Quasi-governmental Institutions Research Articles

혁신도시 이전 공공기관의 지역발전사업 투자특성에 관한 연구

The purpose of this study is to analyze the details and investment scale of regional development projects carried out by public institutions relocating in innovative cities to identify regional characteristics and the cause of regional gaps. To this end, the characteristics of regional development projects were analyzed targeting 63 public institutions that moved to 10 innovative cities nationwide. As a result of the analysis, first, the total investment in regional development projects was cut in the order of public enterprises, quasi-governmental institutions, and other public institutions, and statistically, there were differences between groups. Second, the size of investment in the field of regional industrial development was highly correlated with the sales variable among the size characteristics of public institutions, and the priority purchase of local goods had the highest correlation with the number of employees in all three types of public institutions. In particular, it was analyzed that local talent development projects and resident support projects showed a low correlation with institutional size variables in all types of public institutions. This suggests that the system needs to be improved so that public institutions with larger assets and higher sales can promote investment in the field. Finally, it was analyzed that public institutions that are highly related to regional specialized industries have invested more than local industries and human resources development. This could lead to policy implications that the connection between the work of public institutions and local industries should be considered first when additional public institutions are relocated in the future, and that local government-level industrial promotion policies should be carried out to strengthen the connection between public institutions and regional specialized industries that have completed the relocation.

The effect of corporate lobbying on fraud and money laundering

PurposeThis study aims to assess the effect of corporate lobbying power on fraud and money laundering in listed firms on the Tehran Stock Exchange. For the study, the information of 173 firms is assessed during 2013–2020, and a total number of 1,384 year-companies are analysed.Design/methodology/approachIn this paper, the Beneish model is used for fraud detection, and the clause of the auditor’s report on money laundering is used for the variable of money laundering. The multivariate regression, Logistic regression, the fixed effects of panel data, additional random effects tests, Hausman, least generalised squares and T + 1 are used by using the Stata Software.FindingsThe obtained results indicate a direct and significant relationship between lobbying and fraud and lobbying and money laundering. Suppose the board members of firms are among the parliament members or the government cabinet (politicians) and/or major shareholders affiliated with state-owned and/or quasi-governmental institutions. In that case, the likelihood of corporate lobbying will be increased.Originality/valueThe outcomes of the current study give great insight to developing countries due to the high volume of money laundering to reduce such a financial crime.

Ethical Risks in Public-Private Partnerships: The Case of Lahore Waste Management Company

The world is coming up with new solutions to old problems in order to improve efficiency and effectiveness in public service delivery. Public-Private Partnership (PPP) is a relatively new form of participatory governance. Th is approach is linked with New Public Management (NPM) and, since its inception, the private sector has taken over the entire world despite in-congruence and incompatibility in indigenous values and cultures. PPP is also claimed to be the best solution in terms of service delivery; however, its effectiveness is yet to be achieved. Th e purpose of this study is to find the effectiveness of the PPP mode of governance. Th is study is qualitative in nature and has taken one entity based on PPP as a case, i.e. Lahore Waste Management Company (LWMC), in order to study the impact of this solution to all, the ills of public service delivery. Fourteen officials were interviewed in this study of LWMC (a quasi-governmental institution) and its private partners. Findings suggest that this PPP mode has major ethical risks in the form of lack of transparency in awarding contracts, equity-efficiency trade-off , overall conflict of philosophy of public and private sector, low professionalism, value for money (compromise on cost and quality), and weak accountability mechanisms.

ЭТИЧЕСКИЕ РИСКИ В ГОСУДАРСТВЕННО-ЧАСТНОМ ПАРТНЕРСТВЕ: ПРИМЕР ЛАХОРСКОЙ КОМПАНИИ ПО УПРАВЛЕНИЮ ОТХОДАМИ

The world is coming up with new solutions to old problemsin orderto improve efficiency and effectiveness in public service delivery. Public-Private Partnership (PPP) isarelatively new form of participatory governance. This approach is linked with New Public Management (NPM) and, since its inception, the private sector has taken over the entire world despite incongruence and incompatibility in indigenous values and cultures. PPPis also claimed to be the best solution in terms of service delivery; however, its effectiveness is yet to be achieved. The purpose of this study is to find the effectiveness ofthePPP mode of governance. This study is qualitative in nature and has taken one entity based on PPP as a case,i.e. Lahore Waste Management Company (LWMC),in orderto study the impact of this solution to all,theills of public service delivery. Fourteen officialswere interviewed in this studyof LWMC (a quasi-governmental institution) and its private partners. Findings suggest that this PPP mode has major ethical risks in the form of lack of transparency in awarding contracts, equity-efficiency trade-off, overall conflict of philosophy of public and private sector, low professionalism, value for money (compromise on cost and quality), and weak accountability mechanisms.

Rethinking potentials of Co-management for sustainable common pool resources (CPR) and tourism: The case of a Mediterranean island

This research explores the potentials of co-management and the state of its implementation in, which is an economy in transition and highly dependent on tourism. The study will focus on multi-level governance structure/behavior in the public sector and quasi-governmental institutions, private sector, and the role of NGOs in relation to local-level commons. Tourism is an energy intensive industry with a high carbon footprint, which immensely affects the common pool resources (CPR) and ecosystems. With such combative relation between tourism and CPR, co-management offers a solid platform for institutions and resource users to share power and collaborate to reconcile the strife between tourism and ecosystems. This study conducted an in-depth interview to obtain qualitative data. MAXQDA12 software was utilized for the data analysis. The results showed that despite an awareness of the environmental challenges and perils of mass tourism, potentials of co-management has not been realized through a multi-level governance approach to tackle the challenges. The implications and limitations are also elaborated.

Resilience and the (micro-)dynamics of organizational ambidexterity: implications for strategic HRM

In the twenty-first century, resilience has emerged as a seminal and important topic linked to calls for adaptability, well-being and organizational performance. Extant strategic human resource management (HRM) literature and practices have developed many insights into resilience. However, overall, they have a propensity to conceptualise resilience as being associated with ‘macro-’ and ‘extreme’ situations. This paper complements the prevailing perspective by developing a micro-focus on resilience through the conceptual framework of organizational ambidexterity surfacing under-examined individual resilience in connection with HRM practices. Methodologically, the paper adopts a qualitative approach presenting data from two illustrative contexts: an ‘everyday’ quasi-governmental institution and a prima facie ‘extreme’ pan-international military organization. Using template analysis, a number of valuable themes and similarities are identified. The findings and discussion underline the managerial challenges in handling organizational ambidextrous dynamics and tensions surrounding resilience, positive and sceptical approaches in relation to individual and organizational stances towards HRM practices. As such, the results point at value in HRM managers and practices recontextualising and appreciating ‘extremes’ and resilience more as an everyday (rather than exceptional) phenomenon wherein myriad micro-moments are highly significant in constructing and influencing macro-contexts. This also implies a need to see cynical resistance as normative rather than automatically negatively.

의사결정나무와 자료포락 분석을 이용한 공공기관 유형별 환경효율성에 대한 연구

This study aims to provide public sectors with eco-efficiency information. To implement the purposes of the study, environmental and economic variables of Eco-Efficiency were identified through decision tree model, then the relative Eco-Efficiencies of 243 public sectors were evaluated through input-oriented DEA (Data Envelopment Analysis) model. Specifically, the amount of public purchasing per a staff and the amount of energy use per a staff were considered as input factors. Sales per a staff was considered as output factor. The result shows that most of the public sectors (94.2%) were evaluated as "inefficient" taking into consideration of average value, 0.501 from market-based public corporations, 0.288 from local public corporations, 0.28 from quasi-market-based public corporations, 0.269 from fund-management-based quasi-governmental institutions, 0.09 from non-classified public institutions, and 0.078 from commissioned-service-based quasi-governmental institutions. Furthermore, it is possible to establish a plan for internal Eco-Efficiency improvement based on information of the reference set. In order to improve the Eco-Efficiency in the public sectors in the long term, environmental impacts of the overall public sectors' operations (e.g., energy saving, water saving, waste reduction, and purchasing of green products) needs to be properly proposed in consideration of BSC (Balanced Scorecard) indicators of public sectors.

A Study on the Classification and Designation of Quasi-governmental Institution

A Study on the Classification and Designation of Quasi-governmental Institution

From significant differences to significant others: a mixed-method evaluation of institutions within public systems

BackgroundWith considerable investments in innovative institutions within the current health policy context in India, it becomes imperative to understand their impact—for course-correction, replication, and evidence-based policy. However, studying the impact of such institutions is a challenge within the paradigm of conventional evaluation designs. This study was an attempt to comprehensively evaluate the roles of a quasi-governmental institution—the State Health Resource Centre (SHRC) in Chhattisgarh, India. The aims of the study were to identify possible outcomes of the SHRC in the area of convergence between health and nutrition systems, to measure the extent of these changes, and to understand the pathways of change in these identified outcomes. MethodsThe study used mixed methods to address the stated objectives—identifying possible outcomes of the SHRC, or hypotheses formation, through grounded theory; analysing the extent of changes in these outcomes, or hypotheses testing, through statistical regression of quantitative data; and understanding the pathways of these changes through the use of programme theory. FindingsUsing grounded theory, the hypothesis was that the functioning of the SHRC will lead to an increase in convergence between health and nutrition systems in the focus districts of the state. The primary outcomes were improved community participation and monitoring of government programmes, increased community awareness, improved service delivery by public programmes, and positive changes in child feeding practices. Statistical analyses showed that there were significant differences in these outcome indicators in areas where focused convergence interventions were implemented through the SHRC. Programme theory evaluation indicated that these changes were brought about by convergent functioning between frontline workers of the health and nutrition systems due to the role of the SHRC to implement this systemic change. InterpretationA mix of methodologies is crucial to study complex public system institutions. Experimental/quasi-experimental designs and purely statistical analyses are often not suitable, or are insufficient, in forming a comprehensive understanding of impact. The use of qualitative methodologies is essential to not only understand the pathways of change, but also to identify the expected changes possible through such systemic interventions. FundingICICI Foundation for Inclusive Growth.

Multinational Corporations and Global Justice: Human Rights Obligations of a Quasi-Governmental Institution

Multinational Corporations and Global Justice: Human Rights Obligations of a Quasi-Governmental Institution

'The Examination of Everything': Royal Commissions in British Legal History

Walter Bagehot asserted the necessity for British government to investigate as well as act: ‘[t]he great maxim of modern thought is not only the toleration of everything but the examination of everything’. Royal commissions have done just that: examining subjects ranging from spontaneous combustion of coal in ships, to copyright law, to the condition of framework knitters, to the practice of vivisection. This article suggests that the examiners also warrant examining; a thorough inquiry into a royal commission can be a valuable contribution to legal historical scholarship. Royal commission reports are known to be a rich resource for historians but are not often themselves the subject of study, individually or collectively. Yet, their presence and impact on the political and legal landscape has been profound. In the nineteenth century, law reformers with the goal of codification found royal commissions particularly well-suited to their objectives, initiating inquiries into criminal, property, and evidence laws, among others. Direct legislation, however, may not always be the benchmark of a successful royal commission. This article provides background on the nature and history of royal commissions generally as a quasi-governmental institution and dispels some common misconceptions. It then considers some of the challenges to examination of royal commissions and analyses previous studies. Finally, it proposes evaluative criteria and methodologies for the study of such commissions, calling for close study of individual royal commissions as a means of gauging their effectiveness and influence on subsequent legal development.

Explanations for the Proliferation of Economic Development Corporations Across North Dakota and South Dakota

The rural areas of the United States have experienced a proliferation of quasigovernmental institutions over the past three decades. The formation of such institutions represents an important form of local boundary change. Local boundaries determine service delivery, economic development, and intergovernmental relationships. It remains unclear, though, how the process of boundary change unfolds. Using federal and state data, I examine the ability of four general explanations of boundary change to account for the proliferation of economic development corporations across North Dakota and South Dakota. I find that their creation is not driven by economic change or need, but is more associated with property taxes per capita.

Toward a Global Theory of Cross-Border and Multilevel Corporate Political Activity

A proposed global theory of corporate political activity (CPA) analyzes the complex resource allocation choices involved in integrating politically relevant cross-border and multilevel strategies for multinational enterprises (MNEs). Cross-border CPA is “horizontal” allocation of scarce corporate resources by MNEs to politically relevant strategies across multiple countries. Globalization reshapes CPA among multiple levels functioning below, at, and above national governments. Subnational communities and international policy regimes, supranational quasigovernmental institutions, and supranational nongovernmental organizations all affect businesses. Multilevel CPA is “vertical” allocation of scarce corporate resources to politically relevant strategies among subnational, national, regional, and global levels. Furthermore, in each country and at each level, business-relevant policies are determined in multiple policy arenas, shaped by widely differing nonmarket institutions, corruption conditions, and stakeholder demands for corporate social responsibility. Multiple policy “arena” allocation adds to the analytical complexity of the CPA strategizing problem. Implications for scholarship and practice are presented.

Public and Private Institutions, Political Action, and the Practice of Local Government

Local government politics and political institutions are undergoing rapid changes as they adapt to changing social, political, and economic conditions. Perhaps the greatest challenge facing local governments in the coming years lies in forging new understandings of how to govern in a world increasingly beset by new institutional forms, like private government and quasi-governmental institutions, and by constantly changing populations. We selected the articles included in this symposium with these challenges in mind. These papers were initially presented at a conference supported by Florida State University’s DeVoe Moore Center in February 2006. The call for papers for the symposium was issued broadly, and the eight articles published here were among ten presented at the meeting. We selected papers that addressed issues of political behavior, the development of public and private institutions, and the intersection of behavior and institutions in the practice of local government. The initial two articles focus on the structure and functions of new forms of governments in cities. Robert Nelson describes the rise of private governments as providers of public services in urban areas. He reports on the explosive growth of neighborhood associations in the United States, discusses the evolution of a variety of types of private associations, and argues that state governments should alter their constitutions to better accommodate the reality of private governance institutions. In their article, Barbara Coyle McCabe and Jill Tao examine the scope of activities undertaken by homeowner associations. They report data from a national survey of homeowner associations undertaken with the cooperation of the peak professional group that represents them. They portray an industry in which organizations appear to be more interested in providing limited services to supplement those provided by local governments than in supplanting local governments. However, to the extent that private associations are able to provide services without duplicating what their members are paying for through taxation, they are willing to do so. McCabe and Tao point to a large new agenda for public services research and for students of public management, as privatized governments are in many ways hybrid organizations with powers, responsibilities, and career ladders that differ from either fully public or private organizations. 1119

Predicting The Quantity of Law: Single versus Multiple Remedies in Sexual Harassment Cases

Recently, Black's theory of law has been criticized for failing to capture quasi and de facto governmental social control institutions. A restatement of this theory introduces the idea of “more or less governmental social control” that encompasses government endorsement of private forms of social control or government delegation of social control powers to private parties. Drawing from this, we assess the utility of Black's theory by examining sexual harassment cases handled by the Canadian Human Rights Commission, a quasi-governmental body that has been delegated social control powers. Previous tests of Black's theory have relied primarily on criminal processes that often involve identifiable increments in law. While a sexual harassment case may be settled or dismissed, paralleling the criminal justice process of conviction or acquittal, further increments in law are less identifiable within this quasi-governmental institution. Using over 200 sexual harassment cases in Canada, we test several concepts from Black's theory for explaining decision making within a quasi-governmental social control institution and, specifically, for predicting whether single or multiple remedies are used to resolve these types of cases. Our results show some support for Black's theory, but demonstrate that whether a case was sent to conciliation played a greater role in predicting the quantity of law than the social structural dimensions emphasized by Black or the offense seriousness variables highlighted by more traditional criminal justice research.

The Emergence of the Quasi-Government Sector in Korea: Some Policy Implications

The role and legitimacy of quasi-governmental agencies in the modern governance has long been a contentious issue in public administration. In this paper, I examined various types of quasi-governmental institutions that exist in Korea and analyzed their unique characteristics. It was found that four different types of quasi-governmental agencies were employed, mainly for policy implementation purposes for government ministries. When choosing among various institutional forms to perform certain public tasks, policy makers need to take into account the demand-side features of public tasks in question, the degree to which services are provided universally, monitoring and contract costs, and the responsiveness of institutions. In balancing these factors, policy makers have to match the supply-related factors or organization-specific configurations. This functional matching concept is an important one when choosing among different institutional types within the quasi-governmental sector. Lastly, the government needs to think about streamlining quasi-governmental organizations as they tend to create accountability and political problems.

Directional leadership in institutionbuilding: Japan's approaches to ASEAN in the establishment of PECC and APEC

Studies on leadership stress the leaders-followers relationship in which leaders are supposed to induce followers to act for certain goals of both leaders and followers, a leadership style which can be characterized as directional leadership. This sort of leadership seems essential in institutionbuilding. This article, based on this notion, examines Japan's roles behind the establishment of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) in 1980 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum in 1989. This article asserts that a major feature of Japan's leadership role behind the establishment of PECC and APEC was Japan's special attention to ASEAN countries and endeavoured to incorporate ASEAN‘s interests. The rationale behind treating ASEAN respectfully stemmed partly from Japan's traditional leadership intention to contribute to the economic development of Southeast Asian countries. This intention has been sustained by its selfperceived identity as the only industrialized country in Asia and self-imposed duty as a bridge between the developed and developing countries in international politics. The article suggests that Japan's leadership efforts to incorporate ASEAN’s interests into PECC and APEC through launching blueprints and conducting diplomacy can be regarded as an example of directional leadership which partly caused PECC to emerge as a quasigovernmental institution and APEC as an organization with a legally nonbinding force.

Directional leadership in institutionbuilding: Japan's approaches to ASEAN in the establishment of PECC and APEC

Studies on leadership stress the leaders-followers relationship in which leaders are supposed to induce followers to act for certain goals of both leaders and followers, a leadership style which can be characterized as directional leadership. This sort of leadership seems essential in institutionbuilding. This article, based on this notion, examines Japan's roles behind the establishment of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) in 1980 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum in 1989. This article asserts that a major feature of Japan's leadership role behind the establishment of PECC and APEC was Japan's special attention to ASEAN countries and endeavoured to incorporate ASEAN‘s interests. The rationale behind treating ASEAN respectfully stemmed partly from Japan's traditional leadership intention to contribute to the economic development of Southeast Asian countries. This intention has been sustained by its selfperceived identity as the only industrialized country in Asia and self-imposed duty as a bridge between the developed and developing countries in international politics. The article suggests that Japan's leadership efforts to incorporate ASEAN’s interests into PECC and APEC through launching blueprints and conducting diplomacy can be regarded as an example of directional leadership which partly caused PECC to emerge as a quasigovernmental institution and APEC as an organization with a legally nonbinding force.

Political activists: the NDP in convention

Recent Work on Canadian Political InstitutionsRand DyckKeith Archer and Alan Whitehorn. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997.Patrick Malcolmson and Richard Myers are among political scientists who regret that discipline has moved away from study of government and political institutions in an attempt explain political phenomena in terms of economic, sociological, psychological and anthropological phenomena. Instead, they argue, the starting point for a sound understanding of Canadian politics is focus on basic institutions of Three of other four books in this varied collection do deal with government institutions - public service, House of Commons and courts - while fifth concerns a quasi-governmental institution, New Democratic Party. This review can thus be said examine recent books on Canadian political institutions, but not all of them depend on an institutional or neo-institutional approach.The Canadian Regime has about 200 pages of text and 50 pages of Constitution Acts, 1867 and 1982. Malcolmson and Myers aim for a short and clear account of Canadian Given poor condition of civic education in contemporary Canada, their target audience is first-year political science students and ordinary citizens who want be better informed. They hope to articulate inner logic and coherence of regime, that is, explain interactions among political institutions as well as their underlying principles.The book is a fairly basic civics text, which briefly describes constitution, federalism, Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Crown, cabinet and prime minister, Parliament and judiciary. It looks beyond this institutional base include chapters on elections, political parties and interest groups, public opinion, and democratic citizenship. Although they eschew theoretical approaches beyond their affection for institutions, authors make reference Aristotle, Mill and Locke in their categorization of political regimes and in their discussion of fundamental principles of equality and liberty. What they say is clearly written, necessarily condensed, and conventional; most theoretical questions are handled well; and while some of their examples are excellent, others are hypothetical when better real examples exist. They touch upon such controversial questions as merits of majority and minority governments, reserve powers of Crown, fixed election dates, federal spending power, Michael Mandel's critique of legalization of politics, prime ministerial government, principle of ministerial responsibility, effectiveness of backbenchers, Triple-E Senate, effects of single-member plurality electoral system, party ideology and horse-race coverage of election campaigns.The book's main strength is its defence of existing parliamentary system, with its executive dominance, party discipline, institutionalized opposition and accountability provided by principle of responsible government. It sees no reason look American institutions improve operation of Canadian system. The explanations of components of constitution, conventions of responsible government, constitutional amending formulas, Charter cases such as Southam and Oakes and Thomas Berger affair, are impressive. Key terms are listed at end of each chapter and discussion questions are at end of book.While authors succeed in their general explanation of Canadian political regime and in clarifying basic principles, they falter on many of details. Explaining such a broad subject in 200 pages leads oversimplifications, such as in collapsing several phases of Canadian federalism and in devoting only three pages civil service. Since they rarely refer Constitution Acts that consume last 50 pages of book, authors might have made more profitable use of that space. …

Mr. Smith goes to Ottawa: life in the House of Commons

Recent Work on Canadian Political InstitutionsRand DyckDavid C. Docherty. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1997.Patrick Malcolmson and Richard Myers are among political scientists who regret that discipline has moved away from study of government and political institutions in an attempt explain political phenomena in terms of economic, sociological, psychological and anthropological phenomena. Instead, they argue, the starting point for a sound understanding of Canadian politics is focus on basic institutions of Three of other four books in this varied collection do deal with government institutions - public service, House of Commons and courts - while fifth concerns a quasi-governmental institution, New Democratic Party. This review can thus be said examine recent books on Canadian political institutions, but not all of them depend on an institutional or neo-institutional approach.The Canadian Regime has about 200 pages of text and 50 pages of Constitution Acts, 1867 and 1982. Malcolmson and Myers aim for a short and clear account of Canadian Given poor condition of civic education in contemporary Canada, their target audience is first-year political science students and ordinary citizens who want be better informed. They hope to articulate inner logic and coherence of regime, that is, explain interactions among political institutions as well as their underlying principles.The book is a fairly basic civics text, which briefly describes constitution, federalism, Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Crown, cabinet and prime minister, Parliament and judiciary. It looks beyond this institutional base include chapters on elections, political parties and interest groups, public opinion, and democratic citizenship. Although they eschew theoretical approaches beyond their affection for institutions, authors make reference Aristotle, Mill and Locke in their categorization of political regimes and in their discussion of fundamental principles of equality and liberty. What they say is clearly written, necessarily condensed, and conventional; most theoretical questions are handled well; and while some of their examples are excellent, others are hypothetical when better real examples exist. They touch upon such controversial questions as merits of majority and minority governments, reserve powers of Crown, fixed election dates, federal spending power, Michael Mandel's critique of legalization of politics, prime ministerial government, principle of ministerial responsibility, effectiveness of backbenchers, Triple-E Senate, effects of single-member plurality electoral system, party ideology and horse-race coverage of election campaigns.The book's main strength is its defence of existing parliamentary system, with its executive dominance, party discipline, institutionalized opposition and accountability provided by principle of responsible government. It sees no reason look American institutions improve operation of Canadian system. The explanations of components of constitution, conventions of responsible government, constitutional amending formulas, Charter cases such as Southam and Oakes and Thomas Berger affair, are impressive. Key terms are listed at end of each chapter and discussion questions are at end of book.While authors succeed in their general explanation of Canadian political regime and in clarifying basic principles, they falter on many of details. Explaining such a broad subject in 200 pages leads oversimplifications, such as in collapsing several phases of Canadian federalism and in devoting only three pages civil service. Since they rarely refer Constitution Acts that consume last 50 pages of book, authors might have made more profitable use of that space. …