The arrest of Dr. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Director of the Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research at Harvard University the summer of 2009 captured the attention of many academics (Stripling, 2009). It drove home the point that the proposition of a postracial America after President Obama's inauguration was not on the horizon. The idea that highly educated, professional Blacks were somehow insulated from significant experiences of racial strife-if ever credible-was completely eradicated. For Black academics, who often analyze social interactions considering race as a factor, event was particularly chilling, as they concurrently wrestle with many challenges predominantly White institutions (PWIs) (Griffin & Reddick, 2011; Turner & Myers, 2000). Gates' experience reified concerns that race casts a shadow over professors' lives. As Professor Stephen Carter of Yale opined, If it can happen to [Gates]... then it can indeed happen to any of us (Stripling, 2009).Background LiteratureThat event, and the surrounding media coverage, served as the genesis of research project. The city of Austin, Texas, seemed to be the sort of locale that another Gates-gate could occur: as the home to a major research university, a number of leading high-tech firms and a vibrant entertainment scene Austin has generated a buzz as a destination city for progressive, collegeeducated workers and entrepreneurs. Among medium-sized U.S. cities, Austin (10.0%) has similar demographics to Cambridge (11.9%), Denver (11.1%), and Las Vegas (10.4%) regarding its percentage of Blacks (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Austin additionally boasts high placements on Best Places lists (Austin Convention Center Department, 2009); however, a Black business organization states that a perception among Black Austinites is that this town is a less than ideal city to live in (Blackpages, 2006).In many cities like Austin, Black professionals negotiate a Du Boisian doubleconsciousness (Du Bois, 1903), unable to reconcile Blackness and comfort the sociocultural milieu-an experience that one extends to encompass multiple aspects of identity through the use of an intersectional framework. In conversations with professionals academia, politics, and nonprofit organizations, we heard similar stories: Black professionals moved to Austin for professional opportunities and advancement, then moved to other cities such as Washington, DC, Atlanta, or Houston where they felt there was a more congruent sociocultural mix.Several noteworthy incidents have occurred the Austin area that may contribute to perception. Similarly to many cities the American South, Austin has a long history of discriminatory and racist practices directed toward Blacks and other communities of color (Duren & Iscoe, 1979). However, racial profiling continues to be a concern-for example, a recent study found that Black motorists are 1.8 times more likely to be stopped and 2.3 times more likely to be searched than White motorists, although, White Austinites were twice as likely to be found with contraband following a consent search. In addition, the deaths of several youths of color involving law enforcement have cast a pall of suspicion regarding racial sensitivity the city (Smith, 2005). While it might be argued that these incidents specifically affect a certain segment of the Austin Black community, such incidents serve as a canary the coalmine for other segments of the community as well; specifically, Black upwardly mobile professionals, who perhaps think that similar events could befall them or youth they care for, or who simply feel such incidents are indicative of a lack of care and concern for the Black community at large.At the same time, The University of Texas at Austin (UT-Austin) has taken strides addressing long-standing concerns of Black academic professionals with the development of the Division of Diversity and Community Engagement (Vincent, 2007) and the strengthening of the John L. …
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