Pure German Research Articles

Evaluation of Foot and Claw Lesions and Claw Horn Growth in Piglets from Birth to End of Nursery.

The objective of this study is to evaluate foot lesions and claw horn growth of piglets from the day of birth until the end of the suckling period and describe the prevalence and extent in three different genetic lines. Therefore, bruising, dorsal horn lesions, claw horn growth, and weight gain were evaluated five times during growth, starting with the day of birth (day 0 of life) and ending with the end of nursery (day 68 ± 2 of life). Totally, 74 piglets of three genetic lines (German Landrace × Large White; Piétrain × Piétrain-Duroc; pure German Landrace) were examined. Bruising and dorsal horn lesions reached maximum levels at day 7 (±1) of life (with up to 91% of piglets having bruising marks and up to 94.1% of piglets having dorsal horn lesions). Differences among genetic lines were detected, with German Landrace × Large White crossbreds showing the highest percentage of bruising, but Piétrain × Piétrain-Duroc crossbreds showed the highest score for dorsal horn lesions at day 0. Until weaning (day 28 ± 1), front feet were more affected by bruising than hind feet (70.3% of the front feet and 64% of the hind feet showed bruising), but at the end of nursery (day 68 ± 2), hind feet showed a higher percentage of affected feet than front feet (65.5% vs. 41.3%). Several factors affect bruising scores in piglets, including body weight, age at examination, litter size, sex, parity, breed, and claw horn length. Additionally, significant differences for claw horn length were detected among the genetic lines from birth to end of nursery.

German as a Jewish Problem: The Language Politics of Jewish Nationalism by Marc Volovici (review)

Reviewed by: German as a Jewish Problem: The Language Politics of Jewish Nationalism by Marc Volovici Michael Brenner Marc Volovici. German as a Jewish Problem: The Language Politics of Jewish Nationalism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020. 352 pp. doi:10.1017/S0364009421000301 When I was a student at the Hebrew University in the 1980s, I often heard older professors ask half-jokingly: "So, what is the second most important language for Jewish studies?" The answer was Hebrew. The most important one, of course, was German—as most of the significant nineteenth- and early twentieth-century literature of Wissenschaft des Judentums was written in German. Marc Volovici's important study could have been entitled "German as a Jewish Language"—but as he makes clear, after the 1930s, this language which once had been identified with so many Jewish endeavors had become a Jewish problem. The language of Goethe was now branded as the language of Goebbels. The language was identified with hashmadah rather than with haskalah. As time passed, the attempts to reclaim German as a Jewish language could be heard again. When Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke in German in the Knesset in 2008, right-wing Israeli politician Arieh Eldad objected by pointing to the fact that this was the language "in which my grandfather and grandmother were murdered." He was countered by former Knesset speaker Avraham Burg, who claimed it was also "the language in which Herzl wrote." He concluded: "Languages are not guilty, only those speaking them." Volovici begins his thorough analysis of the love-and-hate affair between the Jews and the German language with the Enlightenment. It was the Maskilim's resistance to the Jargon (as they denounced Yiddish), and their followers' inability to read Hebrew well enough, which opened the door to the use of German as the new language of educated Jews. Moses Mendelssohn's Bible translation initially still had to be printed in Hebrew letters, as most German Jews were not able to read other characters. Not only the early Haskalah but also the Reform movement was initially largely a German-speaking project. German was used as the language of religious reform not only in Germany itself but also in nineteenth-century America, where many synagogue sermons were delivered in German and Jewish periodicals appeared in German. Soon, German was vilified by some Yiddish-speaking east European Jews as the language of assimilation. What an irony that it would also become the language identified with the new Jewish national movement, Zionism. Not only German Jews like Moses Hess wrote their early Zionist writings in German, but the most important Zionist pamphlet before Herzl's Judenstaat, Leon Pinsker's Selbstemanzipation, was written in German despite the Russian Jewish identity of its author. With the emergence of Herzl on the political stage, official Zionist leadership was firmly in the hand of German speakers. The new movement's journal appeared in German, and the lingua franca at the Zionist congresses was, if not pure German, then Kongressdeutsch. Instead of trying to define what Kongressdeutsch is, Volovici is absolutely right in telling his readers why he would rather not define it: "The fact that Kongressdeutsch could not be easily defined was one of its main sources of practicality, allowing participants of the congress to transcend some of the political sensitivities involved in making language choice" (199). One of the most fascinating chapters in the book deals with the gap between theoretical and practical usage of Hebrew by Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig. While both translated the Hebrew Bible [End Page 476] into German, they struggled with spoken Hebrew. This was a greater dilemma for the Zionist Buber, who confessed to Gershom Scholem: "I believe I have a right to say that 'I know' Hebrew, but as soon as I want to express a thought, it crumbles in my mouth" (160). For the non-Zionist Rosenzweig, Hebrew remained a holy tongue. Both Buber and Rosenzweig continued to express themselves in German—and the Hebraized German of their Bible translation. It was a long way from Kongressdeutsch and Bibeldeutsch to the role of German in postwar Israel. The country that issued passports valid for all countries with the exception...

Vulgar Imagery and Biological Themes: An Analysis of the Nazi’s Anti-Semitic Dialogue

During World War Two, the Nazi regime created a mechanized and systematic killing process with the intention of eliminating the “undesirables” of their occupied territory—now referred to as the Holocaust. While the true scale of this system was not openly publicized at the time, the motivation for its existence was an entrenched element of the Nazi ideology—the creation of a racially pure German state. The question stands as to how a political party could bring a nation in line with an ideology predicated on racism, ethnonationalism and the destruction of an entire people? This paper will provide an analysis of the type of language the Nazis used to do exactly that. Through studying their vocabulary, we find that their persistent use of biological themes and metaphors supported their self-defined “scientific anti-Semitism” and we can follow the effect this had on the general public. The Nazis were not the first group to push a violently discriminatory agenda upon their general population nor were they the last. By analyzing how they spoke on the topic we can see patterns and general themes emerge, giving us the ability to spot them in contemporary examples and helping us identify the emergence of dangerous movements before they take control.

Diminutive Forming Suffixes in Instructional German Books

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P6051 Incidence of SOD1 mutation in a sample of pure breed German Shepherd in Colombia

P6051 Incidence of SOD1 mutation in a sample of pure breed German Shepherd in Colombia

Congenital Aortic Stenosis in a German Shepherd – Case Report

Introduction Aortic stenosis is a congenital heart disorder that occurs mainly in large breed dogs. Many large breed dogs were diagnosed with this congenital heart disorder, but Golden Retriever, Rottweiler, Boxer, German shepherd and Newfoundland seem to be overrepresented. Aortic stenosis may manifest itself as supravalvular, valvular and subvalvular. The subvalvular form (subaortic stenosis) is the most common form in the dog. With this defect, a fibrous band or ring located just below the aortic semilunar valves impedes left ventricular emptying. Aims: We want to underline clinical and paraclinical abnormalities associated with this disease. Matherials and methods: Four month old pure German shepherd female was brought for specific cardiac evaluation at our unit. Clinical investigation was performed after a specific algorithm (evaluation of precordial thrill, pulse and murmur, assessment of lung problems). Paraclinical investigations included electrocardiography and echocardiography. Results: Clinically point of view we identified a precordial thrill on the left thorax. On auscultation we identified a systolic murmur located cranially, at the base of the heart, area which corresponds with aortic orifice location. The murmur’s grade was 6/6. Electrocardiographically we observed high amplitude of R waves with supraventricular and ventricular (bigeminy) rhythm abnormalities. On echography we underlined an increase of myocardium echogenity with hyperechoic foci, localized mainly in left ventricular free wall, decreased left ventricular chamber with thickness of interventricular septum and left ventricular free wall. Doppler echography identified a turbulent jet through aortic orifice with 5.5 m/s velocity. Based on clinical and paraclinical tests diagnostic is severe aortic stenosis. Conclusion: Congenital aortic stenosis implies a severe diagnostic. Doppler investigation is the most important tool in aortic stenosis diagnostic.

Zofiówka Sanatorium.

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article PerspectivesFull AccessZofiówka SanatoriumMary V. Seeman, M.D.Mary V. SeemanSearch for more papers by this author, M.D.Published Online:1 Jun 2014https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.2013.13081114AboutSectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail The Zofiówka sanatorium in Otwock, Poland, was founded at the beginning of the 20th century by the Society for the Protection of Mentally Ill Jews under the directorship of Samuel Goldflam, an eminent Polish psychiatrist of the time (1). The facility was built on 30 hectares of land with funds donated by benefactress Zofia Endelman, for whom the facility was named. When completed, the sanatorium complex included four buildings and housed 370 patients, both children and adults; at its peak, it employed 994 staff. Innovative psychological treatment methods were used to excellent effect, but in September 1939, when Poland was invaded by Germany, all this changed.Bent on creating a “master race” of superior beings, the German government (with the collaboration of a large segment of its physicians) attempted to remove from the Reich all those judged to be defective: the physically and mentally disabled, vagrants, homosexuals, and Jews (2). The process of exterminating the mentally ill started not in Germany proper, but in German-occupied Poland.It started relatively late in the war in Zofiówka. The Jewish ghetto of Otwock, near Warsaw, was first established on Jan. 15, 1941, and was sealed on May 28. This meant that no patient could be discharged from Zofiówka—despite staff shortages (most of the original staff had fled toward the East at the outbreak of the war) and despite the increasing scarcity of food, coal, and medical supplies (3).As a result of crowding, cold, deprivation, and unsanitary conditions, 210 residents (more than half) died between June 1 and Nov. 16, 1941, while at the same time, German health authorities continued to send more and more mentally ill Jewish patients to Zofiówka from hospitals in other locations.On Aug. 19, 1942, the Otwock ghetto was liquidated (everyone was either shot on the spot or sent to Treblinka to be gassed). Warned a day ahead, some of the Zofiówka patients and many of the staff took potassium cyanide. Some escaped into the surrounding countryside to be betrayed later by the local population (4). Up to 140 children and adults were machine gunned on the hospital grounds. Patients not murdered that day were deported, with the other residents of the Otwock ghetto, to the Treblinka extermination camp, where 90% were killed within 2 hours of arrival (5).By the end of 1942, the only persons left in Zofiówka were two SS men and 20 Jewish policemen who were tasked with renovating the buildings, readying them for their new occupants: racially pure Aryan pregnant women carrying racially pure fetuses—Lebensborn Ostland. At birth, the children were adopted by racially pure German families, often the families of the very SS men who had put to death the children of Zofiówka (6).Zofiówka is now abandoned, and the buildings lie in ruins (7–9). Abandoned with them are the once-bright hope of scientific eugenics and the promise of nationalism as a political ideology. More specific to psychiatry, also abandoned are the ideals of psychiatric asylums as places of sanctuary and of physicians as people of honor.From the Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto.Address correspondence to Dr. Seeman (mary.[email protected]ca).Photograph by nijanulu is used by permission and appears at the KNOBZ.NET web site (http://knobz.home.pl/en/abandoned1.html).References1 Webb C: Otwock & the Zofiówka sanatorium: a refuge from hell. http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/ghettos/otwock.htmlGoogle Scholar2 Strous R: Extermination of the Jewish mentally-ill during the Nazi era—the “doubly cursed.” Isr J Psychiatry Relat Sci 2008; 45:247–256Medline, Google Scholar3 Nasierowski T: The extermination of the mentally ill in Poland during the Second World War. Int J Ment Health 2006; 35:50–61Crossref, Google Scholar4 Engelking B: Murdering and denouncing Jews in the Polish countryside, 1942–1945. East Eur Polit Soc 2011; 25:433–456Crossref, Google Scholar5 Donat A (ed): The Death Camp Treblinka. New York, Holocaust Library, 1979Google Scholar6 Thompson LV: Lebensborn and the eugenics policy of the Reichsführer-SS. Cent Eur Hist 1971; 4:54–77Crossref, Google Scholar7 MrBoblarz: Mental Hospital Zofiówka Otwock.http://mrboblarz.deviantart.com/art/Mental-Hospital-Zofiowka-Otwock-312631457Google Scholar8 nijanulu: Abandoned Psychiatric Hospital “Zofiówka”: Otwock, Poland.http://knobz.home.pl/en/abandoned1.htmlGoogle Scholar9 Urbex Polska: Abandoned Mental Asylum “Zofiówka.” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=41AVmzg_c-kGoogle Scholar FiguresReferencesCited byDetailsCited ByThe Jewish psychiatric hospital, Zofiówka, in Otwock, Poland19 February 2015 | History of Psychiatry, Vol. 26, No. 1 Volume 171Issue 6 June 2014Pages 625-626 Metrics PDF download History Accepted 1 October 2013 Published online 1 June 2014 Published in print 1 June 2014

The Social Thought of Talcott Parsons: Methodology and American Ethos by Uta Gerhardt (review)

122 Max Weber Studies Uta Gerhardt, The Social Thought ofTalcott Parsons: (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), xii + 444pp. Hardback I At the Weber centennial in Heidelberg in 1964 planned an assault on Max Weber's legacy, but event into something less one-dimensional than including Jürgen Habermas and Herbert Marcus jamin Nelson and Marcuse had an ensuing publi media. Max Weber and some of those issues from 1964 are still with us, such as the exact nature of the link between Weber and Carl Schmitt, and Schmitt and the Frank furt school. The Carl Schmitt-link is supposed—right or wrong—to be stigmatiz ing. However, as sophisticated critics of the parliamentarian system, Habermas and Schmitt are often seen as being on the same side of the barricades (Turner 1999). Long before the conference—in 1937 and 1950—Parsons had made Weber part of the sociological Parnassus by a fortunate misrepresentation of Weber's ideas. Thanks to Parsons's wishful extension of Weber's ideal-type methodology, he became an adopted part of sociological heritage, even the cornerstone. There were other synthe ses between history and theory, for example outside pundits in intellectual history like Karl Lamprecht who is almost forgotten today. But Parsons's Weber achieved a prominence denied to most of his illustrious competitors. Parsons also played a momentous role in Germany soon after WW2, in terms of the reintroduction of democratic rule and civic culture. Reorganizing the univer sity system was here an important part of his practical work. Helping us to under stand the legacy of Parsons's impact, Uta Gerhardt's book makes great and very informative reading and can be recommended to all students of social science. My only objection is her obsessive criticism of neo-Kantianism, in her understanding the demise and deterioration of a pure German sociology in Diltheyian style. This is the other side of a paradigmatic gulf in Weber studies, but fortunately we can now use full text downloading and with the use of search functions can better check stereotypes about influences traded on, with weak support in the source material. Gerhardt's front stands firm against 'positivism', which she understands in the Spencerian social Darwinist version. But the marginalist tradition is a sort of positiv ism as well, or at least a stand-in for positivism in the famous Methodenstreit, which of course is the background to Max Weber's methodological essays. This unity of sci ence with natural science as proto-type is in common. The issue of parsing Weber somewhere between positivism and anti-positivism is not an easy one, but surely he is not a Diltheyian, since the references to Dilthey are few and only to find in Weber's very first methodological études. This is in con trast to plentiful references to Heinrich Rickert's neo-Kantianism, whose nominalist concept formation aims to provide the means for transparent selection from a vast reality. That Weber is not an adherent of an empathetic approach is clear, since the ratio nal actor model has such a prominent role in his methodological procedure, despite famous statements about Verstehen being a step towards Erklären. He is an anti sociologist within sociology, and belonging to a much longer tradition from Machia velli onwards, including Hobbes and Bentham—and also Gunnar Myrdal.© Max Weber Studies 2014. Book Reviews 123 Weber is also though under the spell of ology than the political economist Weber, rather than visible in the texts, since We knew each other well. Here there was litt readily just talk to one another. One text which is little referred to is seemingly falsifies or at least contradicts t The same goes for his several essays in in ifesting scientific management and 'Ford (p. 88) about the 'unsubstantiated' view phy', characterizing it as 'a view that Ricke untimely death', an odd statement given W erences to Rickert's role for his strategy formation.1 It is, however, true that Ricke which also has its limits just as Karl Jaspe However, the sun also has its dark spots from the excellence and utility of Gerh pre-neo-Kantian gulf is a matter of inter Weber's dependence on Rickert is, it...

Limited and excess dietary protein during gestation affects growth and compositional traits in gilts and impairs offspring fetal growth1,2

The aim of this study was to investigate whether dietary protein intake during gestation less than or greater than recommendations affects gilts growth and body composition, gestation outcome, and colostrum composition. German Landrace gilts were fed gestation diets (13.7 MJ of ME/kg) containing a low (n = 18; LP, 6.5% CP), an adequate (n = 20; AP, 12.1%), or a high (n = 16; HP, 30%) protein content corresponding to a protein:carbohydrate ratio of 1:10.4, 1:5, and 1:1.3, respectively, from mating until farrowing. Gilts were inseminated by semen of pure German Landrace boars and induced to farrow at 114 d postcoitum (dpc; Exp. 1). Energy and protein intake during gestation were 33.3, 34.4, and 35.8 MJ of ME/d (P < 0.001) and 160, 328, and 768 g/d, respectively, in LP, AP, and HP gilts (P < 0.001). From insemination to 109 dpc, BW gain was least in LP (42.1 kg), intermediate in HP (63.1 kg), and greatest in AP gilts (68.3 kg), whereas increase of backfat thickness was least in gilts fed the HP diet compared with LP and AP diets (3.8, 5.1, 5.0 mm; P = 0.01). Litter size, % stillborn piglets, and mummies were unaffected (P > 0.28) by the gestation diet. Total litter weight tended to be less in the offspring of LP and HP gilts (14.67, 13.77 vs. 15.96 kg; P = 0.07), and the percentage of male piglets was greater in litters of HP gilts (59.4%; P < 0.01). In piglets originating from LP and HP gilts, individual birth weight was less (1.20, 1.21 vs. 1.40 kg; P = 0.001) and birth weight/crown-rump length ratio was reduced (45.3, 46.4 vs. 50.7 g/cm; P = 0.003). Colostrum fat (7.8, 7.4 vs. 8.1%) and lactose concentrations (2.2, 2.1 vs. 2.6%) tended to be reduced in LP and HP gilts (P = 0.10). In Exp. 2, 28 gilts (LP, 10; AP, 9; HP, 9) were treated as in Exp. 1 but slaughtered at 64 dpc. At 64 dpc, LP gilts were 7% lighter than AP gilts (P = 0.03), whereas HP gilts were similar to AP gilts. Body composition was markedly altered in response to LP and HP feeding with less lean (P < 0.01) and greater fat content (P = 0.02 to 0.04) in LP and less fat content (P = 0.02 to 0.04) in HP gilts. Fetal litter weight and number, and embryonic survival at 64 dpc were not affected by the diets. These results indicated that gestation diets containing protein at 50 and 250% of recommendations and differing in protein:carbohydrate ratio led to marked changes in protein and fat metabolism in gilts resulting in fetal growth retardation of 15%, which mainly occurred during the second half of gestation.

Hölderlin after the Catastrophe: Heidegger — Adorno — Brecht by Robert Savage (review)

9i8 Reviews subjectivity) stretch over fiftyyears. The pace at which Parkes proceeds, linking literary textsdirectly to political moments, may occasionally make his analysis feel a little superficial. All in all, however, this book ishighly readable and informative and is a welcome update of the author's previous monograph. University of Leeds Stuart Taberner Holderlin after theCatastrophe: Heidegger ? Adorno ? Brecht. By Robert Savage. (Studies inGerman Literature, Linguistics and Culture) Rochester, NY: Cam den House. 2008. xvi+234pp. ?40; $75. ISBN 978-1-57113-320-5. This study focuses on the reception ofHolderlin as an ideal example of post-war German poetry problems, since Holderlin had to such an extent been incorporated in the officialNazi ideology. The introduction provides thenecessary background forunderstanding the com plexity of the role Holderlin was to play inGermany after 1945. His first modern editor,Norbert von Hellingrath, had furnished an influential interpretation of the poet as the incarnation of purity?an apolitical myth eagerly taken up by the Stefan George circle. The distortion of thismyth by theHolderlin Society (founded by Goebbels in 1943) in order to use Holderlin as the pure German to justify the idea ofmartyrdom for the fatherland, togetherwith Heidegger's views on the poet, are themost widely treated aspects of the topic and themost convincing ones. The author demonstrates how completely this view changed after World War II, when the distortions of theNazi period were swept away by specialist analysis, which at the same time reinstated themystical approach or disguised the political implica tions of the question. Poets such as Eich and Celan, however, used Holderlin as a stickwith which to beat the smug self-satisfaction of the recovering nation. The chapter on Heidegger presents thephilosophers idea of a non-racial German nationalism as a continuing struggle since itquestions national identity altogether, an idea learnt from Holderlin, whom Heidegger considers the most German of all Germans'. The author shows how Heidegger maintained this view until 1947, classing the Third Reich and the World War as aspects of Western nihilism, and be lieving thatGermans could now, after 1945, as poets and thinkers teach theworld poetical thinking'. Heidegger's 'de-worlded' position takes the form of a conver sation with Holderlin, outside time. The profound transformation' ofHeidegger's Holderlin reception after thewar, however, could have been more sharply defined. The following chapter shows how Adorno organized his reception ofHolderlin around the concept of polemic?less polemic as poetical principle of the poet him self, rather polemic between Adorno and Heidegger. As a result Holderlin fades into the background in the confrontation between the two thinkers,who, as the author elaborates, saymuch the same thing about the poet, but from contrasting positions. The thesis is that they communicate on thepolemic, and thus on Holder lin,precisely by refusing to communicate. The author's sympathies seem to liemore with Brecht, in spite of themeagre references the dramatist makes toHolderlin. Brecht, afterhis return from exile in MLR, 105.3, 2010 919 1947, staged Antigone in Chur, using an adaptation of theHolderlin translation of the play. Brecht's de- and recontextualization of this text is shown to constitute a third paradigm, citation, along with Heidegger's conversation and Adorno's po lemic.These three are presented as exemplary responses to theGerman catastrophe in such a way as tomake a new beginning, employing the figure ofHolderlin. In spite of the play's lack of success the author judges the Brechtian approach to be more flexible and sensitive to the historical moment, as well as more durable and more enduring than the others' attempts to rescue the poet. The epilogue depicts the changes in the reception initiated by the '68 move ment and Pierre Bertaux's stressing of the revolutionary element inHolderlin, a tendency carried forward byMartin Walser and PeterWeiss. The book ends with Rainald Goetz's 1983 presentation of the poet as a pop star and the postmodern arbitrariness after such contrasting employments. According to the author the in terpretation ofHolderlin has become an academic question, though as a classic he retains the potential to inspire a new revolt. The only problem with this fascinating study is itschoice ofmaterial: Holderlin's role is sidelined inBrecht and lacks profile inAdorno, who in...

The Study of European Ethnology in Austria

Contents: All beginnings are difficult Between the wars: 1918-1938 Vienna, Vienna, you and you alone Pure German scholarship Zero hour was not zero hour Farewell to folklife - also in Austria? Notes Bibliography Index.

Tainted Sources: The Subversion of the Grimms' Ideology of the Folktale in Heinrich Heine's Der Rabbi von Bacherach1

Like Germanistik, the nascent discipline of Volkskunde played a central role in shaping the discourse of German nationalism.2 No one contributed more to defining the parameters of both disciplines than Jacob and Wilhelm most popularly known both in their own day and in ours as the compilers of the Kinder- und Hausmarchen (KHM). Not only were the Grimms' Marchen themselves widely disseminated, but so were their accompanying remarks on folktales as a form of what they, following Herder, call Volksdichtung or Volkspoesie. While the writings of the Brothers Grimm articulate various theories to explain how folktales are transmitted, their preface and introduction to the second edition of the KHM of 1819 advance the influential concept of a pure German folktale tradition passed down to their time. Over the last thirty years, scholars have underscored this strong nationalist current in the Grimms' writings on folktales and other forms of folk expression.3 Surprisingly, though, they have neglected what is arguably the most trenchant critique of the Grimms' nationalist ideology of the folktale: Heinrich Heine's fragmentary novelDer Rabbi von Bacherach, the first chapter of which was composed in 1824, two years after the completion of the second edition of the KHM. The present study explores the terms of Heine's critique, and in the process maps out the discursive field of the folktale in the first half of the nineteenth century as a highly contested terrain. I begin by delineating the Grimms' ideology of folkloric purity as it is distilled in the second edition of the KHM, the edition in which, according to Heinz Rolleke, die 'Gattung Grimm' erst recht eigentlich geschaffen wurde (Rolleke, Zur Biographie 522). I then document Heine's reception of this ideology in Die Harzreise, which he drafted in the same year as the first chapter of Rabbi. Next, I show how the opening chapter of Rabbi depicts the translation of this ideology of folkloric purity into practice, with devastating consequences for the Jewish community of Bacherach. I claim that Heine's text radically subverts this ideology by showing folktale traditions to be always already exposed to what Jack Zipes has termed original from exogenous traditions (Zipes, Cross-Cultural 869). While Rabbi is primarily concerned with the dynamics of diasporic folk culture, that is to say, with the ways in which the Jews of Bacherach intermingle folktales from the dominant community with their own to create hybrid forms, Heine's text suggests that the wellsprings of the host community are indelibly tainted as well. Examining this contamination will lead us both to employ and to question key theoretical assumptions of current diaspora studies. In their preface (Vorrede) and introduction (Einleitung) to the second edition of the KHM, the Brothers Grimm envision a pure stream of folkloric transmission running down to their day, or what Jacob in the preface to his Deutsche Mythologie, terms nie stillstehende Flus lebendiger Sitte und Sage (cited in Bausinger, Formen 24). As they depict it, this stream issues from a purely German source; it carries exclusively German content; protected from outside influences, its course from one generation to the next remains unbroken; finally, it is faithfully preserved by the Brothers Grimm themselves in their KHM. Taken together, these stages amount to a comprehensive ideology of a pure German Marchen tradition. The attribution of a nationalist ideology to the Grimms' writings on folktales has been disputed by Heinz Rollecke, whose critical editions of the KHM have paved the way for contemporary research into the Grimms' collection. In an article on the Marchentheorien der Bruder Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Rollecke argues that the Grimms counterbalance any nationalist tendencies with a far stronger internationalist bent (67). He goes so far as to read the absence of the adjective deutsch from the title of their folktale collection as an indication of the extent to which they were aware of the internationality of their tales (68). …

Inheritance of Myxobolus cerebralis Resistance among F1‐Generation Crosses of Whirling Disease Resistant and Susceptible Rainbow Trout Strains

AbstractA whirling disease resistant domestic strain of rainbow trout Oncorhynchus mykiss (German (GR)) was crossed with a susceptible wild strain of rainbow trout (Colorado River (CR)). Thirty‐two families of F1 crosses, along with five pure GR and two pure CR rainbow trout families, were then evaluated for resistance to whirling disease after experimental exposure to Myxobolus cerebralis. The pure domesticated GR strain was verified to have strong resistance to the parasite. In contrast, wild CR rainbow trout were highly susceptible. Crosses of these two strains resulted in offspring with a range of susceptibility. The resistance to whirling disease in some families was similar to that of pure GR rainbow trout, while other families were as susceptible as pure CR rainbow trout. Infection severity was significantly greater in the CR strain than in the pure GR and the GR × CR strains, as measured by both microscopic pathological scores (histology) and myxospore counts. Infection severity in the reciprocal crosses (CR female × GR male) was not significantly different from that of the pure CR rainbow trout as measured by histology but was significantly different with respect to lower myxospore counts. Future studies will examine the stability of inheritance of whirling disease resistance and the potential use of selective breeding to control whirling disease in free‐ranging rainbow trout populations.

Artists for the Reich: Culture and Race from Weimar to Nazi Germany. By Joan L. Clinefelter. Oxford and New York: Berg. 2005. Pp. x+182. $74.95 (cloth); $24.95 (paper). ISBN 1-84520-200-7.

The law of diminishing returns can arguably be applied to historical research as well as larger economic enterprises. What had previously been described in a few paragraphs and notes of such standard works as those by Paul O. Rave and Hildegard Brenner has now been brought to the light of day in a full monographic treatment of Bettina Feistel-Rohmeder and the Deutsche Kunstgesellschaft (German Art Society). For those attracted by the majestic sweep of Joan Clinefelter's book title, however, a more accurate (if still overstated) description is found in the title of her 1995 Indiana University doctoral dissertation, “The German Art Society and the Battle for ‘Pure German’ Art, 1920–1945.”

Studies on the development of the claws in new born calves of different breeds and crossbreds using Dual Energy X-Ray Absorptiometry (DXA)

Abstract. This study evaluated claw development in 199 calves of different genetic background during the first 70 days of life. Dual Energy X-Ray Absorptiometry (DXA) was found to be a useful tool for this purpose. By the means of DXA, in humans as in animals, body constitution and composition can be examined in vivo. Thus, the whole body or body regions can be analyzed for the content of fat tissue, lean tissue, bone mineral content and bone mineral density. Large differences in claw parameters were observed, depending on the position of the claws, sex and breed, including interaction effects between gender and breeds. In all four pairs of claws, the medial claws had significantly higher contents of bone mineral than the lateral claws. All fore claws had a higher density than hind claws. Male calves showed significantly higher values than females in all measured parameters. Comparing breeds and crossbreds, pure German Holsteins had the lowest values in all parameters with exception of the R-value. Within breeds/crossbreds and gender various interactions could be found. Calves of first lactation cows had lower values than calves of elder cows. Calves with a small birth weight and calves originating of a multiple birth had significantly lower values of the scanned parameters than calves with higher birth weight or monoparous calves.

Sports, Song, and Socialization: Women's Memories of Youthful Activity and Political Indoctrination in the bdm

In 1933 the National Socialists launched a "Revolution of Youth," calling on every "racially pure" German girl to lead an active political life within the League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mädel, or BDM). Girls joined the BDM for a sense of belonging and independence. But for most adolescent girls, participation faded as they shied away from the Nazis' pronatalist agenda. That most German women remember the BDM fondly reflects the reality of a group whose appeal lay in its youthful offerings. For those who truly embraced the BDM, however, the fall of the Nazi regime left an indigestible and sullied childhood.

Annihilating Difference: The Anthropology of Genocide (review)

Alexander Laban Hinton, ed. Annihilating Difference: The Anthropology of Genocide. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. A nthropologists have long been silent on the topic of genocide as have scholars from other disciplines (including my own, political science). What is unique to anthropology, however, is its troubling relationship to genocide. As several of the chapters in this volume show, anthropologists have acted as contributors and participants in a range of genocidal projects. It is anthropologists, after all, who have been at the forefront of developing and deploying the very concept that has made genocide, in the modern age at least, possible-the concept of human difference. But as this volume, edited by Alex Hinton, demonstrates, this disturbing past gives anthropologists a unique vantage point from which to assess their own discipline's duplicity and makes their contributions all the more valuable. Indeed, the central strength of this volume is the trenchant self-critiques offered by several authors. Bettina Arnold, for example, examines the role that archaeology played in helping the National Socialist Party create a historical, material basis for a pure German race. Through specious interpretations of the archaeological record, buffeted by the discipline's own assumption that pots = people (Arnold, 93), Nazi ideologues were able to construct a history in which Germans gave birth to themselves (Arnold, 103). In a similar vein, Gretchen Schafft reveals the extent of involvement of anthropologists in the Third Reich's exterminatory campaign against Jews, Roma and other undesirables. Through ongoing support of a prominent American funder, anthropologists not only engaged in on racial classification but also served as certifiers and judges on racial boards. Schafft's evidence is damning not so much for what she finds but for what she does not find-entire files missing from both the German and Rockefeller archives and any indications of concern on the part of Rockefeller officials about the anti-Semitic policies which their funded research helped to legitimate and realize. UIi Linke continues the theme of duplicity by examining how the New Left in West Germany has unwittingly reproduced Nazi tropes of nature, blood, and purity, through their use of exclusion/inclusion language in protest rhetoric and representations of the naked body. Finally, Scheper-Hughes's account of Alfred Kroeber's uneasy relationship with lshi, the so-called last surviving Yahi Indian (whom he befriended but later dishonored by allowing Ishi's brain to be removed from his body, an act of desecration that lshi feared), illustrates how one prominent American anthropology department remains indelibly shaped by its past. As Scheper-Hughes explains, the return of Ishi's brain (after languishing for 75 years in a Smithsonian Museum warehouse) prompted a statement of acknowledgement from the anthropology department at the University of California at Berkeley, where lshi lived his last years in a semi-carnival-like atmosphere, that fell short of formal apology. What links these examples is the level of collective denial that persists, as illustrated by the number of present-day scholars who resist or reject outright such lines of inquiry, and their reluctance to confront their discipline's involvement in past genocidal projects and current genocidal discourses. In addition to these self-critiques, the other key contribution of this volume lies in the insights offered about the nature of genocidal violence itself. For Nagengast, Genocide is always a possiblity (326) because of the multitude of symbolic forms of violence that occur, even in supposedly non-genocidal countries like the United States. …

Interlingual homograph interference in German–English bilinguals: Its modulation and locus of control

We used a visual lexical decision task to explore control processes in proficient German–English bilinguals. Participants pressed a “yes” button if the letter string was a word in English and a “no” button if it was not. Our critical stimuli were interlingual homographs such as the low-frequency English word TAG. In German, TAG means “day” and is a relatively high frequency word. Overall, our participants responded more slowly to an interlingual homograph than to a control word matched to its English frequency. As we expected, the size of this interference effect depended on various factors. First, including “pure” German words in the stimulus list increased interference. However, participants were able to reduce the degree of interference over time even in the presence of such words. Second, in the absence of pure German words, informing participants about the presence of interlingual homographs from the start of the experimental trials allowed them to reduce interference. We examined the locus of these control effects by analysing carry-over, i.e., reaction times on word trials immediately following an interlingual homograph or its matched control. We inferred from the patterns of interference and carry-over that the primary locus for reducing interference is external to the bilingual lexico-semantic system. We consider the implications of these data for theories of control.

Up-to-Date and with a Past: The "Duden" and Its History

Let us consider the following: the Planning Board of the Goethe Institute in Munich wants to establish a Nebenstelle mit Sprachabteilung somewhere in the rainforests of Brazil. A language expert is to be dispatched, but can get there only by parachute. Baggage must be restricted to just one book. What book will it be, what is quintessential for the minimalist German teacher? The answer is simple: it must be Duden: Die Rechtschreibung, the little black-red-and-gold book which promises to be maIgebend in allen Zweifelsfallen. The Duden is the vademecum for any teacher of German, it is the trademark of linguistic authority. The very name suggests a definitive set of rules in spelling, usage, grammar, all presented in a clear and accessible form. If it is listed in the Duden, it is legitimate. If it is not, it does not exist.1 Over the years, the Duden has become the bible of the German language. However, its value does not rest only in its usefulness as a reference tool-it is in many ways a work that reflects politics and culture. Last, but not least, it is a monument to immensely successful marketing. The story of the Duden isa fascinating chapter in the cultural history of modem Germany. To trace this history, we have to go back to the middle of the nineteenth century, when Germany was not yet united and political and linguistic identity was largely determined by region.2 This regionalism was strongly reflected in the spelling conventions prevalent throughout the German speaking countries. To be sure, some spelling guides did exist and were used by printers and in some schools. Most were based on Johann Christoph Adelung's Vollstdndige Anweisung zur Deutschen Orthographie, nebst einem kleinen Wirterbuch fir die Aussprache, Orthographie, Biegung und Ableitung, published in Frankfurt and Leipzig in 1788 (Grebe 9). This was a practical volume, based on the principle write the way you speak. However, that was easier said than done, for the multitude of German dialects made any uniformity impossible. Adelung's rules, and those of his disciples, prevailed until, in the wake of the German unification movement of the post-Napoleonic period, romantic and nationalistic notions entered the debate. Voices were heard, primarily from the Germanists at the universities, promoting a return to the conventions of the Middle Ages, to the pure German of the past. One dreamed of restoring an orthography closely linked to Middle High German, the way one restored old castles at the time or wrote novels about

HL-A histocompatibility antigens in children with coeliac disease (author's transl)

HL-A antigens were determined in 41 unrelated coeliac children and in clinically healthy parents and siblings of 40 of these patients using a lymphocyte microcytotoxicity test. 58.5% of the coeliac patients had phenotype HL-A 8 compared with an HL-A 8 frequency of 16.6% in a control group of 320 unrelated individuals (P less than 0.0005). Excluding five patients not of pure German origin HL-A 8 frequency increases to 63.9%. The increase of HL-A 1 frequency in coeliac patients is attributed to linkage disequilibrium between HL-A 8 and HL-A 1. The haplotype HL-A 1.8 frequency was significantly increased in coeliac children (P less than 0.0001) with frequency elevation also in parents (P approximately 0.025) but not in siblings. Furthermore, an increase in frequency of HL-A 12 and a decreased frequency of HL-A 7 and HL-A 9 was found in coeliac patients. Five clinically healthy siblings had the same HL-A haplotypes as their affected sisters and brothers.