments for statehood.

Saving and Cash Withdrawal Application

Since the fall of the Ba'ath Regime in 2003, the type of authority and the form of the Iraqi Government has undergone drastic changes, including power-sharing government and rule among the diverse components; a deferral system based on consensus and accord among the different political powers and blocs in Iraq as the basis for re-structuring and re-establishing a new Iraq for the sake of a fair and equal power andrevenue sharing. All these have been stipulated in the Iraqi Federal Constitution with the support of the United States of America. Contrary to most Shi'te and Sunni blocs who do not believe in democracy and federalism because they see theseas a threat to the unity of Iraq simply as 'a central Arab State', Kurds from the beginning have supported establishing a democratic rule as well as a federal system. Although the Constitution has won a majority vote during a historic Referendum back in 2005, when representative of all parliamentary and government factions in Iraq participated, the real decision-makers from both the Legislative and Executive authorities from the main Shi'te Arabs violated the principles of agreement to adopt the principles of majority rule to resolves the issues, especially in issues that are directly related to the Kurdistan Region; its land and the detached (disputed) territories. Consequently, instead of establishing a parliamentary democratic system, they adopted a central theocratic (Shi'te Islamic) rule in Baghdad, as a simple State. In spite of all these unresolved issues and major hindrances on the way to democratizing and federalizing Iraq, the new Iraqi State has not yet achieved its own sovereignty as such; the huge impact of the US policy on ruling Iraq is a clear indication of all the changes and developments. Ever since the downfall of the tyrannical Ba'ath Regime, the Iraqi Government has in many different ways opposed the rights of the Kurdistani people both in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KR-I) and in the Kurdistani territories outside the KR-I; especially following the Referendum for Kurdistan Independence on 25 September, 2017, when the Iraqi Government entirely relinquished its sovereignty by siding with the Iranian and Turkish intelligence and military forces against the Kurds. The outcome was that both the processes of democratizing and federalizing Iraq were made to fail. Right after defeating ISIS with the help of Kurdish Peshmerga Forces and the International Coalition Forces, under the pretext of holding a Referendum for Kurdistan Independence in both Kurdistan Region and in the Detached Areas, the Iraqi central Government changed its war front to fight against Kirkuk Province and the other detached Areas which have long been protected and fought for by the Peshmerga Forces with countless sacrifices. Hence, fifteen years after the fall of the Ba'ath Regime, the Iraqi Government has now reached such a crossroad and is now suffering from such serious problems and deadlocks that the fate of the Iraqi State and coexistence among its diverse components in future is vague and unpredicted.

Iraqi Kurdistan Referendum and its Implications

The Kurds in Iraq have won the international community’s trust as they have been part of the solution to the issues facing the region. Dissatisfied with Baghdad and overconfident that the regional countries will not backlash due to the referendum, the KRG proceeded with the referendum for independence in the Kurdistan region including the disputed areas. The KRG decision-makers were vigilant enough to avoid playing the nationalist card and make the case exclusively as a domestic affair. Neither neighboring countries, in which many Kurds are residents, nor the international community supported the referendum. In this article, I would like to bring certain aspects of the Kurdistan Independence Referendum into a better light of appreciation. It will be argued that it is not about the process rather the structure of the international regime of recognition. The international community has opted for the already dysfunctional Iraq.

الإستفتاء لاستقلال كوردستان من منظور الشَّريعة الإسلاميَّة والقانون الدّولي

Abstract: The people's referendum for independence is a legitimate and legal right. There is no doubt that the Kurdish people in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have the same right, but it was denied. The research strives to show the concept of the referendum and the date of its emergence and to show its standards and divisions. The study then clerified the legality of the referendum on the independence of Kurdistan from the perspective of Islamic law and international law. It explained that Islam did not stand in front of the freedom of peoples. The referendum is legitimate and supported by international law. At the conclusion of the research, the main results were highlighted, and the most prominent recommendations were made.

2017 Iraqi Kurdistan’s Referendum for Independence: Causes and Impacts

On 20 November 2017, Iraqi Supreme Court has declared illegal the Iraqi Kurdistan referendum. This seems to put an end to the disagreement between Baghdad and Erbil and the long struggle of Iraqi Kurds to independence. The Kurdish issue has long haunted the Middle East, and the efforts of the Kurds to have a nation of their own have had a profound impact on the political landscape of the Middle East region. On September 25, 2017, the Iraqi Kurdish Autonomous Region held a referendum to decide whether to be independent or not. The results were opposed by the international community, especially by the neighboring countries of Iraq. This is mainly due to the fear of spillover effects on their own populations and the impact on the Middle East. This paper analyzes the causes and the consequences of the independence referendum on Iraqi Kurdish Autonomous Region relations with Iraq’s central government, geopolitics in the Middle East and anti-terrorism war.

Preemptive Transitional Justice Policies in Aceh, Indonesia

The peace agreement for Aceh included standard post-conflict measures, such as a human rights court and a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC). Why were they neglected? If they were going to be neglected, why did the negotiators initially agree on them instead of choosing amnesty or nothing? I argue that their nature as preemptive policies is key to understanding why they were introduced but not implemented. Preemptive transitional justice policies are adopted when reluctant policymakers attempt to trump “tougher” options with more acceptable alternatives, such as the following preemption in reformasi Indonesia: a domestic human rights court against an international tribunal, and reconciliation through amnesty against a domestic court. Preemptive policies are also mobilized to redirect pressure for other goals, such as a referendum for independence in reformasi Aceh. The process whereby preemptive policies were practically disabled in post-authoritarian Indonesia crucially influenced the non-implementation of transitional justice mechanisms in post-conflict Aceh. Meanwhile, aid measures have been implemented since the reformasi period, originally as attempts of preemption against the demands of the local society, and later as a less costly alternative to justice and truth.

Using street protests and national commemorations for nation-building purposes: the campaign for the independence of Catalonia (2012–2014)

ABSTARCTThis article analyses how mass demonstrations can be used for nation-building purposes. In particular, it shows how, in this digital and discorporate era, the occupation of the streets by large numbers of people is still a powerful strategic communication tool with strong political implications. It reveals how traditional propaganda, mass media campaigns and grassroots lobbying organisations can work together with great effectiveness to effect political change. The Catalan case, which concerns the claim by the regional Catalan government of a referendum for independence, shows how the occupation of the streets by citizens can still be highly relevant for political change.