Testing for controlled substances, a common practice in the work environment in both private and public sectors, remains a frustrating and emotionally charged issue. While endorsing pre-employment testing and suspicion-based testing, numerous public and private sector unions, civil rights activists, labor law attorneys, and private citizens vigorously oppose random testing of public employees as an unjust invasion of privacy and have taken their cases to the courts and to the bargaining table. However, advocates for public sector employees are confronted with intense societal pressures to implement and expand drug testing on a massive scale in the workplace. Employee representatives oppose unlimited testing and demand that government agencies adopt rules and procedures to guarantee constitutional protections; establish a need to seize an employee's body fluids; provide treatment, rehabilitation, and counseling, as well as meet the standard of probable cause that an employee is impaired in the performance of her or his duties by the use of alcohol or controlled substances. The primary purpose of this research is to answer two questions. First, to what degree do all drug-testing policies and programs comply with privacy protections ordered by the U.S. Supreme Court. That is, whether municipal government employers are implementing substance-abuse testing policies and procedures that guarantee employees protection from unconstitutional invasion of privacy, unlawful search and seizure, self-incrimination, or loss of legally recognized employment rights. Second, what are the ramifications of noncompliance with court guidelines to legally agreed-upon employment rights in those same municipalities? In this article, we summarize the history of drug testing in the workplace, analyze the current status of precedent-setting case law on the subject, assess its implications, and conclude with survey results of nationwide municipal drug-testing programs and the significance of these policy survey results. Finally, we propose an agenda for further research. Historical Perspective Substance-abuse testing in the government workplace has been a concern since President Reagan's Executive Order 12564 (1986) drew national attention to the issue. That executive order allowed drug testing of federal employees even though no substantiated proof of widespread drug abuse had been found among federal workers (Green, 1992). In 1988, the Drug-free Workplace Act required federal contractors to establish a drug-free workplace awareness program. Subsequently, federal agencies issued a variety of regulations mandating random testing of contract workers in positions related to public safety or national security (Green, 1992). State and local governments, although not required by the Drug-free Workplace Act, promulgated regulations and policies establishing not only an awareness program but also substance abuse testing of employees, which included random drug testing (Green, 1991). The reaction to the federal government's carrot and stick coercion of local governments into random drug testing continues to be vociferous by numerous unions, civil rights advocates, labor law attorneys, and private citizens who joined forces in protesting these policies as an unjust invasion of worker privacy rights. Although a variety of arguments pro and con exist regarding such testing (Redeker and Segal, 1989a), most seem to focus on one specific question: Is random drug testing an unconstitutional invasion of an employee's `zone of privacy' as defined by the Court and thus, a possible tool for employee oppression (Griswold v. Connecticut, 1965)? A lack of substantial lower case law on random drug testing for public employees continues to make it one of the most controversial issues faced by employers and employees. The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Union (AFSCME) feels so strongly concerning the issue of random drug testing in the public sector that it emphasizes the issue at conferences and repeatedly states its opposition to random drug testing, AFSCME also demands collective bargaining on drug testing, probable cause requirements, due process, and the right to privacy (Walters, 1989). …