Reestablishment Of Democracy Research Articles

A Study of Speech Acts in Joe Biden’s Opening and Closing Remarks at the Virtual Summit for Democracy: A Pragmatic Perspective

This article aims to show to what extent the speech acts theory can be useful for text analysis and meaning deciphering. It further seeks to unveil, beyond what is literally said in President Joe Biden’s opening and closing remarks, the underlying meanings subtly encoded via the different speech acts embedded therein to help grasp the ins and outs of the first summit for democracy. The study employs the mixed method to attain its objectives. The investigation has disclosed that representative speech acts have been used to describe the state of democracy worldwide today. They further reveal that the statistical data presented in the opening remarks as regards democracy is real and trustworthy. Democracy is therefore in trouble in virtually all countries in the world, even those held up or taken as models in this matter. Commissive speech acts have been used to reveal the plans President Biden has in mind for the re-establishment of democracy all over the world. Despite his rank, Joe Biden’s special language use via the directive speech and the social power he embodies shows that he is not an autocratic president. It also evokes the notion of politeness. In fact, he has been tactful, modest and very nice in his address to his audience. He has by so doing shown awareness and consideration of the face of the people attending the summit. The felicity, Sincerity and essential conditions testify to the validity of the direct speech acts recorded in the remarks. These felicity conditions indicate that the plans made and decisions reached at the summit as encoded via the commissive speech acts are going to be enforced for a better democratic world to live in. Achievement reports at the second upcoming summit for democracy will unquestionably help assess this accurately.

From the play to the event: Delineating phenomena of theatrical activity in Greece at the turn of the twenty-first century

Attempting a general overview, this article may be understood as a preliminary requisite towards a more systematic study of theatrical activity in Greece since the turn of the twenty-first century. At the heart of this approach lies the fundamental shift from the dramatic play to the performance event, which has taken place both in theatre practice and theatre studies since the 1960s. The hypothesis underlying this study is that in Greek theatre the transition commenced after the reestablishment of democracy, becoming more broadly evident in this century. Some of the main points discussed are the profile of the new generation of theatre creators, the role of some major theatrical events and organisations, institutional transformations, new forms of collectivity in theatrical activity, the persistent demand for extroversion, dramatic production and its links to the stage.

From intentional community to ecovillage: tracing the Rainbow movement in Spain

The Rainbow is a global community that emerged with the hippie movement in the 1960s. Although it originated and largely developed in the USA, it soon expanded to Europe. Due to the political context in Spain, the Rainbow was weak there until the reestablishment of democracy in 1975, when it was spurred by the creation of various communes throughout the country. This paper explores the issue of heritage in one of the earliest and most iconic Rainbow villages in Spain, Matavenero, asking whether notions of heritage emerge in Rainbow contexts. In doing so, it contributes to critical geography of heritage and intentional communities by inquiring into the narratives about the past developed by the community and their use of space and material culture in ways that reproduce forms of segmentarity. Drawing on ethnographic methods and long-term ethnography, the paper demonstrates the absence of the notion of heritage as generally understood in Western capitalist culture and develops the concept of “a-patrimonial” processes to explain this phenomenon.

China-Nepal Relations: A Cooperative Partnership in Slow Motion

Despite the long-standing friendship between Nepal and China, their relationship has developed rather slowly since the reestablishment of democracy in Nepal in 1990, mainly due to the constant pressure from Western forces faced by Nepali political elite, as well as the ignorance of most democratic governments about balancing Nepal’s foreign relations, especially between its two giant neighbors, India and China. In recent years, however, the Nepali government has been trying to promote pragmatic cooperation with China in order to garner support for its own development. With the signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) on cooperation in building the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),” the China-Nepal relationship is likely to enter a new era. Based on a historical review of the development of China-Nepal relations, this article offers some suggestions on how to enhance their cooperative partnership in the future.

Understanding Capacity of Bangladeshi Urban Local Self-Government Institution in Policy Adoption: Politics of Central-Local Relations

Bangladesh has been experiencing a major political transformation since the re-establishment of democracy in 1990. This democratic environment significantly affected the autonomy and capacity of local government units in policy adoption. In Bangladesh, urban local self-government units are identified as poorly governed while their capacity in policy adoption is significantly compromised. As part of the central government, these units have a constitutional guarantee in demonstrating their existence with autonomy and efficiency. Meeting the challenge of establishing local democracy is a constitutional obligation for local self-government representatives and people. In urban areas, the increased influence of central government and the compounding effects of inefficiency and dependency of local self-government units mean that they are in need of adequate administrative autonomy and capacity. This study aimed to explore the factors and issues that impact on policy adoption process at urban local self-government institutions. This exploratory-descriptive research used a mixed method framework to achieve calculative findings with qualitative data support. Central government’s control over financial regulations and a range of political and administrative practices are identified in decreasing administrative capacity of the urban local selfgovernment institutions in Bangladesh. Though it was assumed that the re-establishment of national democracy may have resulted in an autonomous local self-government system, this has not been transformed. Thus, the identified findings have implications in capacity building of urban local self-government institutions in relation to their policy adoption and application.

Italy: the promised land of populism?

Since the 1990s, Italy has been considered by many social scientists as a fertile testing ground for populism, or even as a populist ‘paradise’. Understanding the underlying causes of the populist upsurge that characterised politics after the party-system transformation that came in the wake of the Tangentopoli scandal requires a long-term perspective in order to identify both the structural factors facilitating populism’s sudden growth, and the behaviour of those political actors responsible for the spread of populist arguments and communication styles. The article aims to develop this analysis by illustrating the different embodiments of the populist mentality within the Italian political system since the re-establishment of democracy in the aftermath of World War II.

Political instability and discontinuity in Nigeria: The pre-colonial past and public goods provision under colonial and post-colonial political orders.

This article explores the relative importance of pre-colonial institutional capacity and the effects of periods of peace and stability on long-term development outcomes in Nigeria. We use data on education, health, and public works at a provincial level from a variety of colonial and Nigerian state sources to apply a decade-by-decade analysis of public goods provision in Nigeria from 1900 to 2010. Using a newly constructed measure of pre-colonial institutional capacity our results suggest that colonial-era investments were influenced by pre-colonial conditions and that the pax colonia allowed for a strong path dependency until the second world war. Contrary to other studies, which find evidence of pre-colonial centralization affecting current outcomes. In particular, we find that the post-1945 era saw a break in the pattern developed earlier in the century. Rising regionalism from the 1950s led to violent conflict and military dictatorship and caused decades of unstable and unpredictable patterns of investment which ended only with the reestablishment of democracy in the 1990s. Therefore, a key explanatory variable to understanding patterns of public goods provision seems to be the level of political stability which the Nigerian state experienced at different points during the 20th century. [JEL codes: N00, O1, H4]

The Spies Who Came from the Tropics: Intelligence Services and Democracy in Brazil

Despite the emergence of Brazil as a global power, little is known about its security and intelligence services and the way they are seen by Brazilian society. This article analyzes the Brazilian perception of the role of its intelligence services and the relationship between the intelligence community (IC) and the decision makers. The historical background of intelligence in Brazil and a general overview of the Brazilian IC after the reestablishment of democracy are presented, as well as the general mechanisms of control and accountability of the secret services. Finally, there is consideration of some concerns on reforming the intelligence sector and its control and oversight apparatus.

National Electoral Cycles in Transfers to Subnational Jurisdictions. Evidence from Argentina

The political budget cycle literature studies the periodic fluctuations in governments' fiscal policies induced by the cyclicality of electoral processes, but the effects of elections on the distribution of federal resources among subnational governments has not been thoroughly investigated. This paper inquires into the presence of electoral cycles in federal government transfers, presenting evidence on how the Argentine national government has allocated, since the reestablishment of democracy in 1983, two different types of discretional transfers — cash and in-kind — among the subnational governments. There is an electoral manipulation of total transfers that favors subnational governments that are politically affiliated to the national government; cash transfers show that same pattern. However, in-kind transfers, which are more traceable to the national government than cash transfers, increase in non-affiliated subnational jurisdictions during election years.

Is There New Public Health Management (NPM) in Nepal? Arguments for and against NPM in Nepal

This article is a reflection about whether new public management (NPM) styles of reforms seen in other developing countries are also seen in Nepal, and to substantiate these facts with the available evidence and findings. The author saw the emergence of NPM ideas in Western industrialized countries like the United Kingdom and New Zealand. Now it exists in several developing countries of Africa and Asia; but it is very hard to generalize the degree and scope of NPM elements' existence. In Southeast Asia, there is still a mix of the old bureaucratic system with new NPM-oriented reform initiatives. Series of administrative reforms, donor conditionality, and the reestablishment of democracy in the country after 1991 have influenced an orientation toward an efficient, people-oriented, mixed-economy model with increasing partnership of private agencies and nongovernmental organizations in Nepal. The political movement of the last 15 years in the country has strongly called for a new, efficient, and performance-oriented administration and management culture in the country. There are several initiatives already introduced (public–private partnership, decentralization, good governance, accountability/public auditing, performance-based outcome/results-oriented financing and reporting systems). However, to take this momentum up, it still requires strong willingness of political leaders and senior administrators. At the moment, peace and stability of turmoil, political stability, state-of-the-art management skills, and supportive organizational culture are the fundamental requirements for increasing the realization of, and sustaining the NPM-oriented reforms in Nepal.

The March 22, 2012 Coup in Mali: Lessons and Implications for Democracy in the West Africa Subregion in the Wave of Transnational Terrorism

This article does not justify or sanction ascension to political power through coup d’état. Neither does it rationalize the March 22, 2012 action of the coup-makers in Mali. It subscribes to the popular notion that military regimes are an aberration and an anachronistic system of government. It argues, however, that beyond the unpopularity of military regimes, the coup in Mali should be looked at holistically, taking into cognizance the chain of events that ultimately culminated in the action by the Captain Amadou Sanogo–led Committee for the Re-establishment of Democracy and the Restoration of the State. It submits that looking at the problem merely from the point of view of the doctrine of military subordination to civil political authorities will obstruct an opportunity to address the salient and underlying factors that caused the crisis in Mali as well as other countries of the subregion grappling with similar problems. It notes the reality of political Islam in the Maghreb and Sahel regions and its insidious growth into the West Africa subregion and contends that the event in Mali exposes the vulnerability of the West Africa subregion to Islamic fundamentalism—and signals a major threat not only to the stability of the countries of the subregion but also its democratization process as it poses great danger not only for democracy in the subregion but its consolidation.

Evangelicals in Democratic Chile, 1990–2008: from ‘Resistance Identity’ to ‘Project Identity’1

Since the reestablishment of democracy in Chile, Evangelicals have been becoming more prominent in society. Their communities foster civic skills among their members, and this fact, taken together with the gradual raising of their economic and educational level, could transform the Evangelicals into a ‘cultural citizenship’. Nevertheless, my study project shows that in spite of the extensive community work that Evangelical churches are developing, and their respect for democracy, they continue to be depoliticised and distanced from the main national problems. The Evangelical community is concerned about its rights, but it tends to act in defence of its corporate interests rather than in the national perspective, which decreases its involvement in the developing democracy.

Lobbying, political competition, and local land supply: Recent evidence from Spain

We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as indications of the influence wielded by land developer lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003–2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility, with municipalities needing periodically to pass comprehensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. This variable is, however, potentially endogenous, since not only do votes affect policy, but also policy is expected to affect votes. To deal with this problem, we instrument this variable using the votes at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy and votes actually obtained regionally at the same type of election. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percentage of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.

Ethical, Legal and Professional Foundations of the Autonomous Regulation of the Dental Profession, the Case of Bulgaria

SUMMARY The purpose of this study is to present the traditional and contemporary views on autonomous management of the dental profession in Bulgaria during the period of transition. Methods: The interdependence between the professionalism and ethics was analyzed and the concept of system approach in ethical conduct of the practicing doctor is defined. Results: Dynamic of social relationship shaped by the globalization and European integration and the design of the social contract between the profession and the society are reviewed. Moral, legal and professional issues relevant to current social and economic aspects of health reforms impacts on the reestablishment of professional autonomy in Bulgaria are presented. Professional autonomy is based on self-regulation aiming to keep the collective image and standards but is focused on the professional conduct and behavior of the members. A model of ethical discourse and ethical approach is discussed. Conclusions: Ethics and professionalism are in interdependence in the democratic society. Autonomy, or self-determination, as the core value of dentistry has been reestablished along the reestablishment of democracy in Bulgaria. In the value system of professionals traditional and contemporary virtues form a complex mixture. There is a need for integrity and consensus on formulating the rules of professionalism in dentistry. Professional ethics must be taught and appropriate courses should be part of the dental curriculum and continuing education in dentistry.

Alcide de Gasperi: 1881–1954–a political life in a troubled century

Alcide De Gasperi's political life spanned the first half of the twentieth century. It went from his education in a small local environment, but within the multinational setting of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to his period of enforced, yet intellectually very productive, public silence during the period of Fascist Italy, and then to his period in the limelight during the years of postwar reconstruction, the re-establishment of democracy and the construction of European unity. A group of scholars has documented the evolution of an outstanding leader by publishing a critical edition of De Gasperi's Scritti e discorsi politici, a collection of writings and speeches from the outset of his career until the end of his life. This article illustrates the research that has been carried out so far; the criteria behind the collection and editing of sources on De Gasperi; and the chronological periods and thematic issues around which the whole body of De Gasperi's political writings have been collated.

The Evolution of Evolutionary Thinking in Chile

The scientific study of evolution in Chile has experienced periods of diversification and stasis, depending upon the social and political context at different times. In the eighteenth century, most of the natural history research consisted of systematics and taxonomy and, as in most of South America, this task was performed mainly by natural historian theologists. Later, the immigration of European scientists to Chile after independence from Spain in 1810 improved substantially its knowledge of the local biota and stimulated the diversification of naturalists in the country. Research in modern biology and the teaching of genetics in Chile can be traced back to Giovanni Noe, an Italian zoologist who had a profound impact in the first third of the twentieth century. In the 1960s–70s, Danko Brncic, a population geneticist educated in the tradition of Dobzhansky and the modern synthesis, led the most important diversification process in the study of evolutionary biology in the country. However, the military coup in 1973 brought this radiation to a sudden stop and produced a stasis period associated with the subsequent 17-year dictatorship. Evolutionary biology recovered its status after the re-establishment of democracy, and it is currently experiencing an exciting and renewed diversification period that has led to the foundation of the Chilean Society of Evolutionary Biology, the only scientific society for the study of evolution in Latin America. One of the missions of the Society is to bridge the gap between scientists and science educators in order to improve the teaching of evolution at different levels both in secular and religious schools. Even though the Roman Catholic Church has been a pivotal institution in the development of Chilean society, debate on evolutionism—creationism issues has been largely absent both in public and academic discussions. The influence of religion on science education has been sporadic, and mostly related to omission rather than tergiversation of scientific information in biology textbooks. Currently, schools are obliged by law to teach the basics of evolution in K-12 and K-16 levels (or their local equivalents). Because of this, there is little at present that suggests an organized creationist or intelligent design movement surge in the near future. Nevertheless, the high percentage of religiosity in Chile, together with the observation that the moral values of Chilean society are among the most conservative in the world, provide good reasons to remain vigilant.

Las dificultades del espíritu crítico-científico en una sociedad autoritaria

The Andean area of Latin America has experienced three main historical and cultural currents, which had a strong influence on collective mentality: (1) the pre-Hispanic Indian civilizations, (2) the Iberian-Catholic tradition, and (3) a mere instrumental reception of actual western modernity. Both first influences furthered an authoritarian and collectivistic culture and were not favourable to a critical and scientific spirit. The re-establishment of democracy since 1980 promotes (with many impediments) a generalization of human rights and the introduction of a mentality opened to serious scientific research. These efforts have softened the power of authoritarianism and weakened the dogmatic attitudes.

The impact of local and national economic conditions on legislative election results

Using data for 278 Portuguese mainland municipalities, we estimate the impact of national and local economic conditions on legislative electoral outcomes over the period from the reestablishment of democracy in 1974 to the present. Empirical results indicate that the performance of the national economy is important but that the municipal situation also conditions electoral outcomes.

The Impact of Local and National Economic Conditions on Legislative Election Results

Using data for 278 Portuguese mainland municipalities, we estimate the impact of national and local economic conditions on legislative electoral outcomes over the period from the reestablishment of democracy in 1974 to the present. Empirical results indicate that the performance of the national economy is important but that the municipal situation also conditions electoral outcomes.

A feeling of well‐being accompanied by a period of prosperity and birthweight in Chile: a possible link?

The aims of the study were to describe the trend in birthweight from 1985 to 2000 in Chile and ascertain the possible factors that may explain the changes in birthweight during the period. We used time series of birthweight and length at birth of all live births (n > 4,000,000). Multivariable regression analyses were carried out to assess whether the gender of the newborn, maternal education, maternal age and marital status could explain the trend in the total time series and by period. Birthweight adjusted for gestational age was analysed in terms of grams and Z scores. There was an increase in birthweight of 100 g between 1989 and 1994 that coincided with the re-establishment of democracy and economic growth in Chile. The changes in birthweight were not explained by the available independent variables and trends of caesarean section, maternal obesity and post-mature deliveries over the period. The birthweight difference between mothers with university education and those with primary education was 0.2 Z scores (equivalent to 110 g) in 1985 and was greatly reduced by 2000 (equivalent to 40 g). A positive sense of social well-being and economic growth may have influenced an increase in birthweight between 1989 and 1994 as socio-economic growth preceded and continued after the period of increasing birthweight. Our study showed a remarkable decrease in the differences in birthweight by educational level not shown in other countries of similar wealth.