Radical Women Research Articles

A Brick and A Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression by Melissa Ford (review)

A Brick and A Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression by Melissa Ford (review)

The Role of Women's Leadership in the Traditional Muslim Religious Movement (New Paradigm in PBNU Leadership 2022-2027)

<em>Seeing the structure of PBNU for the 2022-2027 Period, Gus Yahya (Top Leader of PBNU) gave an important role for women to join the structure of PBNU's daily management, after approximately 96 years PBNU did not involve women in its staff structure. This certainly affects the direction of PBNU organizational policies in the future. This study intends to analyze the shift in NU's religious paradigm related to the role of women in collective leadership at PBNU and its implications in responding to changing times as well as welcoming a new civilization within NU which is entering the second century. This research includes library research with a socio-phenomenological approach. This study resulted in the finding that the paradigm shift in NU leadership was based on changes in religious understanding and empirical experiences of NU clerics (Kiai and Nyai) in various aspects of life, religious, social, political, and cultural. In addition, many NU programs related to women such as reproductive health, sexual violence, migrant women workers, reproductive health, and women's radicalism are considerations for the importance of women's involvement in the development and implementation of these programs. Strategic roles in PBNU given to women such as Nyai Dr. (H.C) Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman at Musytasyar, Nyai Nafisah Ali Maksum at A'wan, Alissa Wahid and Khafifah Indar Parawansa at Tanfidziyah.</em>

Introduction

Introduction Dayo F. Gore (bio) and Christina B. Hanhardt (bio) In 2020 the Movement for Black Lives, drawing on what it describes as an "ecosystem of over 170 organizations," relaunched its 2016 Vision for Black Lives platform to build "political will and power" (Movement for Black Lives 2020). Two aspects of the platform stand out to us: first, that an intersectional analysis is at the center of all demands; and second, that "the state" is theorized as a source of punishment that activists reject and as a set of resources that activists might make claims upon. Given our respective research on twentieth-century U.S. social movements (Christina on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer activism, and Dayo on Black women's radicalism and the U.S. Left) and investments in contemporary left movements, these issues have long preoccupied our work on and engagement with political organizing. In the last three years the stakes have only intensified. Social and economic conditions in the United States and around the globe demonstrate the necessity of addressing categories of difference while confronting state power, its resources, and institutional reach. From abolitionist demands to "defund the police and invest in communities" to calls for protecting rights such as access to abortion and health care, these years of pandemic, protests, and legal mandates have laid bare the power of the state to shape everyday life and survival. This is especially the case in the context of the recalibration of neoliberalism and white nationalism. Counter to claims on the left and right that identity politics stand in contrast to class politics, or that movements named by single-identity frames are necessarily delimited, many activist responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and leadership during the Black Lives Matter uprisings of the [End Page 11] summer of 2020 treated race, gender, sexuality, and class as tightly interwoven social categories that are essential to building justice movements and radical change. In addition, many of these movements have directly engaged the state, be that in supporting socialist- and progressive-identified political candidates or demanding economic resources for state health infrastructure, even as they have also participated in local mutual aid networks and called for the end of carceral systems, borders, and even the U.S. nation-state itself. We have been struck by how these organizing efforts speak to histories that we have studied of political movements that center identity and economic politics and also urge a revisiting of the ways states mobilize power and belonging through interconnected systems of benefits, discipline, and violence. In considering this special issue we were inspired by important debates about the state that have long animated social movement organizing as well as left and feminist scholarship, such as the place of liberal reforms in radical strategy, the value or limits of centralization and seeding electoral power from below, the challenges of forging new visions on an international scale while sustaining local engagement, and how to recognize the state's co-optation of radical terms without ceding discursive and political ground. We also sought to highlight scholarship and activism emerging from feminists of color that have long made visible the capitalist state's use of social locations beyond class to structure resource distribution. We seek in this issue on State/Power to provide productive insights and provoke further conversation. The articles that follow reroute expected histories and dominant discourses about state power and track how people, particularly Black and other racialized communities, have organized in response. They also take up some precise issues from recent years that have been at the forefront of discussions about the state, such as practices of mutual aid and collective care, the expansion of state punishment alongside the retraction of public resources, and the relationship between local, federal, and global power. Throughout, they explore what directly engaging the state might offer and restrict, and they do so with an attentiveness to identity and difference. The first two articles approach these issues through an analysis of the place of bodily regulation in the operation of the carceral state. In "'The Potential That Was in All of Us': Carceral Disability and the Japanese American Redress Movement," Adria L. Imada looks at how...

A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest during the Great Depression by Melissa Ford (review)

A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest during the Great Depression by Melissa Ford (review)

Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985

Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985

Lesbian Nation and Black nationalism

ABSTRACT This article considers the influence of Black nationalism on the idea of lesbianism as a distinct and separate identity through five influential US texts, which are Lesbian/Woman by Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon, Sappho Was a Right-On Woman: A Liberated View of Lesbianism by Sidney Abbott and Barbara Love, Lesbian Nation by Jill Johnston, This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color edited by Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa and Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology edited by Barbara Smith. It argues that while the white authors embraced Black nationalism as an unproblematic model, the Black authors expressed a more nuanced understanding of its strengths and limitations based on their lived experience with the movement.

Radical Women: Fighting for Power and the Vote in New Jersey!

Radical Women: Fighting for Power and the Vote in New Jersey! Reviewed by Susanna Rich

Reliving the Commune: American Women Radicals and the Figure of Revolution

Reliving the Commune: American Women Radicals and the Figure of Revolution

Book Review: Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985 by Cecilia Fajardo-Hill and Andrea Giunta

Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985 , by Cecilia Fajardo-Hill and Andrea Giunta. Los Angeles: Hammer Museum; New York: DelMonico Books/Prestel, 2017, 376 pp., 550 color illus. $60 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-7913-5680-8. Reviewed by Ana Maria Reyes. Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–

Radicalization Of Women In Isis In Malaysia: Profiling, Causes And Roles

Women appears to be very significant in the survival of ISIS. It is due to their roles in procreating the militants, recruiting, and even in combating. Various studies and reports have shown that, although the ISIS subscribes to the idea that women should be confined at homes with their husbands and children, women’s roles are increasingly significant and crucial especially in the post establishment of the Caliphate, with Raqqa, Syria, as the Capital City. Even though the Caliphate had fallen in 2017, women continue to be a force to be reckoned. Prior the fall of Raqqa, reports have shown that over 500 western women have travelled to for various roles. In the context of Malaysia, the entire nation was shocked to learn that there are Malaysian women who involved in ISIS in 2013 and the numbers are growing until now. At present, more than 30 women have been identified involving in ISIS- some have been detained, released and few are not being able to be located. Interestingly, these women come from diverse demography such as age, educational level, economic and social background. Their involvement in ISIS also are motivated by various factors including for jihadism and for marriage. This article focuses on the profiling of the Malaysian women who involved in ISIS and the causes of their radicalization and roles they played in ISIS. The data gathered are primarily from various reports and expert interviews who involved with female ISIS detainees. Keywords: Radicalization, ISIS, women, terrorism, Malaysia

Radicalization Of Women In Isis In Malaysia: Profiling, Causes And Roles

Women appears to be very significant in the survival of ISIS. It is due to their roles in procreating the militants, recruiting, and even in combating. Various studies and reports have shown that, although the ISIS subscribes to the idea that women should be confined at homes with their husbands and children, women’s roles are increasingly significant and crucial especially in the post establishment of the Caliphate, with Raqqa, Syria, as the Capital City. Even though the Caliphate had fallen in 2017, women continue to be a force to be reckoned.  Prior the fall of Raqqa, reports have shown that over 500 western women have travelled to for various roles. In the context of Malaysia, the entire nation was shocked to learn that there are Malaysian women who involved in ISIS in 2013 and the numbers are growing until now. At present, more than 30 women have been identified involving in ISIS- some have been detained, released and few are not being able to be located. Interestingly, these women come from diverse demography such as age, educational level, economic and social background. Their involvement in ISIS also are motivated by various factors including for jihadism and for marriage. This article focuses on the profiling of the Malaysian women who involved in ISIS and the causes of their radicalization and roles they played in ISIS. The data gathered are primarily from various reports and expert interviews who involved with female ISIS detainees.  Keywords: Radicalization, ISIS, women, terrorism, Malaysia

Radicalization Of Women In Isis In Malaysia: Profiling, Causes And Roles

Women appears to be very significant in the survival of ISIS. It is due to their roles in procreating the militants, recruiting, and even in combating. Various studies and reports have shown that, although the ISIS subscribes to the idea that women should be confined at homes with their husbands and children, women’s roles are increasingly significant and crucial especially in the post establishment of the Caliphate, with Raqqa, Syria, as the Capital City. Even though the Caliphate had fallen in 2017, women continue to be a force to be reckoned.  Prior the fall of Raqqa, reports have shown that over 500 western women have travelled to for various roles. In the context of Malaysia, the entire nation was shocked to learn that there are Malaysian women who involved in ISIS in 2013 and the numbers are growing until now. At present, more than 30 women have been identified involving in ISIS- some have been detained, released and few are not being able to be located. Interestingly, these women come from diverse demography such as age, educational level, economic and social background. Their involvement in ISIS also are motivated by various factors including for jihadism and for marriage. This article focuses on the profiling of the Malaysian women who involved in ISIS and the causes of their radicalization and roles they played in ISIS. The data gathered are primarily from various reports and expert interviews who involved with female ISIS detainees.  Keywords: Radicalization, ISIS, women, terrorism, Malaysia

Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985, Pacific Standard Time Festival: Live Art LA/LA

Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985, Pacific Standard Time Festival: Live Art LA/LA

Cautionary Tales from the Sexual Revolution: Freedom Gained and Lost in 1970s Novels, Films, and Memoirs

Miss America pageant debuted in Atlantic City on 8 September 1921 as a gimmick by local businessmen to extend the summer tourist season beyond its traditional Labor Day demise. Despite the obvious commercial interests that motivated the event, one can hardly ignore the coincident history that may also in part explain the pageant's origins-or at least its initial tremendous popularity: a year earlier, the nation had ratified the nineteenth amendment, guaranteeing women the right to vote, and a decade of relaxed sartorial and rules had just begun. At this moment, a group of male business leaders and, to be sure, a large contingent of mixed audience members (not to mention the enthused contestants themselves) seemed to seek reassurance in images of traditional femininity on display for general consumption. In other words, no sooner had women staked out for themselves a measure of political, personal, and freedom then they found it recouped to their detriment by those exploiting female sexuality for public commercial and private psychological gains.Just as ironically, the 1968 Miss America pageant provided the stage whereupon the second-wave feminist movement impressed itself on the national consciousness for the first time. A group called the New York Radical Women (NYRW) marched on the Boardwalk, carrying signs that read Let's Judge Ourselves as People and Cattle Parades are Degrading to Human Beings; in keeping with their meat theme, they crowned a live sheep as Miss America. They also filled up a Freedom Trash Can with instruments of female torture (Morgan, No More 584), including false eyelashes, copies of Playboy and Ladies Home Journal, high heels, make-up, and the pneumatic (Greer 39) of midcentury repute. Although they were denied the necessary permits to ignite the toxic, plasticky load into a stinky blaze, so expected was the conflagration that would conclude the stunt that the appellation bra-burner was born then and there and attached pejoratively to the second-wave women's movement from then on. Thursday following the event, Art Buchwald's column The Bra-Burners lamented the protesters' misguided decision to give up the accoutrements that drew men's attention; without them, he comically averred, they would all come to resemble the eccentric musical performer of the era, Tiny Tim. Buchwald's column thus fanned the flames, so to speak, regarding the second wave's pyromania with respect to female foundations; as Ruth Rosen has observed, bras seemed to mean a great deal to those journalists who couldn't tell the difference between the revolution and women's (160); Rosen adds, 'bra-burning' became a symbolic way of sexualizing-and thereby trivializing-the women's struggle for emancipation (161). With due respect to the basic truths of Rosen's assessment, progressive, radical/revolutionary women's liberation and potentially recuperative, exploitative freedom were as intertwined and interdependent for some (see, e.g., Ehrenreich et al. 40) as they were mutually exclusive and cross-canceling for others. And for all involved, the payout was complex indeed: note for instance how the Radical Women's entirely legitimate complaint against confining, painful, denaturalizing bras, corsets, and girdles-and the myriad cultural confinements keyed to their presence on the public stage-could not but pale in comparison, as an overdramatized bra-burning, in the crisis-laden landscape of money-burning (by the Diggers of late 1960s San Francisco), draft card-burning, and crossburning of that era.The conundrum is exemplified once more in this famous photo from the 1968 Atlantic City protest (Figure 1):Despite the militancy of the demonstrating women, not to mention the clearly political intention of the poster itself, it is doubtful that the beefy, scornful viewer of this display has women's equality in mind. To be sure, the poster image, with its attractive, nude, alluringly posed model, sending clear signals with her flirtatious cowboy hat and sultry, over-the-shoulder glance, helps matters not at all, and one might puzzle forever regarding the motivation that led the protesters to make their statement with the aid of this particular image: clearly it exploits the very sexual sell that the Radical Women came to the Boardwalk to critique, and the look at me theatricality essential to all such protest actions from the period is just as difficult to distinguish from the feminine spectacle transpiring at the pageant inside. …

Latina Art Through the Exhibition Lens: Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960-1985

This study analyzes a new exhibition on insufficiently recognized, major Latina artists, left out of the discourses on Latin American and U.S. Chicana/o and Latina/o art. Specific examples and background history for the artists is provided by the authors (also the exhibits' curators), with attention to archives and the fields of art history and Chicana/o and Latina/o studies; concluding interrogations for future studies.

A Collective Object for the Sociology of Morality Project

pinquity Revisited: Communications Technology and the Transformation of the Urban Public Sphere.’’ Sociological Inquiry 68(3):373–397. Castells, Manuel. 1997. The Power of Identity. London: Blackwell Publishers. Coleman, Gabriella E. 2012. Coding Freedom: The Ethics and Aesthetics of Hacking. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Coleman, Gabriella E. 2014. Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anonymous. New York: Verso. Dauvergne, Peter, and Genevieve LeBaron. 2014. Protest Inc.: The Corporatization of Activism. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Downing, John. 2001. Radical Media: Rebellious Communication and Social Movements. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Earl, Jennifer, and Katrina Kimport. 2011. Digitally Enabled Social Change: Activism in the Internet Age. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Fisher, Dana. 2006. Activism, Inc.: How the Outsourcing of Political Campaigns is Strangling Progressive Politics in America. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Harcourt, Bernard E. 2013. ‘‘Political Disobedience.’’ Pp. 45–92 in Occupy: Three Inquiries in Disobedience, edited by W. J. T. Mitchell, B. E. Harcourt, and M. Taussig. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hick, Steven, and John G. McNutt, eds. 2002. Advocacy and Activism on the Internet: Perspectives from Community Organization and Social Policy. Chicago: Lyceum Books. Jordan, Tim, and Paul Taylor. 2004. Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause. New York: Routledge. Lievrouw, Leah A. 2011. Alternative and Activist New Media. London: Polity. Meyer, David S., and Sidney G. Tarrow. 1998. The Social Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. Ramos, Howard, and Kathleen Rodgers, eds. 2015. Protest and Politics: The Promise of Social Movement Societies. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Rheingold, Howard. 1993. The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Samson, Robert J., Doug McAdam, Heather MacIndoe, and Simon WefferElizondo. 2005. ‘‘Civil Society Reconsidered: The Durable Nature and Community Structure of Collective Civic Action.’’ American Journal of Sociology 111(3): 673–714. Walker, Edward. 2015. Grassroots for Hire: Public Affairs Consultancy in American Democracy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Wellman, Barry. 1997. ‘‘An Electronic Group Is Virtually a Social Network.’’ Pp. 179–205 in Culture of the Internet, edited by S. Kiesler. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Wellman, Barry. 2004. ‘‘The Three Ages of Internet Studies: Ten, Five and Zero Years Ago.’’ New Media and Society 6(1):123–129. Whalen, Jack, and Richard Flacks. 1990. Beyond the Barricades: The Sixties Generation Grows Up. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Whittier, Nancy. 1995. Feminist Generations: The Persistence of the Radical Women’s Movement. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Wolfson, Todd. 2014. Digital Rebellion: The Birth of the Cyber Left. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Yang, Guobin. 2009. The Power of the Internet in China: Citizen Activism Online. New York: Columbia University Press.

A Conversation with Ericka Huggins

236 Feminist Studies 42, no. 1. © 2016 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Lisa Rofel and Jeremy Tai A Conversation with Ericka Huggins This interview with Ericka Huggins, a former member of the Black Panther Party, was conducted in May 2015 by Lisa Rofel, a member of the Feminist Studies editorial collective.1 This interview is abridged for purposes of space. Huggins requested that we not review parts of her life that have been well documented elsewhere. One of the most detailed and illuminating previous interviews, conducted by Fiona Thompson, can be found in the Oral History Archives at the University of California Berkeley. Additionally, Huggins coauthored an essay with Angela D. LeBlanc-Ernest about the Black Panther Party’s Oakland community school, where she had been a long-time leader, “Revolutionary Women, Revolutionary Education: The Black Panther Party’s Oakland Community School,” in Want to Start a Revolution? Radical Women in the Black Freedom Struggle, ed., Dayo Gore, Jeanne Theoharis, and Komozi Woodard (2009). The question that prompted this first response was about the use of academic language in teaching and writing. Ericka Huggins: I’m not allergic to the language. However, there’s a way to use just enough that people know where you’re coming from. I went into education because I grew up in Washington, DC, where access to quality education was a joke. That’s why I wanted to become a teacher. . . . I lived in Southeast DC, where, if you were black or brown, you just weren’t going to have access to books even, and much less teachers who really cared about you. I don’t have a grudge. 1. The interview was transcribed and edited by Jeremy Tai, an assistant professor of anthropology at McGill University. Lisa Rofel and Jeremy Tai 237 I moved to Pennsylvania to go to college to become a teacher, and I saw the same thing in the rural village where I tutored English and writing . That wasn’t DC: that was rural Pennsylvania. And then I went to New York. Same thing. Later, when I joined the Black Panther Party, in California, I realized that some of the young party members could not read. They were great minds, yet they had not been taught. I was nineteen. Tommy Smith was a brilliant seventeen year old. One day when we were reading Mao Zedong’s Red Book, I found out how he couldn’t read. He could memorize everything. He admitted this to me quietly. So I taught him how to read. Huey [Newton] made statements that were so simple. Huey did not learn how to read until he was sixteen. He thought there was no reason for [reading], it was bullshit. Until one day a teacher said to Huey, “You’re not going to become anything. You know, you should just take up a trade.” His brother taught him to read. This is still said to people today. Look at the books Huey wrote. What if he had believed that he didn’t have any intellectual capacity? What if he believed that? What if I had believed that? I think as we get entrenched in the academy, we [forget] our original , inspired purpose. Lisa Rofel: You used two terms I wanted to ask you to say a little more about. One was transformative education. The other is revolutionary thinking. So if you could talk about those two terms. EH: I don’t believe that human beings in a classroom at any age—I don’t care what age they are, three years old, five years—I don’t believe they are empty vessels, and I am going to walk in there, like, you know, knower of the universe and drop gems into that vessel. No need to intend to think of myself as knowing everything. I don’t. So transformative learning for me is that which occurs in a learning environment where the facilitator of the learning—me as an example or you as an example—is learning as much as the students. So I am facilitating that learning. Okay, they came there because they wanted to know about how the Black Panther Party provided strategies for organizing the people...

"Not until Zimbabwe Is Free Can We Stop to Think about It": The Zimbabwe African National Union and Radical Women's Health Activists in the United States, 1979

This article contributes to the fledgling literature on solidarity with individual African liberation struggles other than the South African antiapartheid movement by focusing on one of several connections made by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) with radicals in the United States. In 1979, a time of global revolutionary optimism, discussions were held about building solidarity between ZANU and the Federation of Women's Health Centers, a radical wing of the women's health movement. The proposed links held the promise of developing new understandings of gendered embodiment and anticolonial struggle and perhaps even of novel, radical practices of social emancipation in soon-to-be-liberated Zimbabwe and in the United States. But cultural differences, historical ignorance, insensitivities, and conflicting understandings of gendered and political propriety scuttled the efforts, providing early intimations of race and gender fault lines in the two movements that were to become increasingly apparent in the coming decades.

Book Review: Jeanne Theoharis, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks

Book Review: Jeanne Theoharis, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. Beacon Press, 2013. ISBN: 978-0807050477 (Hardcover). 304 pages. $27.95Americans accustomed to popular characterization of Rosa Parks as quiet, gentle seamstress who unwittingly sparked civil rights movement by refusing to give up her seat on a Crow bus might be surprised to see her included in, much less gracing cover of, an essay collection entitled Want to Start a Revolution? Radical Women in 2 . Black Freedom Struggle. The cover photograph of her admiring a poster of Malcolm X might startle those used to picturing Parks in contrast to, not alongside, militants such as Malcolm X. Yet as Jeanne Theoharis, a professor of political science at Brooklyn College, reveals in that volume and in The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks, Parks merits reconsideration as a radical for her lifetime of activism, well before and long after Montgomery bus boycott she inspired. In this political biography, Theoharis unravels what she calls of Rosa Parks by taking into full account depth, complexities, and costs of her political commitments. At same time, Theoharis analyzes how image of Parks as an accidental or angelic heroine emerged at time, consequences of that myth for Parks, and political needs that image continues to serve (42). In turn, this account of Parks's life history of being rebellious (as Parks described it) offers a different set of political lessons than fable of spontaneous act of a tired seamstress. These more sobering but more interesting lessons are important-indeed, indispensable-for activists, teachers, and students of social movements alike.The first half of The Rebellious Life charts how Parks came to action, while second half follows how she sustained and expanded her activism forty years after boycott, in Jim Crow North (xiii). The fable of Rosa Parks promotes the idea that without any preparation (political or psychic) or subsequent work a person can make change with a single act, suffer no lasting consequences, and one day be heralded as a hero (x). Theoharis counters this narrative by documenting personality, people, and political philosophy that enabled Parks to protest. Theoharis identifies respectability as bedrock of Parks's activism, not in terms of middle-class consciousness employed by many historians, but in terms of respecting oneself and insisting on respect from others (1, 33). Part of being respectable was not consenting to disrespect of her person, Theoharis explains (65). Rosa McCauley learned this rectitude and race pride from her grandfather, a supporter of Marcus Garvey and his Pan-Africanist Universal Negro Improvement Association, and her mother, a teacher in black church schools (1). Steeped in political thought from an early age, Rosa learned to identify injustice and to channel controlled anger into action with a careful balance of negotiation and militancy (4, 6). She brought this awareness to her marriage to activist Raymond Parks, whom she joined in protest against wrongful conviction of nine young men accused of rape and sentenced to death in Scottsboro, Alabama in 1931-twentyfour years before her bus protest. Thereafter, Mrs. Parks conducted efforts to register black voters, and determinedly and successfully registered to vote herself in 1945, when very few managed to do so (2022). As secretary of Montgomery National Association for Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Parks investigated, publicized, and protested cases of racial violence, beginning with case of Mrs. Recy Taylor, who was gang raped by six white men in 1944 (23-24). Building on her experience in Scottsboro, Parks organized in defense of black men accused of rape, including Montgomery high school student Jeremiah Reeves who was sentenced to death for a consensual relationship with a white woman in 1953 and ultimately executed in 1958 (31). …

“If you’re in a country that’s progressive, the woman is progressive”: Black Women Radicals and The Making of the Politics and Legacy of Malcolm X

This article examines the crucial but understudied role black women radicals such as Vicki Garvin, Louise Little, Betty Shabazz, and Queen Mother Audley Moore played in shaping the black revolutionary politics and legacy of Malcolm X. Dynamic activist-intellectuals, these women’s collaborations with Malcolm X speak to the importance of black women in the making of the black radical tradition.