Real Politicians Research Articles

White partisans’ reactions to real politicians’ tweets framing white supremacy and radical Islam as terrorist threats

ABSTRACT In recent decades, the discussion of terrorist threat in the United States has focused almost exclusively on radical Islam. Now, progressive politicians increasingly talk about white supremacy as a form of terrorism. We explore reactions to this new rhetoric using two survey experiments, in which non-Hispanic white respondents are exposed to real tweets of Democratic and Republican politicians discussing white supremacy and radical Islam as security threats. We formulate two alternative expectations: after seeing messages from Democratic politicians linking white supremacy to terrorism, whites may either diverge in their assessments of Republicans’ anti-Muslim appeals depending on their own partisanship or they may uniformly rate anti-Muslim rhetoric as more acceptable. Both experiments show significant increases in the perceived acceptability of anti-Muslim appeals when they are presented after messages about white supremacy, and these results are driven by white Democrats. Our results highlight the potential side effects of political communication about terrorism.

The Liar’s Dividend: Can Politicians Claim Misinformation to Evade Accountability?

This study addresses the phenomenon of misinformation about misinformation, or politicians “crying wolf” over fake news. Strategic and false claims that stories are fake news or deepfakes may benefit politicians by helping them maintain support after a scandal. We posit that this benefit, known as the “liar’s dividend,” may be achieved through two politician strategies: by invoking informational uncertainty or by encouraging oppositional rallying of core supporters. We administer five survey experiments to over 15,000 American adults detailing hypothetical politician responses to stories describing real politician scandals. We find that claims of misinformation representing both strategies raise politician support across partisan subgroups. These strategies are effective against text-based reports of scandals, but are largely ineffective against video evidence and do not reduce general trust in media. Finally, these false claims produce greater dividends for politicians than alternative responses to scandal, such as remaining silent or apologizing.

National Origin Identity and Descriptive Representativeness: Understanding Preferences for Asian Candidates and Representation

Abstract This paper examines how an Asian candidate’s national origin background affects their perceived ability to represent different constituents. Would Asian voters prefer any Asian candidate over someone who is non-Asian? Using a series of survey experiments that randomly emphasize the national origin backgrounds of two real politicians and a hypothetical politician, I find that politicians who are East or Southeast Asian are viewed as more representative of Asian American interests than those who are South Asian. Nonetheless, respondents agree that Asian politicians, regardless of national origin, will represent Asian Americans more than a non-Asian politician. While national origin background matters, there is still potential for an electoral advantage based on shared Asian panethnicity. These results contribute to our understanding of the salience of panethnic identities in electoral contexts.

How Intense Language Hurts a Politician's Trustworthiness: Voter Norms of a Political Debate via Language Expectancy Theory

Incivility in U.S. political debates hurts democracy. But uncivil language is more entertaining, exciting, and arousing than civil language. Given the contradictory relationship between people's general aversion and the media attention to popularized incivility, insight can be gained through examining politicians’ language intensity, a relatively common yet scarcely explored phenomenon in political debates. In a preregistered multiple-message experimental design with an original stimulus filmed for this study, participants ( n = 538 registered U.S. voters) watch a debate featuring a real politician (with a real journalist moderating the debate). Participants are randomly assigned to high- or low-intensity language conditions. Inspired by language expectancy theory (LET), a multiple-mediation model is tested, whereby language intensity decreases a politician's trustworthiness through intense language being more uncivil than low-intensity language which is associated with voters’ normative expectancies. Discussion concerns the practical implications for politicians’ debate strategy and theoretical ramifications of LET via communication accommodation theory.

When invoked voices blame real politicians

Abstract This case study analyses the socio-pragmatic effects of invoked multiple voices in a commemorative speech delivered by Austrian writer Michael Köhlmeier on the occasion of the 2018 Austrian commemoration day against violence and fascism. Köhlmeier uses different forms of discourse representation to blame politicians of the then Austrian government for their political statements and actions. The focus of this article is on the speaker’s combination of (imagined and real) sources and forms of discourse representation, resulting in strategically deployed perspective shifts to express opposition and blame. Furthermore, the sociopragmatic functions of these rhetorical and textual strategies in the context of situation, as well as in the wider context of the Austrian culture of collective remembrance are explored, in particular by showing that by blaming actual Austrian politicians for their political statements and actions, the traditional consensual commemorative discourse is breached. This latter effect is probably responsible for the huge public attention the speech attracted in 2018.

Stranger than Fiction: Voters and Party Leaders in a New Democracy

Research in politics uses fictitious politicians to explain different processes. In experimental designs, the participants know that these politicians do not exist. However, we know little about what happens when people are not aware about this, and it remains unclear if they distinguish between fictitious and real politicians. Our article aims to explain what makes citizens identify a fictitious party leader. We use individual-level data from a survey conducted in Romania on a probability representative sample. Our analysis tests the extent to which characteristics associated to two opposing groups in society influence the identification of a fictitious party leader. The empirical evidence bears important implications for the literature on political sophistication and for the research emphasizing social desirability bias.

The image of an ideal politician in the minds of Russian youth

The image of a political leader through the eyes of modern youth is considered. The image of a politician is a reflection in the mass consciousness of an emotionally colored idea of politicians. A survey of young people aged 15 to 29 years who live permanently in Moscow was conducted. In order to create a portrait of an ideal political leader, respondents were offered several lists of qualities and characteristics that, in the opinion of young people, a modern politician should possess. It was determined the five main qualities of the “ideal politician”: charisma, publicity, openness of personal life, views, availability of professional education, the ability to empathize, loyal attitude to subcultures and minorities. The study of the image of the ideal political leader allows building a dialogue with the youth audience and getting the material necessary for the formation of a positive image of a real politician.

When racism and sexism benefit Black and female politicians: Politicians' ideology moderates prejudice's effect more than politicians' demographic background.

Using large samples that are nationally diverse or nationally representative (total N = 44,836), this article presents evidence that citizens' prejudice does not usually benefit or undermine politicians who are from a particular demographic group, as many past studies assumed; instead, citizens' prejudice is associated with support for conservative politicians and opposition to liberal politicians, regardless of politicians' demographic background. Study 1a and Study 1b show that, regardless of the race and gender of real politicians, racism and sexism negatively predict support for liberal politicians, and positively predict support for conservative politicians. This overall pattern is experimentally confirmed in Study 2 where participants evaluate a hypothetical politician. Using data collected between 1972 and 2016, Study 3 shows that, historically, the predictive effect of racism and sexism on support for politicians in general is moderated by politicians' perceived ideology. Study 4 addresses a limitation of Study 1-3, and Study 5 extends the results for prejudice to the religious domain (i.e., prejudice toward Muslims). Together, these studies suggest that the way prejudice is related to support for a politician is primarily moderated by the politician's political ideology, not the politician's demographic background. Thus, this article highlights the often-overlooked role of politicians' ideology, clarifying theories that explain how citizens' prejudice is translated into their political preferences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

RUSSIAN CITIZENS’ PERCEPTION OF IDEAL POLITICIANS: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE IMAGES

The article presents the results of a study of the images of ideal political leaders playing different roles, carried out by the Departmetn of Sociology and Political Psychology, Faculty of Politics, Moscow State University, in 2019-2021. In the theoretical section, the author examines the representations of the ideal political leader in the context of the theory of political perception. In the empirical section, the author describes images of the ideal president, governor, and deputy of the State Duma. A comparative analysis of three types of images is carried out according to the degree of expression of personal and professional qualities, as well as their content. The images of ideal politicians have unique role characteristics as well as a set of universal qualities. Russians are primarily concerned about personal qualities of politicians, among which moral characteristics take first place and psychological qualities take second place. Respondents expect politicians to be professionals. People are interested least of all in leaders’ appearances. The main source of images of ideal politicians’ are traditions of Russian political culture and the situational context of political perception. Ideal images are influenced by perceptions of real politicians. Results can be used for advising electoral campaigns.

Realpolitik and Translation, one Example : Early Meiji Military History and Nishi Amane

The purpose of this paper was to examine the overall work done by Nishi Amane (1829-1897) in the Ministry of Military Affairs, later referred to as the Department of the Army, beginning in 1870. Until now, Nishi Amane has been noted in domestic research as “a thinker representing the intellectual transformation of East Asia in the 19th century.” In particular, many studies have analyzed the aspects of Nishi s concept translation or the design of modern academic planning based on text. Meanwhile, in Japanese academia, Nishi s studies on law and political science in the Netherlands have been shown to be of great import, but still highlight the “enlightenment thinker” idea and prove his contribution to “militarism”. It was Sugawara s 2009 study that tried to overcome this simple characterization. This paper explores how Nishi Amane called himself “a person who works for the government and translates”. The author examines the relationship between the real politicians and translators through Nishi Amane. It is widely known that Nishi worked for the Army, but there has been no paper to summarize the whole situation as it played out. In addition, it is not just an outline on what Nishi did in the Ministry of Military Affairs, but also about organizing facts about the early Meiji military system from a different perspective, and reveals where Nishi Amane and the Ministry of Military Affairs occupy this part of history.

Avoiding the Hypothetical: Why “Mirror Experiments” are an Essential Part of Survey Research

Abstract Although vignettes featuring hypothetical politicians are popular in survey experiments, political scientists rarely explore the tradeoffs between realism and experimental control. In this manuscript, I argue for greater use of “mirror experiments” in political science, or controlled survey experiments that use real politicians and mimic real world situations. This article demonstrates that cognitive burden, brought on by the lack of familiarity with a hypothetical politician, can bias experimental results. Without prior knowledge of a politician, attitudes toward political actors are artificially malleable in laboratory settings, exaggerating treatment effects on traditional approval questions. This article concludes with two empirical demonstrations of these issues, and provides a set of criteria for judging when realistic or hypothetical survey vignettes should be used.

Prejudice Predict Support for Politicians Based on Politician’s Ideology More Than Politician’s Demographic Background

Using large samples that are nationally diverse or nationally representative (total N=44,836), this paper presents evidence that citizens’ prejudice does not usually benefit or undermine politicians who are from a particular demographic group, as many past studies assumed; instead, citizens’ prejudice is associated with support for conservative politicians and opposition to liberal politicians, regardless of politicians’ demographic background. Study 1a and Study 1b show that, regardless of the race and gender of real politicians, racism and sexism negatively predict support for liberal politicians, and positively predict support for conservative politicians. This overall pattern is experimentally confirmed in Study 2 where participants evaluate a hypothetical politician. Using data collected between 1972 and 2016, Study 3 shows that, historically, the predictive effect of racism and sexism on support for politicians in general is moderated by politicians’ perceived ideology. Study 4 addresses a limitation of Study 1-Study 3, and Study 5 extends the results for prejudice to the religious domain (i.e., prejudice towards Muslims). Together, these studies suggest that the way prejudice is related to support for a politician is primarily moderated by the politician’s political ideology, not the politician’s demographic background. Thus, this paper highlights the often-overlooked role of politicians’ ideology, clarifying theories that explain how citizens’ prejudice is translated into their political preferences.

Robert Lee Frost: A Real Revolutionist With High Political Insight and Nationalism

This paper focuses on the philosophy of politics, nationalism and other notable but rarely recognised themes of the world class American poet Robert Lee Frost. In order to identify these themes some of the poems of Robert Frost have been taken under consideration from his vast areas of poetry collection. The poetry of Robert Frost dealt not only with the pastoral and common elements of life and nature but also the awareness of the problems of man living in the modern world dominated by the philosophy of politics. His poetry portrays the actual values of human being which can be brought through the real thinking of the real politicians. People are living in the state of regret, frustration and disillusionment that are expected to be solved and overcome by the dedication and determination of the democratic minded political persons reflected in the poetry of Frost. In this paper the data are based on the secondary sources. Frost’s masterly genius is well reflected in his poetry where he portrays the concrete details that constitute the scenes and action from which his poems spring. He also had a life full of struggle, hardship and sorrow which made him realize the actual problems of human being.

Australian Women Writers Abroad

Australian Women Writers Abroad

Obesity Stigma and Negative Perceptions of Political Leadership Competence

This study investigated whether the leadership competence of an overweight candidate is affected by exposure to weight-stigmatizing and nonstigmatizing messages. Participants read one of four messages—a weight stigma, a health stigma, a competence, or a stigma-reducing message. Fat phobia, weight controllability, partisanship, political activism, and voting behaviors were also measured. Weight controllability bias interacted with the weight stigma message to produce lower evaluations of political leadership competence. Weight controllability also correlated with higher levels of fat phobia regardless of message exposure. The evidence suggests making stigmatizing comments in print/online against a candidate based on a physical characteristic like large size negatively biases public perceptions of political leadership competence. This study of negative competence evaluation directed toward a real politician confirms the findings of earlier experimental studies with fictitious fat politicians.

El Roto: A political cartoonist in late capitalist Spain

ABSTRACTUnder the pseudonym of El Roto, Andrés Rábago draws editorial cartoons for El País newspaper on an almost daily basis. Unlike other cartoonists, his political satire rarely depicts real politicians or celebrities but instead focuses on social types. This technique helps him to distance himself from current events as presented by the media and signal the more general causes of political conflicts. This article explores cartoons from recent years in which El Roto represents and interprets manifestations of the economy in everyday life. I show that his editorial cartoons aim to unmask the ideological narratives that attempt to naturalize capitalism as the only possible economic system. His “ideology critique” can thus be described as a political intervention to interrupt the creation and shaping of systems of representation that legitimize this economic and cultural hegemony. This article offers a content analysis of some of El Roto's most relevant cartoons, identifying the most recurrent themes and techniques used in order to consider his position as a cartoonist in Spanish politics.

„Absolutyzm” versus „polonizm” Bismarck, panslawizm a powstanie styczniowe

„Absolutism” versus „Polonism”Bismarck, Pan-slavism and January UprisingThe aim of this article is to analyze attitude of the Prussian Prime-Minister – considered as theArchitect of German Unification – Otto von Bismarck – towards the phenomenon of social rebellion,which in Polish history became known as the January Uprising. The intention of the Author is notto focus on issues related with wide-ranging diplomatic action of the prospective “Iron Chancellor”,which was crowned with Alsvenlabena Convention. Bismarck was in the limelight not like as well--known „real politician”, but as a political thinker whom he also was. Author analyzes a highly specificconceptual nomenclature of Bismarck, and his attitude towards the Poles, Russians, Pan-Slavism andautocracy. Introduction to the subject is an overview of the evaluations of the insurrection, whichwas permanently established in Polish intellectual environments, including its traditional divisionsbetween the right wing and the left wing.

Dirty hands and clean gloves: Liberal ideals and real politics

Can liberal ideals clean up dirty politicians or politics? This article doubts they can. It disputes that a ‘clean’ liberal person might inhabit the dirty clothes of the real politician, or that a clean depoliticized liberal constitution can constrain real-world dirty politics. Nevertheless, the need for a democratic prince to wear clean liberal gloves offers a necessary and effective political restraint. It also means that citizens share the hypocrisy and dirt of those who serve them — for we legitimize the dirtiness of politics by requiring politicians to seem cleaner than we know they ever can be in reality.

La télévision publique française : une fabrique ? Les interventions de Georges Pompidou Premier ministre, 1962-1968

Ever since the beginning of the Fifth Republic the question was : how to succeed general de Gaulle who single handedly embodied the new system ? Georges Pompidou tried to answer the question by using the television. Thanks to a good strategy of communication, this neophyte was able to establish himself, during the six years spent at the Matignon Palace, as a real politician. He was careful to signify simplicity, closeness and human warmth, in a contrasting style to the General's, to acquire the necessary legitimacy to attain the high office of President.

Administrative Practice, Organization Theory, and Political Philosophy: Ruminations on theReflectionsof John M. Gaus

agents dealing with abstract principals than we do about real bureaucrats dealing with real politicians. We know more about incremental hill climbing on an imagined surface using formally specified decision rules (or rules that learn) than we do about problem identification, problem solving, and change in the messy world of real organizations. We know more about the formal properties of learning from experience than we do about the ways organizations evaluate, record, and retrieve the lessons of history. We know more about the effects of local positive feedback in adaptive models than we do about the ways in which real people in real organizations respond to the development of individual or collective competence. We know more about the transfer of abstract knowledge through abstract networks than we do about the fineknowledge through abstract networks than we do about the fine detail of the exchange of information in real networks. And we know more about the possibilities for collective confusion in the development of social meaning than we do about