Railroad Right Research Articles

Оценка видового разнообразия растительности, произрастающей на территориях линейных инфраструктурных объектов Центральной России

When form protective forest stands along linear infrastructure facilities, the problem of subsequent spontaneous reproduction of trees and shrubs arises, littering the territories of the above facilities and creating a threat to the safety of their operation. Works on cleaning the territories of infrastructure facilities from unwanted tree and shrub vegetation are often organized without a sufficiently clear idea of the characteristics of the said vegetation to be removed, which negatively affects the quality of the performance of these works.The purpose of the research is to determine the species composition of undesirable plant communities that form on the territories of linear infrastructure facilities in order to increase the efficiency of their removal and draw up recommendations for the proper maintenance of these territories. It was revealed that most types of undesirable vegetation growing on the territories of linear infrastructure facilities in the Central part of Russia belong to Magnoliophyta (flowering, about 97 %) and Pinophyta (gymnosperms, about 3 %).It was revealed that most types of undesirable vegetation growing on the territories of linear infrastructure facilities in the Central part of Russia belong to Magnoliophyta (flowering, about 97 %) and Pinophyta (gymnosperms, about 3 %). About 54 % of the protection zones of power lines and right of way of roads, as well as about 33 % of the right of way of railways in the Central part of Russia have a similar species composition of unwanted vegetation, however, the maximum similarity is not ensured by the location of sections of infrastructure facilities in close proximity to each other. For the protection zones of power lines, it is possible to determine the species composition of growing undesirable vegetation in one of these areas, followed by dissemination of the results of the study to another nearby area. For railroad right of way, such dissemination of the study results is inappropriate. In fact, on each of the sections of the right of way of roads and railways, as well as the routes of power transmission lines in Central Russia, such types of unwanted vegetation grow as ash-leaved maple (Acer negundo L., with a share of participation in the studied plant communities from 6.3 % to 98.1 %) and smooth elm (Ulmus laevis Pall, with a share of 1.1 % to 41.1 %). Among the types of unwanted trees and shrubs most expected to grow in these territories, about 36 % are prone to their renewal by stump growth, about 42 % – by root offspring, about 22 % – by other means. To increase the efficiency of removing unwanted vegetation in order to properly maintain the territories of infrastructure facilities, it is recommended to apply methods and methods that provide for either mechanical removal of the specified vegetation along with its roots (for example, its uprooting), or a combined effect on it: removal of above-ground parts of vegetation in the fall with a mandatory subsequent spring herbicide treatment of emerging young stumps and root offspring.

The Train and the Telegraph: A Revisionist History by Benjamin Sidney Michael Schwantes

Reviewed by: The Train and the Telegraph: A Revisionist History by Benjamin Sidney Michael Schwantes Edmund Russell (bio) The Train and the Telegraph: A Revisionist History By Benjamin Sidney Michael Schwantes. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019. Pp. 224. In 1876, to commemorate the first centenary of the United States, Nathaniel Currier and James Merritt Ives published a lithograph, “The Progress of the Century.” At the center of the lithograph, a telegrapher with his machine; behind him, three uses of steam engines—to drive a printing press, a steamboat, and a train. The lithograph expressed several American beliefs: that technology powered progress, that telegraphs and steam engines were the most transformative technologies of the age, and that one of the most important uses of steam engines was railroads. Because Americans by 1876 were used to seeing telegraphs along railroad tracks, it is easy to assume that railroads and telegraphs immediately bonded. They had a lot to offer each other. Railroads could use telegraphs for business correspondence as well as train management. Telegraphs could build lines in railroad rights of way and have trains deliver construction and repair materials along the line. And because railroads and telegraphs transformed the way Americans did almost everything, from commerce to courtship, it is easy to think of them as a package. Together, Americans said in the nineteenth century, railroads and telegraphs annihilated time and space. Benjamin Schwantes argues that telegraphs and railroads eventually became partners, but it was a long time coming. In the 1830s and 1840s, American railroads had learned to manage trains safely on single tracks through rigid schedules. When telegraphs began spreading in the mid-1840s, railroad managers saw little use for them. They worried about the [End Page 992] danger and unreliability of poorly built telegraphs as poles along tracks rotted, fell, and wrecked trains. Railroad leaders saw no reason to trust that agents employed by telegraph companies would prioritize railroad telegrams over other business, and timeliness was everything when it came to managing trains on single tracks. Telegraphers liked the idea of building lines in railroad rights of way, and a few built lines along tracks before the Confederate Rebellion. They found, however, that railroads prioritized their own businesses, and sometimes damaged telegraphs. As long as the two technologies were owned by different firms, their interests pulled in different directions. War is a common matchmaker for organizations and technologies, and the Confederate Rebellion was no different. Having organized military railroads and telegraphs, civilian managers in both sectors discovered there was more room for cooperation than they had foreseen. After the rebellion, they transferred their new appreciation to private enterprises. Railroads increased their reliance on telegraphs, but the new managers often found this a frustrating experience. They hated transferring power—the ability to tell employees what to do—to telegraphers, especially those who worked for another company. Railroads reduced this problem after the 1870s by hiring their own telegraphers. Now managers and telegraphers worked for the same company, but the railroads shot themselves in the foot by treating telegraphers badly. Long hours and low pay were the rule. Telegraphers got their first jobs with the railroads, but, as soon as they had enough experience, they went to work for telegraph companies that offered better working conditions. Small wonder that railroads found their inexperienced telegraphers, who might stay with a railroad for only a few months, unreliable. Eventually railroad managers found a new tool to replace telegraphs and telegraphers—telephones. Now managers could talk to distant employees without relying on telegraphers as intermediaries. Railroad telegraphy declined. Schwantes does a fine job of explaining the complex, changing interaction between telegraphs and railroads. He builds his narrative on a deep foundation of research. The author is alive to the many interests at play in commerce, from enterprise-level (will the company benefit or suffer from adopting new technology?) to bureaucratic (will managers resent having to share power with telegraphers?). He charts the changes in the often-fraught relationship between railroads and telegraphs over time, until finally the railroads found a new partner, telephones. [End Page 993] Edmund Russell Edmund Russell is president of the American Society for Environmental History and the David M...

한국철도 궤간 문제와 경인철도 이권 획득을 둘러싼 뽀꼬찔로프(Д. Д. Покотилов)의 인식과 러시아정부의 정책(1896～1899)

한국철도 궤간 문제와 경인철도 이권 획득을 둘러싼 뽀꼬찔로프(Д. Д. Покотилов)의 인식과 러시아정부의 정책(1896～1899)

The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China by Xiaowei Zheng

Reviewed by: The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China by Xiaowei Zheng Peter J. Carroll Xiaowei Zheng. The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018. 358 pp. $90.00 (cloth), $29.95 (paper). That the Railroad Rights Recovery movement helped trigger the 1911 Revolution and that the New Policies (1901–1911) are ripe for reconsideration as a period of formidable Qing state resurgence are verities of modern Chinese historiography. Nonetheless, scholarly analysis of these areas has often been macroscopic, not always connecting the high-flown rhetoric of constitutionalism, revolution, and statism with the nitty-gritty of local political and economic advantage. Xiaowei Zheng’s superb book advances significantly our understanding of both these subjects, effectively linking universal political aspirations to parochial interests and ambitions through a focused examination of factional maneuvering, discursive battles, and bloodshed over state and popular rights in late Qing Sichuan. In particular, she elucidates how the Railroad Rights Recovery movement—or, rather, concerns regarding the administration and ultimate ownership of railroads and the dispensation of their economic benefits—catalyzed the articulation of contending perspectives regarding popular and state rights and powers. She demonstrates the centrality of socioeconomic interest and rights to notions of national and provincial citizenship and of state vs. popular power and legitimacy. As such, Zheng’s study contributes to several important areas of historiography and is in conversation with keystones of scholarship such as Ralph Huenemann on the Railroad Rights Recovery movement, Li Hsiao-t’i on popular enlightenment societies, Chang Hao on intellectual transformation, and Min Tu-ki and Peter Zarrow on state administration and ideology.1 It also complements province-centered studies of the 1911 Revolution by Mary Rankin and Joseph Esherick by providing a granular look at the advent and immediate fate of the revolution in Sichuan.2 Yet Zheng’s ultimate subject is far grander: in sum, she provides a clear and compelling narrative of the advent of modern politics in China. The first chapter characterizes nineteenth-century Qing Sichuan provincial administration and notions of political legitimacy as the status quo ante, in contrast to the wholesale transformation effected by the rise of popular self-determination and sovereignty, political rights, and anti-Qing activism, which are detailed in the subsequent seven chapters. Throughout the study, Sichuan’s perceived isolation—the product of its distance from Beijing and the North China civilizational heartland, its economic and social backwardness in comparison with the littoral zone, and its southwestern, border location—is invoked by historical actors to underscore the remarkably radical and inclusive nature of the popular railway protection movement and the consequent contestation and rejection of Qing imperial power. Few would have imagined it, but the first dramatic and consequential provincewide revolution involving modern nationalism, rights, and citizenship broke out in marginal, tradition-bound Sichuan, not in Zhejiang, Guangdong, or Hubei. Zheng traces reformist currents that promoted the power and rule of the monarch vs. those of the people, along with the emergence of constitutionalism, in the 1890s and 1900s. She then focuses on the appropriation and development of these ideas in Sichuan, highlighting the actions of figures such as Pu Dianjun (蒲殿俊 1875–1934), the leading constitutionalist and chair of the Provincial Assembly whose influence on Sichuan was later compared to that of Lenin and Trotsky on Soviet Russia. Despite being dispatched by [End Page E-10] the state to study law in Japan, Pu, like many cultivated to direct state-led reform, became a champion of popular power, initially in conjunction with the Qing and finally against it. His transformation was partly driven by his support of the Sichuan Railway Protection Association. Escalating conflicts regarding foreign loans and the potential nationalization of commercially owned lines moved Pu first to accuse the state of violating both the commercial code and constitutional principles, then to adjure it and endorse revolution. Acting Governor-General Zhao Erfeng (趙爾豐 1845–1911) initially cooperated with railroad rights activists but earned their enmity by enacting the Qing Court’s increasingly stringent demands for control over railroads and by deploying troops against people protesting railroad policy (which had led to the detention of Pu, whose release...

Renewable Energy in the North American-Freight Transportation Industry

Railroads, while still the most efficient form of transportation are some of the largest consumers of fuel in the world with thousands of miles of track and thousands of locomotives. With depleting energy reserves, climate change and secured sources of energy, new innovations are required. Railroads along with the energy industry can situate themselves to make great strides in resolving these issues while producing historic changes in the process. Electrified trains or “Wind Trains” as it has been described could be running on renewable energy from wind and solar, once large scale wind and solar operations are placed across wind and solar producing areas. With electric grids traversing inside railroad right of ways across North America from Wind farms, Solar farms and other sources of generation, mutual benefits can be gained.

Modern China's Network Revolution: Chambers of Commerce and Sociopolitical Change in the Early Twentieth Century by Zhongping Chen

Reviewed by: Modern China's Network Revolution: Chambers of Commerce and Sociopolitical Change in the Early Twentieth Century by Zhongping Chen Brett Sheehan (bio) Chen, Zhongping. Modern China's Network Revolution: Chambers of Commerce and Sociopolitical Change in the Early Twentieth Century. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011. xxi, 289 pp. $55.00 (cloth) The title of Zhongping Chen's new book has a double meaning. Modern China's Network Revolution refers both to his claim for new, revolutionary forms of networking among lower-Yangzi Chinese elites at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries and to the revolutionary roles of those networks in elite mobilization, especially in the 1911 revolution which overthrew the Qing. As such, the book makes a meaningful contribution to debates on the nature of Chinese organizational practices, especially merchant organizational practices, and to debates about the nature of late-Qing elite mobilization and the relationship of those mobilized elites to the state. The first three chapters focus on the new organizational forms, or what Chen calls associational networks (p. 7). Chen traces the beginnings of chambers of commerce, their growth and their bourgeoning relationships with each other. Specialists will appreciate the detailed information on specific merchants and organizations in these chapters, though general readers might find the number of names daunting. In theorizing about new organizational forms, Chen does not dismiss particularism as important in network formation, but he does argue for the importance of formal organization. Chen summarizes the gist of this organizational revolution as a series of new institutional norms and links: "formal leadership, membership, periodic meetings, competitive elections, network hierarchy" (p. 208). The result was organizations which were neither natural results of earlier guild evolution nor simple imitations of Western counterparts (p. 18). Chen shows the "revolutionary" results of these new institutions in a series of fascinating case studies. Chapter four discusses the extension of relationships among chambers of commerce as they banded together for the 1905 anti-American boycott, became involved in municipal governmental affairs, especially in Shanghai, and as they helped found other new organizations such as the extremely important merchant militias. Chapter five portrays chamber activities in the commercial and industrial realms as chambers organized tax protests, became involved in the Railroad Rights Recovery Movement, organized the Nanyang industrial exposition, and negotiated with American business interests. Chapter six provides an absorbing account of chamber involvement in the growing constitutional movement and then eventually in the revolts and secessions of the 1911 revolution which overthrew the Qing dynasty. Chen argues that the revolution did not, as some have claimed, grow out of the railway rights recovery movement which peaked in 1907, four years before lower-Yangzi businesspeople broke from the Qing (pp. 158-159). Chapter seven carries the story beyond 1911 to discuss the fates of lower Yangzi chambers in the republican period after 1911, but this chapter has less detail and is less satisfying than the other rich cases studies. Chen's topic fits within a series of important debates about local elites in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Taking a middle ground in terms of the balance between state and local power, the book portrays chambers as a combination of state-down direction and bottom-up mobilization on behalf of merchants (p. 56). Thus, initially the Qing court preferred merchant leadership for chambers so these new organizations would not enhance the power of the government's own provincial officials at the expense of the center (p. 52). At the same time, once formed, "official attempts to divide and rule chambers failed" (p. 76). The chambers were creatures of the state and simultaneously tools of local elites. Merchant elites, however, were not just interested in local dominance, but also showed public interests and joint actions with the populace against both the Qing government and foreign encroachment (p. 14). Although this last conclusion echoes the public sphere debates of two decades ago, Chen is careful to avoid this terminology. He shows that the relationship between merchants and the state is more complex than many arguments about the public sphere allow, and he presents a picture of "interactive dynamics and changeable relations with the state...

The Legal History of Federally Granted Railroad Rights of Way

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the United States government granted railroads thousands of miles of rights of way out of the federal public lands. Court decisions, led by an influential 1942 opinion by the United States Supreme Court, have held that there was a major shift in federal right of way granting policy in 1871, the year that the federal government ceased granting checkerboard land subsidies to railroads. Courts have held that as a consequence, the federal government has retained only limited rights in railroad rights of way that it granted after 1871. The courts have upheld Fifth Amendment takings claims against the government's reuse of such rights of way for purposes such as rail trails. This article contends that there is no historical evidence for an 1871 shift in federal right of way law, and that the Supreme Court erred when it held that there was such a shift. Based on a review of the history of federal railroad right of way grants and federal railroad land subsidy grants, it concludes that federal right of way grants were part of a Congressional policy that was consistent both before and after 1871. Under that policy, the federal government did not grant railroads full title to their federally granted rights of way. Instead, the government retained ownership and/or control of those rights of way sufficient to control their disposition if later abandoned by the railroads. It concludes, therefore, that the United States government should not be liable for Fifth Amendment takings claims based on new uses of federally granted railroad rights of way.

Alternative Understandings of Power in Meiji Japan

Unlike building railroads, writing treaties and conducting diplomacy was by no means a new practice in Meiji Japan (1868–1912). Performing these transactions in the terms of international law, however, required new techniques to control the discourse. The scholars and state aggrandizers who translated international law into Japanese at the time did not cause Japan to become the imperialist nation it did. Their fluent use of this discourse, however, legitimated Japan's imperialist claims within Japan and abroad. Although international terms empowered the powerful, the potential meaning of many of the terms inspired those trying to resist domination. For the architects of the Japanese empire, however, controlling Japanese sovereignty meant controlling the legal terms of governance wherever Japan ruled. The permitted discourse of legitimate Japan circumscribed expression throughout the geographical boundaries to which the new regime aspired. Techniques of control included obvious means such as banning books, but on a deeper level it meant negating definitions that challenged how Japan constituted its sovereignty within Japan and abroad. Following Pierre Bourdieu's discussion of the “metaphor of censorship,” I will demonstrate how the few people who challenged the discursive range that the state determined to use contested what most of society—at home and abroad—simply presumed to be a normatively defined legal terminology. Japan did not officially annex Korea until 1910, but it vied most doggedly there with other nations throughout the late nineteenth century over strategic privileges, mining and railroad rights, and souls to proselytize. For these reasons, Japanese officials realized the need to make Japan's Korea policies make international sense more acutely at the time than the country's other colonial schemes in order to engage in that competition with the Europeans and Americans. Within Japan's expanding empire the annexation of Korea most significantly established the perceived legitimacy of Japan as a modern imperial nation. Dissenting voices from mainland Japan as well as colonized Korea, however, tried to subvert how the new international terms were understood and used, and my essay will consider two examples. In the 1870s, Tarui Tōkichi, a poor and unsuccessful politician from Nara, envisioned a new nation he called “Great East” (Daitō) by blending Japan and Korea together. The Meiji government censored Tarui's plan until it effected its own version of “Daito” whereupon it celebrated Tarui and his book for its foresight. In 1908, a Korean high court justice named Heo Wi demanded that the world recognize his anti-Japanese rebellion (the Uibyeong) as a legitimate war according to international law. The international arena ignored his appeal, and he was tortured to death in a Japanese prison in Seoul. Alternate definitions of international terms were deemed inadmissible or illegal vis-à-vis the state's encoded limits for them, erasing the proposed meanings and often the people themselves from the record of legitimate Japan.

Rate of return regulation and rate base valuation

We analyze the rate of return (ROR) regulation that values a firm's assets at their book values, and decompose its effects into three components: the Averch–Johnson (AJ) effect, the capital-gains effect, and the book-valuation effect. We show that the book-valuation effect can upset the AJ effect to cause an underinvestment in capital. We obtain these results using a spatial model with a commuter railway. Next, by simulation, we demonstrate that the book-valuation effect of book-value-based ROR regulation causes Japanese urban railways to underinvest in railroad right of way, which results in extreme congestion during rush hours.

Mari Sandoz: Story Catcher of the Plains by Helen Winter Stauffer

Reviews Mari Sandoz: Story Catcher of the Plains. By Helen Winter Stauffer. (Lin­ coln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982. 322 pages, $22.50.) Mari Sandoz’s life makes for a classic American story. The scrawny, lonely, eldest daughter of immigrant parents, she grew up on the Nebraska frontier, forming “close emotional ties with the prairie, the bluffs, and the river,” hiding behind the stove to overhear the stories told by her eccentric father, Old Jules, and his Indian friends, stories which would become the foundation for her understanding of plains culture and history. As inde­ pendent, stubborn, and even cantankerous as her father, the major influence on her imagination, she rebelled against the restrictions he set upon her as a woman to make herself into a writer, teacher, and scholar, largely self-taught and eventually acknowledged as a foremost western historian. Always carry­ ing with her a sense of being an outsider, a visionary response to the land, and the psychic scars of her violent childhood, Sandoz explored in her best work her “emotional identification” with a region and a people. The forces which shaped her character also shaped her understanding of American history, as Helen Stauffer shows in her long-awaited biography, Mari Sandoz: Story Catcher of the Plains. Stauffer focuses on “the author’s life as it relates to her work.” Based on ten years of research as meticulous as that of Sandoz herself, including work with previously unexamined archival materials, Story Catcher of the Plains is tight and lively, gracefully integrating a wealth of information about Sandoz’s professional life, attitudes, and work habits with close discussions of her work. While Stauffer cannot expand greatly upon Sandoz’s own treatment of her early life in Old Jules, she has much to say about the influences on her writing during her formative years in Lincoln. She shows the genesis of her major works and the interrelations among them, traces her sources and explores her research methods, examines her repeated problems with her publishers, and details her awards and the critical reception of her writing. Stauffer empha­ sizes certain crucial themes and concerns like Sandoz’s efforts to de-bunk western myths, to present the Indian point of view, or to preserve historical materials in connection with several of her works at different times in her life. Believing that Sandoz’sprose contributes as much asher historical insights and her careful research to her stature as a writer, Stauffer is particularly perceptive when she analyzes stylistic innovations and shows how they grew from Sandoz’s sense of human experience. She discusses, for instance, how Sandoz conceived of Love Song of the Plains as a series of tall tales which would express the fantastic stories of the region. While acknowledging the 240 Western American Literature book’s lyricism, Stauffer quotes Sandoz as saying that she hopes some of her “written with barbed wire on sandpaper” style remains. Chronicling one of Sandoz’s many stylistic arguments with her publishers, Stauffer recounts an anecdote where Sandoz called an editor an “hadophile” : “ ‘one who has a mania for the word had and sticks it into prose like telegraph poles along a railroad right of way.’” Stauffer’s analysis of Sandoz’s efforts to recapture stylistically the Indian point of view is especially eloquent: Noting the copy editor’s aversion to her use of participial forms, Mari pointed out that although people from villages and cities tend to drop those forms from their vocabulary, persons who are aware of the continuous changes of life use the -ing form. The Indians, she said, were the extremists, particularly the Cheyennes, who had a pervading sense of the present, as their names often indicated: Flying Hawk, Sitting Man — even Dull Knife, which, translated literally, means Knife-that-isn’t-cutting. Participial forms are indispensible to this sense of life as a continuous thing, an endless, flow­ ing stream, Mari argued, and for that reason she objected to the editor’s attempt to eliminate them. While she looks most closely at what she calls Sandoz’s public image, Stauffer brings her subject to life through colorful personal details about her apartments, where filing boxes covered kitchen counters and chairs...

Reconstruction in Indian Territory: A Story of Avarice, Discrimination, and Opportunism (review)

BOOK REVIEWS185 is to be commended for re-publishing this massive travel account of the Reconstruction South. William C. Harris North Carolina State University Reconstruction in Indian Territory: A Story of Avarice, Discrimination, and Opportunism. By M[innie Elizabeth] Thomas Bailey. (Port Washington , New York: Kennikat Press, 1972. Pp. 225. $11.50.) While there have been numerous books written about the Five Civilized Nations, both singly and as a group, no one has attempted to provide a comprehensive study of Reconstruction in Indian Territory since Annie Abie's, The American Indian Under Reconstruction (1925). Professor Bailey's volume is an excellent contribution in that direction. Although it is amazingly overpriced for the number of pages and its lack of footnotes, there is a briefly annotated bibliography and the text is thoughtfully written producing a concise account of the era. Prior to the Civil War, as the author points out, United States policy toward the Indian was that of removal to selected areas west of the Mississippi River. By the mid-1840's this policy resulted in nearly all of the eastern tribes exchanging traditional homelands for "permanent" territory in present-day Kansas and Oklahoma. Then the issue of removal was lost in the sectional controversy that resulted in the Civil War. Union victory and Confederate sympathies among the Five Civilized Nations brought the problem into national prominence once again. According to Professor Bailey, Reconstruction was not a new concept for the tribes in Indian Territory in 1865. The Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee, and Seminole had already rebuilt their social, economic , and political systems as a result of removal. Now they were forced to cope with a new policy dictated by the victorious Union government. All of the trans-Mississippi Nations were to be removed from their ancestral homes to smaller areas of land either north of Nebraska or south of Kansas. It remained necessary to invalidate the legal claims of the Five Civilized Nations to all of Indian Territory to make room for the new tribal groups, but the pro-Confederate stand of the Five Nations provided a convenient excuse to achieve this goal. Professor Bailey traces an intricate and fascinating story in describing the anomalies of Reconstruction among the Indians. Each tribe agreed to cede a portion of its lands to the government or to allow the settlement of new tribes on their territory. This cleared all of Kansas for white exploitation and opened the western half of Indian Territory to whites and the Southern Plains Tribes. Ironically, because they were more united and better organized, the pro-Confederate Choctaw and Chickasaw suffered fewer land losses than the other tribes which had strong Union loyalties during and after the war. The Creek and Cherokee lost about half of their lands while the Seminole, who had suffered the most for the Union cause, lost their whole claim and were forced 186 CIVIL WAR HISTORY to live in former Creek territory. The Five Civilized Nations also agreed to allow railroad rights of way, and to establish a central council which could later evolve into an actual territorial government. Like all slaveholding areas, the Indian Territory had to readjust its relations with the newly freed Negroes. There was little difficulty in this among the Seminole people because of the close feeling already established between the two races in Florida before removal. The Creek Nation, however, agreed to grant the blacks equality only after a prolonged argument between the Union and Confederate factions. Although the Cherokee had freed their slaves in response to the Emancipation Proclamation during the war, they, the Choctaw, and the Chickasaw passed extensive Black Codes to regulate the Negroes' freedom . These three tribes had the same hostile feelings to the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as did white southerners, and many Indian slaveholders expected compensation for their emancipated bondsmen. There was also a "New Departure Democrat" phenomenon in the Indian Territory—a clash between traditionalists, who revered ancient tribal customs and ways, and those who wished to abandon the past for a new, modern way of life. One of the strong points of this book is the extensive use of maps to show tribal locations. It is...

Electrical Features of Eddystone Station

The high efficiency of supercritical pressure turbine generators of this size is a compelling reason to attain maximum availability factor, and this dictates a high degree of reliability of the electrical features. On the other hand, cost must be held to a minimum. It is believed that the optimum balance between these two basic requirements has been achieved by stressing simplicity. The unit system is used both for the main and for the auxiliary equipment. The auxiliaries are supplied by a simple radial system which is arranged to eliminate costly ties and promote proper operation. Double cooling of the main transformers provides emergency capacity at minimum cost. The use of welded aluminum supporting structures in the 132-kv substation reduces the cost of maintenance. The relay system is designed to assure system stability. Railroad rights of way and railroad structures are used extensively for transmission lines.

Network coupling by means of static electronic frequency changers

DURING the last few years several attempts have been made, especially by some foreign railways, to find ways and means to feed their 11,000-volt 16 2/3-cycle railway trolley system directly from a commercial 50-cycle power source by means of a simple device, or then to have the locomotives equipped with such apparatus which would permit using power at the latter frequency fed directly to the trolley line. In other words, it was felt that many advantages could be gained if the trolley line could be fed, directly, or over a simple converter, from any commercial power network which would be adjacent to the railroad's right of way.

Network Coupling by Means of Static Electronic Frequency Changers

DURING the last few years several attempts have been made, especially by some foreign railways, to find ways and means to feed their 11,000-volt 16 2/3-cycle railway trolley system directly from a commercial 50-cycle power source by means of a simple device, or then to have the locomotives equipped with such apparatus which would permit using power at the latter frequency fed directly to the trolley line. In other words, it was felt that many advantages could be gained if the trolley line could be fed, directly, or over a simple converter, from any commercial power network which would be adjacent to the railroad's right of way.

The herbicidal properties of boron compounds

Abstract does not appear. First page follows. Introduction In the field of chemical weed control there is a constant demand for a reagent that will render the soil permanently sterile, for use on graveled driveways, parking areas, railroad right of ways, and similar areas where any plant growth is a nuisance. Although arsenic has proved most effective (14)4 for this purpose, its use is always attended by a poison hazard. For this reason it seems desirable to find a soil sterilant that is nonpoisonous to man and animals. The known toxicity of boron compounds to plants suggests the possibility of their use for this purpose. While it is recognized that toxic concentrations of boron occur in soils in certain regions in California and Nevada (19), (23), (32) and that the leaching of additional boron compounds into the underground waters in these regions is undesirable, there are large areas in these states, and others, where such a condition does not exist. In fact, as the data presented in this paper will show, one of the most promising uses for boron compounds is in the control of range weeds in the north-coast counties of California where the underground waters are not utilized for irrigation. It seems therefore that such materials may find extensive use in many places. On the other hand, it is well to point out at the outset that wherever boron is present in toxic quantities in soils, and wherever crop plants may be affected, boron compounds should not be used in weed control.

A CASE OF GAS GANGRENE TREATED BY INFILTRATION OF THE TISSUES WITH PERMANGANATE SOLUTION

B. B., a white man, aged 58, was brought to Butterworth Hospital, Dec. 16, 1933, at 1 p. m. from a railroad right of way, where he had been struck by a train. The right leg was frightfully mangled and, except for a band of skin, was severed at its midpoint. Measures to combat shock were immediately instituted and an amputation about four inches below the knee accomplished as soon as possible. The postoperative course was not remarkable until the third day, when the patient became irrational, with a temperature of 104. At 3 p. m. of this day definite crepitation was elicited along the medial aspect of the amputation stump. The patient was isolated and all sutures were removed from the stump, leaving the wound wide open. A continuous drip of permanganate solution 1: 1,000 was started into the wound. The crepitant area of the leg was infiltrated with

Special Assessments and Railroad Rights of Way

Special Assessments and Railroad Rights of Way