Political Groups Research Articles

The association between the type of offline social participation and digital literacy among Korean older adults: a cross-sectional study.

Poor social connections are associated with poor digital literacy. Poor digital literacy could induce poor outcomes in daily life or health status, especially among older adults. This study aimed to investigate the effect of social participation based on its absolute magnitude on digital literacy and to confirm the well-known fact that social participations are good for digital literacy is applicable regardless of activity types in a sample of older Korean adults. A total of 9,297 adults aged 65 years or older from the 2020 National Survey of Older Koreans were analyzed. All data were self-reported. Poor digital literacy was defined by limited usage of digital devices. Offline social participation was evaluated using seven different social activities: senior community activities, learning activities, religious activities, volunteer work, leisure, political groups, and club activities. Multivariable logistic regression analysis with covariate adjustment was used for the analysis. Engaging in more than two types of social participation was associated with higher digital literacy: adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 1.965, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.567-2.465 for two types of participation, and aOR 2.558, 95% CI 2.040-3.208 for more than three types of participation. Additionally, social participation occurring less than once a month and most types of offline activities were associated with improved digital literacy. However, senior community activities were negatively associated with digital literacy (aOR 0.762; 95% CI 0.681-0.852). In this sample of older Korean adults, it was found that the lower the social participation, the poorer the digital literacy. This association may induce the isolation of older adults from societies especially for older adults with senior community activities.

The Lithuanian Nomenklatura of the Period of Stagnation in the Eyes of the Soviet “Governor General”: the Clash during the Appointment of Petras Griškevičius

The article, based on the author’s conversation with Valery Charazov (born 1918), second secretary of the Lithuanian Communist party Central Committee (further LCP CC) 1967–1978, archive sources, and memoirs of other activists of that period, describes Charazov’s attitude to the situation in Soviet Lithuania after the death of the LCP CC first secretary Antanas Sniečkus, his evaluation of the Republic’s highest nomenklatura as well as his active role in appointing second secretary Petras Griškevičius as first secretary of LCP CC. Valery Charazov’s activity as LCP CC second secretary is similar to the activities of second secretaries of other republics, and it allows us to see the wider pattern of their activity throughout the Soviet Union. On the other hand, certain aspects allow us to see the Soviet Union–wide political processes from the local perspective of a republic. This is revealed though analysis of the actions of Charazov’s Lithuanian nomenklatura opponents – how they used their political connections with Ukrainian CP CC first secretary Shcherbitsky and with the Dnepropetrovsk political group which became entrenched during Leonid Brezhnev’s rule, as well as through the review of the political heritage of Antanas Sniečkus, who was also a client of the “shadow” USSR cardinal Mikhail Suslov. The article looks at the survey of the Lithuanian nomenklatura carried out by Valery Charazov. With this survey he sought to elect and present to Moscow the most suitable candidate to succeed Antanas Sniečkus. This survey and the character descriptions of candidates made in its wake was the informational basis that enabled the election of a candidate satisfactory to both Moscow and the local nomenklatura. The article presents the results of the survey carried out by Charazov. The following candidates were nominated for the position of LCP CC first secretary: chairman of the Council of Ministers of LSSR Juozas Maniušis, three LCP CC secretaries – Secretary for Industry and Construction Algirdas Ferensas, Secretary for Ideology Antanas Barkauskas, Secretary for Agriculture Rimgaudas Songaila – as well as the chairman of the party’s Vilnius city committee Petras Griškevičius, chairman of the LSSR labour unions’ committee Kazimieras Mackevičius, and head of LCP CC Organisational-party work division Vytautas Astrauskas. In the 47 interviews with contemporary party and Soviet leaders, the candidacy of Petras Griškevičius gained the most support. This activist was the first choice of 12 persons, and was considered a potential candidate (among others) – by 29 persons. Antanas Barkauskas was the first choice of one of those interviewed and was considered a possible candidate by 11 persons; Rimgaudas Songaila was no one’s first choice, but was seen as a possible candidate by 9 persons; Kazimieras Mackevičius, like Songaila, was not anyone’s preferred candidate, but 6 representatives considered him a possible candidate. Charazov’s survey revealed how unpopular Maniušis, who was viewed as one of the favourites, was. No one considered him as a first choice and 17 people considered him a possible candidate. Arguably, the main result of Charazov’s survey was the genuine characterisation of the nominees. It was distinguished from other formal responses of the time by the open identification of negative character traits of the candidates and a rather accurate description of their personalities.

L.E.L. in and out of the Birkbeck Album: Poetics and Politics

Letitia Elizabeth Landon’s contributions to Anna Birkbeck’s album may seem out of place among entries by radicals and reformers associated with the London Mechanics’ Institution, among them John Bowring, William Hone, Robert Owen, and John Thelwall. Yet contrasting sentimental poetics with radical politics fails to capture the radical aesthetics of the 1820s. Thelwall, for instance, placed Landon, whom he called ‘Sappho’, among ‘Poets and Poetry of the Age’. The album authors include editors of journals that shaped Landon’s career: William Jerdan, editor of the Literary Gazette, where Landon made her reputation in the 1820s; and Samuel Carter Hall, the editor of The Amulet and the New Monthly Magazine, which were important venues for her later poems. This article analyses the Landon poems entered into the Birkbeck album after being published in the Literary Gazette, together with later poems published in Fisher’s Drawing Room Scrap Book (1832) and the New Monthly Magazine (1836), teasing out the poetics and politics of her poetry in challenging an egotistical, Wordsworthian strand of Romantic writing, and arguing instead for ‘the public circulation of affect and the necessity of dreaming as a social need’.

Brexit and the Iraq War on BBC Question Time: Demographic and Political Issue Representation in UK Public Participation Broadcasting

Public broadcasters are bound by strict guidelines to ensure balance in representing different demographic and political groups, and to better reflect the distribution of these characteristics within the public and political elites. How are these decisions affected when the biggest political issues of the day create further cleavages that not only cross-cut existing divides but also deserve representation in political discourse? In this article, we examine how panel selection on BBC Question Time dealt with this in relation to two prominent issues in twenty-first century UK politics: Brexit and the UK invasion of Iraq. We introduce an original dataset including all BBC Question Time appearances between 2001 and 2019, created using a combination of web-scraping and expert coding. This allows us to trace patterns in representation across sex, ethnicity, educational background, as well as partisan affiliation and stances on issues like Brexit and the Iraq war among the show’s panelists. We find that panel selection closely reflects gender and ethnic diversity among the UK public and MPs, but that individuals from privileged educational backgrounds are vastly overrepresented on the show. For both the Iraq war and Brexit, the show again broadly reflects the views of the public and political elites once we account for relevant comparisons between politicians and non-political guests.

Left Atheist Activism and Crime of Genocide in Francoist Spain

Abstract This article examines whether the mass killings of people with leftist ideology by the Franco regime can be interpreted as genocide in accordance with the provisions of international law. The present study underscores the influence of religion on the configuration of Francoist criminal policy and provides evidence that allows Francoist repression to be considered as genocide. Individuals with leftist ideologies were presented not only as a political group but also as a religious group with atheist and non-Catholic beliefs. In this sense, the mass political repression conducted by the Franco regime fulfils the objective elements (actus reus) of genocide due to the fact the religious element played a significant role in justifying the annihilation of Republicans. The victims of Francoist repression were in fact selected not only because they belonged to a certain political movement or party but also because they belonged to a certain religious group.

Du Bois and the wounds of the First World War

W. E. B. Du Bois occupies a singular place in classical sociology as the most prolific African American scholar of his times. This article demonstrates the profound impact the First World War had on Du Bois’s life, intellectual work and political evolution. While viewing the roots of the war through the lens of the global color-line and Europe’s imperial exploitation of Africa, he nevertheless believed it represented a possibility for the expansion of democracy for people of African descent and African Americans in particular. In the aftermath of the war, Du Bois attempted to reckon with its historical and sociological meaning by writing a book, which he ultimately never completed. Du Bois’s failure to finish what would have been one of his most important works represented the failure of the war itself and his inability to effectively marshal the tools of social science to make sense of the conflict, personally, and intellectually. The war ultimately shaped the trajectory of Du Bois’s scholarship and political radicalism in ways unlike any other sociologist in the 20th century.

“Pous van die Kaap”

“Pope of the Cape”: Koot Vorster and ultra-right politics in the 1960s The Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), with an entrenched relationship with Afrikaner nationalism and apartheid, had to face socio-political changes in Afrikaner society in the 1960s. International pressure on the state, economic prosperity of Afrikaners, cultural exposure to the West, and internal criticism from cultural and academic spaces began to crack the bastion of Afrikanerdom during this decade. While the state had so-called dangers from outside under control at the time, it was the DRC’s focus to strengthen the people from within against unseen dangers such as liberalism and communism. In this context, Dr Koot Vorster emerged from the Cape NG Church as a leading national figure of Afrikaner anticommunism when he became head of the newly established National Council for the Fight against Communism in 1964. This article shows how Vorster was in fact a foreman for an ultra-right political pressure group from the Transvaal. Vorster is therefore considered here as a churchman and “organisation man”, as termed by N.P. van Wyk Louw, within verkrampte ranks. As the political winds blew against the verkramptes under the leadership of Koot’s brother, Prime Minister John Vorster, Koot also stood more and more on the periphery of popular politics as he tested the boundaries at the right of Afrikaner politics. As an organization man he would then stand on the periphery, but as a church man he did not lose his prestige.

Apocalyptic Politics: A Taproot of Political Radicalization and Populism by Martyn Whittock (review)

Apocalyptic Politics: A Taproot of Political Radicalization and Populism by Martyn Whittock (review)

Exploring the Shift in Pro‐American Attitudes and Influencing Factors: An Analysis Using a Quasi‐experimental Design of Taiwanese Students

How can pro‐American attitudes be measured? What factors influence shifts in these attitudes? Anchored in institutional identity theory, this study constructs a pro‐American attitude scale and posits three hypotheses concerning Taiwanese consciousness, the evaluation of interdependent benefits, and political learning to elucidate the shift in pro‐American attitudes. Targeting Taiwanese students, this study employs a quasi‐experimental design for data collection and linear regression for hypothesis testing. The findings indicate that from February to June 2023, 37.68% of participants demonstrated a decrease in pro‐American attitudes, 36.24% demonstrated an increase, and 26.09% remained unchanged. Participants in the political learning experimental group displayed a shift in pro‐American attitudes in contrast to the control group. The regression model developed in this study accounted for 25.07% of the variance in the shift in Taiwanese students' pro‐American attitudes, and all hypotheses were empirically supported. An increase in Taiwanese consciousness or frequency of political learning corresponds to a decrease in pro‐American attitudes. Conversely, an elevated evaluation of Taiwan–America interdependent benefits correlates with an increase in pro‐American attitudes. This study demonstrates that political learning can mitigate the enhancing effect of political communication on pro‐American attitudes, thus offering a unique contribution to academic and practical fields.

Liberal versus conservative distrust: A construal-level approach to dissimilarity in the workplace.

The dramatic rise in political polarization and aggravation of race relations are prominent in the United States. While dissimilarity to others is thought to undermine trust, I challenge the assumption that dissimilarity does so uniformly in the workplace where cross-party and cross-race interactions are structurally induced. Leveraging construal-level theory, I theorize that deep- versus surface-level differences with a coworker interact with ideology to activate higher versus lower construals of trustworthiness, prompting liberals and conservatives to distrust their coworkers in different ways. For liberals, I argue that perceived political dissimilarity undermines perceived person trustworthiness (a higher level/abstract construal, capturing one's trustworthiness generally as a person in the world) and disclosure. For conservatives, I argue that perceived racial dissimilarity undermines perceived role trustworthiness (a lower level/concrete construal, capturing one's trustworthiness specifically in their job) and reliance. Study 1 (a proof of concept) and Study 2 (a longitudinal, dyadic field study) utilize inductive theory-building and exploratory analyses. Studies 3a, 3b(i), and 3b(ii) (three preregistered experiments) support my hypotheses: Liberals tend to view politically dissimilar coworkers as less trustworthy people in the world and refrain from disclosures, while conservatives tend to view racial outgroup coworkers as less trustworthy in their jobs and refrain from reliance. Given liberal and conservative employees' roles in the calcification of political and racial group cleavages, respectively, organizations must determine whether both forms of bias should be addressed-indeed, racial bias is socially unacceptable, whereas political bias is widely tolerated-and, if so, whether interventions should target employees based on ideology. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Direct democracy as a liberal political regime

This article is a theoretical contribution to the understanding of direct democracy (DD) and its properties. It departs from common definitions of DD by distinguishing between a hard meaning, according to which direct democracies are characterized by the fact that legislative initiative and veto rights are extended to the entire citizenry, and a soft meaning, according to which they are not. Building on previous findings, it argues that hard DD profoundly alters the balance of power in representative systems and reinforces the liberal features of democratic systems, such as the independence of checks and balances and the empowerment of minorities. This analysis invites us to understand direct democracies as systems in which representatives of political groups and independent institutions negotiate to find a consensual way to implement legislation, and a direct vote of the people only takes place if agreement is not reached.

GREEK SHIPPING ON THE BLACK AND AZOV SEAS AT THE TURN OF THE 40s - 50s OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE AUSTRIAN CONSULAR REPORTS AND THE AUSTRIAN PRESS)

The article aims to examine the participation of the Greek merchant fleet in the navigation of the Black and Azov Seas in the mid-nineteenth century on the basis of a complex of Austrian sources that has been little studied in Ukrainian historiography. The latter included published reports from Austrian consular offices in Odesa, Berdiansk, Mariupol, Trebizond, and Galați. Materials from the Austrian press of the time are also used, primarily from the Austrian Ministry of Commerce's “Austria” newspaper, which was published as a daily newspaper from 1849 to 1856 and as a weekly from 1856. During the period under review, the Greek fleet was in a leading position in shipping in the Black and Azov Seas, successfully competing with the Austrian, British and Italian fleets. The success of the Greek merchant fleet was due, among other things, to the fact that seafaring was an ancient Greek craft, and in Ottoman times they were able to maintain the continuity of experience and tradition. In addition, this was facilitated by the developed network of Greek trading houses, which were widely represented in the main area of their fleet's navigation, in the Mediterranean Sea, especially its eastern part, and in the Black and Azov Seas. Therefore, the radical political and economic changes in the Black and Azov Seas regions did not take them and the Italians by surprise, and they were the first to take advantage of the rapid development of trade and transport traffic there. And despite increased competition in the mid-nineteenth century from the Austrians and the British, the Greeks continued to hold top positions in the shipping of the Black and Azov Seas. Moreover, unlike the Sardinians, they were gradually involved in long-distance voyages beyond Gibraltar, mainly to Great Britain. At the same time, the challenges for the traditionally sailing Greek merchant fleet from the emergence of steamship lines on the Black Sea were outlined. The first indicators were the activities of some of the Greeks' main competitors, the Austrians, in the Danube ports and on the Bulgarian coast, and the British, Austrians and Turks in the Anatolian ports.

Transnational German Film at the End of Neoliberalism: Radical Aesthetics, Radical Politics By ClaudiaBreger and OliviaLandry (Eds.), Camden House. 2024. pp. 256. $120 (hardcover), $29.95 (ebook).

Transnational German Film at the End of Neoliberalism: Radical Aesthetics, Radical Politics By ClaudiaBreger and OliviaLandry (Eds.), Camden House. 2024. pp. 256. $120 (hardcover), $29.95 (ebook).

Biased, Not Balanced Broadcaster! Deconstructing Bias Accusations Toward Public Service Media

Across Europe, Public Service Media (PSM) are increasingly subject to bias accusations in public debates. Excluding academic attention for actual bias in news content, research into the nature of bias accusations is limited. This article studies bias accusations against Dutch PSM in online discourse. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and blogs (2017–2022), our analysis develops a novel typology of bias accusations—positional, information, and framing bias—going beyond academic definitions. Bias accusations are diverse in nature, reflect strong perceived intentionality, and refer to heterogeneous social, political groups, yet are easily merged into singular political ideological divides.

Populism and Democracy: Analysis on the Phenomenon of Populism in Indonesia and the Crisis of Democracy

This article first discusses the phenomenon of populism in Indonesia which has the potential to pose a threat to the democratic system in Indonesia. Of course, this article was written as a response to the populist movement which has recently been hotly discussed because populism is growing rapidly in the social and political system in Indonesia. The intention of this article is to provide advice to the Indonesian people, to understand the phenomenon of populism which has transformed into a political weapon and maneuver by political actors, for the benefit of their political groups or parties. This article will use literature study to collect data and information to lead to a discussion and conclusion. The aim of this article is to examine the phenomenon of populism in Indonesia which has the potential to become a serious threat to the democratic system. Then to provide education to the Indonesian people regarding the populist movement which uses all kinds of methods or certain instruments to perpetuate their power as political actors.

A study exploring the adoption of cash IPSAS in the Solomon Islands: the case of the provincial governments

Purpose This study aims to examine the adoption of the cash-basis International Public Sector Accounting Standard (or for short cash IPSAS) within a problematic provincial government institution in the Solomon Islands. Design/methodology/approach An interpretive methodology that uses qualitative data techniques such as interviews and document analysis was used for this study. A total of 30 semi-structured interviews were held in 2022 at both levels of government (national and provincial). Documents included government, social media and historical or archival data. Thematic data analysis, which frames the discussions for this study, was conducted. Findings This study illustrates how the integration of the cash IPSAS with a locally designed funding framework called the Provincial Capacity Development Fund (PCDF) has successfully transformed the provincial government financial system, which has led to restoring the problematic image of the provincial government system in the Solomon Islands. Practical implications The study provides a practical example of how locally designed, neoliberal accounting tools inspired by new public management (NPM) doctrines can aid the efforts to achieve greater accountability. Policymakers, standard setters and regulators therefore, should promote and enforce an integrated approach to reform, reflecting the localities of developing countries when proposing international best practices such as IPSAS. Social implications The study contributes to the discussion on the role of accounting in its wider social context. The paper highlights how accounting as a calculative tool is instrumental in mediating conflict between political rival groups in the Solomon Islands. Originality/value This study is original and offers a unique perspective on the broader societal role of the cash IPSAS standard. Its implications are significant in addressing societal changes as a result of colonialism.

For Every Book Their Reader: Book Challenges and Library Trauma

Since 2021, public and school libraries have become the frontlines of a cultural war. Regardless of the political tendency of the local area, material challenges have been submitted against libraries nationwide. When library workers handle material challenges, under the principle of intellectual freedom, they have often faced retaliatory actions from political groups, such as online attacks on them organized by political groups and budget cuts targeting the libraries. These challenges may create stress and trauma for library workers, both in the action of the banning, and the anticipation of it. For librarians experiencing trauma or at higher risk of exposure to traumatic events, this poster aims to illustrate a library trauma cycle within the context of material challenges. It highlights how library workers face an increased likelihood of trauma when material challenges are prevailing in the nation and how the internalization of trauma occurs within the context of the library and its community. The poster then suggests possible interventions to halt the library trauma cycle, calling for action from library administrators and board members.

The (Il)legitimacy of Constitutional Amendments in Africa and Democratic Backsliding

Abstract In many African countries with hegemonic-party or de facto one-party systems, political leaders have historically exploited ostensibly proper constitutional amendments to undermine constitutionalism, a practice raising questions about the legitimacy, or lack thereof, of such amendments. This article argues that amendment legitimacy is contingent on achieving ‘broad consensus’, a concept endorsed by the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Traditional amendment procedures, such as supermajorities and referendums, while crucial, have proven to be imperfect proxies for ensuring such broad consensus. To more effectively safeguard the core constitutional rules of democratic governance, this article contends that political parties must be recognised as key sites of power division and checks and balances. Accordingly, constitutional amendment procedures should require some level of cross-party approval for key amendments, thus preventing individual political groups, regardless of their dominance, from unilaterally altering fundamental rules of the game. This approach would not only enhance the legitimacy of amendments but also serve as a safeguard against contemporary forms of democratic backsliding, where incumbents exploit formal processes to undermine democratic competition. While this process might make constitutional changes more difficult, it would apply only to a narrow set of fundamental aspects of constitutional democracy. Moreover, it does not necessarily conflict with popular self-governance (and its majoritarian expression), but instead calls for an inclusive re-imagining of majoritarianism.

Democrats and Republicans choose solar panels in very similar ways.

Appealing to individuals' social identity is a powerful form of social influence, capable of changing the way people process information, the information they think about, and how they evaluate other individuals. The purpose of this study is to explore the idea that Democrat and Republican environmental norms may impact the attributes and strategies partisans use when choosing whether to have solar panels on a house. An online study with N = 363 participants was conducted to examine these possible effects through multi-attribute decision making, applying predefined decision process models to participant behavior to test which attribute-based models best describe participants' decision making. A choice task was combined with an experimental manipulation of political affiliation salience to examine whether the norms of political groups would have influence on decision behavior. Results of the study show remarkable similarities between political parties in their strategies for choosing solar panels. Members of both political parties appeared to use similar strategies and similar attributes for the formation of their decisions. Recommendations are made that science communicators and policy makers avoid polarizing language so as not to create unnecessary polarization where ideological gaps may not currently exist.

Asymmetrische Gegenbegriffe in Laktanz’ ‚Politischer Theologie‘

Abstract Lactantius’ theology is a ‚political theology‘ containing numerous asymmetrical counter-concepts. These are used to establish contradictory group constellations in whose negative part the negative others – the ‚out-group‘ – cannot necessarily recognise themselves. Among these counter-concepts, the moral-anthropological opposition of ‚the good‘ (boni) and ‚the evil‘ (mali) is of particular importance. Lactantius’ counter-concepts are politicised because they convey extremely polarised determinations of the degree of association and dissociation of human beings. These counter-concepts are also religious, because they are related to aspects of salvation history, natural law, soteriology, and eschatology. Due to their references to salvation history, Lactantius’ political group terminologies fit into the history of the radicalisation of asymmetrical counter-concepts, which stretches from antiquity to modernity and was identified by Reinhart Koselleck. Lactantius’ ‘political theology’, however, plays a special role in this history of radicalisation and violence, because, on the one hand, it marks the point at which distinctive political semantics became theologically charged. On the other hand, Lactantius did not unchain the potential for violence that was inherent in the counter-concepts. Therefore, his ‘political theology’ did not contain any praxeology or justification of violence from the Christian side.