Emancipation, 1863, Liberty, 1887.(1) This was dual theme written on a banner across parade route for Emancipation Day celebration in Norwich, New York on August 5, 1887. In New York in 1880's, early August was time for many African-American communities to celebrate their from chattel slavery. Prior to Civil War, they celebrated abolition of slavery in British West Indies on August 1, 1834 as well as New York's final abolition on July 4, 1827.(2) At assemblage at Norwich, and other nearby communities during this period, black Americans continued a long tradition of meeting to celebrate their freedom from bondage. These celebrations included parades, baseball games, and grand balls. However, Emancipation Days also were events where African-Americans countenanced racism in their country, and rallied for civil rights, illustrating William H Wiggins, Jr.'s contention that emancipation celebrations [were] political forums for protest against numerous forms of overt and covert racism perpetrated against them.(3) The participants did more than pay homage to President Abraham Lincoln as they listened to a recitation of Emancipation Proclamation. Hearing Mr. Lincoln's words in measured refrains did not suffice in an era charged by racial intolerance. In his speech to approximately 8,000 in attendance in Norwich, John R. Lynch, nation's first African-American Congressman (1873-1877, 1881-1883) addressed issue of equal employment opportunities since end of Civil War: . . . a quarter of a century in progress of race should be regarded as a mere beginning. The improvement made by ex-slaves of this country since their will, I am sure, compare favorably with that made by any oppressed race . . . . The first thought that occurs to me . . . is individual development of race, and this, of course, brings me to at least a brief consideration of what is destined to be a leading factor in politics of our country, labor question.(4) Lynch's prophetic oratory has more than empirical interest. Celebrations like one in Norwich raise important issues about blacks' thirst for equality ten years after Reconstruction. This essay examines Emancipation Day celebrations, especially their political concerns, in four New York locales - Binghamton and Owego in 1886, and Norwich and Cortland in 1887. These celebrations aptly illustrate following contention of Herbert Collins: From being an act of benevolence and private favor, has become a social process through which imputedly inferior individuals and groups have been catapulted into public life. Events of such magnitude tend to arouse probings of social order rather than celebrations of thanksgiving for deeds of genorosity . . . . Emancipation appears, therefore, to involve actions which challenge continuity of status definitions and which force discontinuity of arrangements.(5) In 1880's, Emancipation Day orators challenged stratum arrangements based on two centuries of resilent racism, and backlash to Reconstruction's advances in civil rights. Bess Beatty examines this reversal of fortunes in A Revolution Gone Backwards: The Black Response to National Politics, 1876-1896 in which she delineates the deterioration of black political and civil during this era.(6) On national level, Supreme Court continued its attack on Reconstruction legislation which secured rights for blacks. It ruled on October 15, 1883 that Civil Rights Act of 1875, which forbade discrimination based on color or previous condition of servitude in many public facilities, including hotels and theaters, was unconstitutional.(7) In his first administration commencing in 1885, President Grover Cleveland initiated a few symbolic gestures toward racial harmony, such as his appointment of James C. Matthews as Recorder of Deeds to succeed Frederick Douglass. …