Punjab Politics Research Articles

Emerging trends in Punjab politics: An analysis of Lok Sabha elections 2024

Emerging trends in Punjab politics: An analysis of Lok Sabha elections 2024

Region, religion, and locality: revisiting Punjab politics and the Unionist Party, 1923–1947

AbstractThis article revisits a series of articles published in the early 1980s on Punjab politics in the pre-partition decade that grew out of my thesis ‘The Growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab’ which was supervised by Francis Robinson. It initially locates the publications in the existing literature, before assessing the extent to which subsequent research has enriched academic understanding. The article concludes with some brief reflections on the conceptualisation of the Unionist Party's power-sharing as a form of consociationalism.

A historical analysis of Sir Chhotu Ram in Punjab politics

A historical analysis of Sir Chhotu Ram in Punjab politics

Feudalism, Factionalism and the Muslim Politics in Punjab during 1937 Elections

Indian Punjab was a Muslim majority province with a feudal dominant political base. The Unionist party was organized by Sir Fazl-i-Husain to incorporate the powerful elite into a single party without communal distinction. The party had the majority of the Muslim landed elite with consistent egoistic rivalries over personal clashes. The other contenders were Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Ahrars and Ittehad-i-Millat with communal slogans. The paper aims to analyze the pre-election issue of succession between Fazl and Sikander Hayat Khan, along with the advantages and disadvantages for the Unionists and other stakeholders before elections, with a focus on Muslim politics. Why and how the Unionists were able to retain political dominance and how communal parties failed to form any formidable alliance against them are examined to understand the inherent weaknesses and strengths of all groups.

Farm laws and farmer agitation: Agricultural economics and undercurrents of Punjab politics

ABSTRACT This paper identifies and interprets the political and economic undercurrents of three farm laws passed by Indian Parliament in September 2020, triggering a year-long protest by farmers that eventually led to their repealing in November 2021. While the government argued that the farm laws were designed to foster private sector investment in agriculture, the protestors, opined that the laws were designed to pullback from the Minimum Support Price (MSP) (provided particularly on wheat and paddy). Through a close reading of Punjab's agricultural economy, we delve into understanding the economic and political undercurrents of [un]settling rubble of farm laws and protests.

The Limits of Possibilities of Religious Politics: The Case of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik in Pakistani Punjab

Historically, despite the tremendous influence exerted by Islam on public life, religious parties and organisations have historically failed to do well at the ballot box, receiving an average of only 6% of votes cast in elections since the 1980s. Focusing on the case of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a new Barelvi political party and social movement that has campaigned on the emotive issue of blasphemy since being formed in 2015, this article argues that the clientelistic, patronage-based nature of democratic politics in Punjab, coupled with factionalism and competition within the religious right, continues to play a role in limiting the electoral prospects of religious parties. Nonetheless, as was seen in the General Elections of 2018 in which the TLP outperformed expectations, there are particular circumstances in which the religious parties are able to make electoral breakthroughs. While the TLP was able to make effective use of populist rhetoric to garner some genuine support for itself, this article argues that the organisations sustained campaign of protests over the issue of blasphemy fed into broader efforts by the military establishment and opposition political parties to destabilise and weaken the government of the PML-N prior to the 2018 elections.

Political Participation of Dalits in Punjab of the Twenty-first Century

This article focuses on pattern and direction with which Dalit politics moves in Punjab. An attempt is made to understand political participation as well as voting behaviour of Dalits in Punjab, which is quite different when compared with political behaviour of Dalits in the rest of India. In this study, political participation and political gains of Dalits in Punjab are studied under three phases as well as economic and social factors that have reshaped and redefined the role of Dalits in Punjab politics. Ever since Punjab’s first Assembly election held in 1951 till the 13 Punjab state Assembly election held in 2017, there is no major change in the pattern of Dalit leadership as there is no Dalit leader who commands the whole of Dalit strata in Punjab. On the basis of historical and analytical studies, this article argues that possibilities are quite remote for the emergence of strong leadership having a support of entire Dalit community in Punjab in the upcoming state Assembly elections of 2022.

Factionalism and fissures in the Akali Dal: An analytical periodization of internal political dynamics and historical trends

ABSTRACT This study answers the research question: can any systematic patterns of factionalism and fissures within the Akali Dal be discerned through its organisational history since 1920? I argue that the Akali Dal went through five distinct periods of internal factionalism, each with its own distinct intra-party and leadership dynamics. Furthermore, I argue that factions, fissures, and mergers within Akali Dal emerge due to the political competition between individual Akali leaders, their changing ideological positions due to this competition, and the prevailing political circumstances which dictate the parameters of their ideological flexibility within Sikh and Punjab politics.

Post-militancy resurrection of the Akali Dal, and prospects of renewed Sikh identity politics in Punjab

ABSTRACT The Sikhs in Punjab turned against militants in early-1990s, after nature of violence changed from being politically oriented to largely indiscriminate. The Akali Dal guided by desire to remain politically relevant in post-militancy era, wove ideological and electoral strategy around moderate idioms, stressing consociationalism and economic development. Tracing party’s transition to moderation and dominance in post-militancy Sikh politics, I demonstrate that template of moderation began in 1994 when party defied Amritsar Declaration, not in 1996 with often-cited Moga Declaration. The moderate paradigm still remains intact, while recent electoral setbacks may persuade party to return to some refashioned identity politics.

Role of Electronic Media in Politics of Punjab, Pakistan: A Case Study of Lahore

Electronic media had been the most important forum in exchanging different ideas and political awareness, therefore shaping the political opinion and getting change in political steup of Punjab. Researcher aims at measuring how educated people are persuaded by political talk shows about national issues. About 200 respondents of this study were the students belong to Colleges and Universities of Lahore, Pakistan. Purposive and convenient sampling techniques were used for data collection where questionnaires were as a primary tool of data collection. The findings indicated that viewers of talk shows have greater influence on youth and played important role in giving political awareness. Typically most of people showing their great interest and time in watching talk shows during prime time hours. Basic purpose was to identify how electronic media affected the political perception and mobilization among people of Pakistan. The aim was also to measure show talk shows influenced the political perception over different issues. The resutls of the present study were based survey method conducted from people of punjab, which belong to different age groups, gender, education level and profession. Findings revealed a significant correlation among variables. In this research paper the majority of respondents thought that Talk shows guide the people to comprehend political issues and these talk shows are most credible source of information.

Kinship, Factions and Survival in Pakistani Politics

Abstract Pakistan’s political volatility is well known and oft cited as a cause for concern both regionally and internationally. The state is accused of adopting duplicitous tactics and fostering violent paramilitary organizations in its efforts to undermine Indian hegemony and internal opposition. From the outside, the persistent functioning of the state can sometimes appear to be a mystery. Managing chronic conflicting adversarial relations over a sustained period of time demands particular social and political tools that must be resilient while ensuring robust reproduction of particular types of shared interests. Such social and political tools are diverse and operate to generate both stability and instability in state political institutions. The political networks of individuals and groups that actively seek to control and manipulate state institutions are formed through different types of relationship, but one of the most publicly visible is marriage. Marriage networks offer opportunities for indirect alliances through children, siblings and other kin members in ways that need not threaten ideologically rooted affiliations, such as those created through shared political party membership. In this working paper, we focus on the communicative potential of such marriage networks through comparing village networks of landowners and the families who engage actively in electoral politics in Punjab, Pakistan. Although these findings are based on more than two decades of research carried out in rural and urban Pakistan, they remain partial, because Pakistani politics is anything but tidy or simply. Nevertheless, any attempt to analyze Pakistani politics that neglects the impact of the complex personal relationship networks is unlikely to satisfactorily explain or even describe the current political situation of the country.

Punjab politics: Splits and mergers in the Akali Dal

Punjab politics: Splits and mergers in the Akali Dal

Contribution of Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi for Originating the Punjab Muslim Student Federation and its manifesto of "Pakistan Khilaphat Scheme"

During the movement for Pakistan, the students played a crucial role. Particularly the efforts of students of Punjab contributed to turn the politics of Punjab, which was totally in the hand of Unionist Party and its landlords and Anglo-nabob leadership, in the favor of All India Muslim League. Mr. Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, one of the founder members of the Punjab Muslim Students Federation drafted the manifesto of ‘khilaphat-e-Pakistan’ for ‘The Punjab Muslim students Federation’. With this, the Federation became the vanguard of All India Muslim League in Punjab. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had also soft corner for the students of Punjab due to their selfless and zealous work. This article explores Mr. Niazi’s efforts for establishing the Punjab Muslim Students Federation and induction of khilaphat-e-Pakistan Scheme. For this historical research, data collected is mainly through primary sources and from some secondary sources. Mostly, the data is collected through National Archives, Islamabad, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, Dayal Singh Library, Lahore museum and through different libraries.

Electoral Politics in Punjab: A Study of Shiromani Akali Dal

AbstractThe article presents an overview of the electoral politics of Punjab as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the oldest surviving state level party in India. It is argued that SAD has been the catalyst behind the major shifts in the politics of the post-partition state. Besides being the most successful party, apart from the Congress, since the state's reorganization in 1966, it has had statewide organizational presence. The Panthic party also receives attention, as it claims to be the legitimate custodian of the Sikh community's religious and cultural interests whenever they are perceived to be under threat, and not just their political interests. Post-militancy, the leadership of Badal has been instrumental in affecting a critical shift in the SAD agenda as it now seeks support based on its record at the front of development and governance rather than by evoking ethnic issues. Significantly, while SAD has retained its core social constituency of the rural Sikhs, it has also succeeded in reaching out to the urban Hindus, including the sizable dalits by following a regionalist populist agenda. Its long-standing alliance with the BJP, an urban Hindutva party, has helped the party broaden its support base. Emergence of AAP as the third credible alternative in what has long been a bipolar polity, with the political power remaining either with the Congress or with the SAD/BJP combine, has posed a fresh challenge to the long entrenched parties, most significantly the SAD which is no longer an ideologically driven cadre based driven movement party.

Faction-building in Pakistan: Sir Francis Mudie and Punjab politics, 1947–1949

This essay provides new evidence on local Pakistani politics in the immediate post-independence period. It reveals that far from being a period of national unity and service to the fledgling state, the country was mired in faction-building strategies between political rivals, competing for power and scrambling for resources, with debilitating consequences for democratic consolidation. While the new sources – largely based upon the archival records deposited at the National Documentation Centre, Islamabad – provide material relating primarily to Punjab, this essay demonstrates that the tensions between central government and the provinces can only be comprehended by reference to studies of localities.

Class, nation and religion: changing nature of Akali Dal politics in Punjab, India

The Akali Dal is the best organised political party in Punjab and has ruled over Punjab for a longer period than any other political party since the creation of the Punjabi-speaking state in 1966. It articulates aspirations of Punjabi regional nationalism along with trying to protect the interests of the Sikhs as a religious minority in India and abroad. As a part of shaping Punjab's economic future, it deals with the pressures of Indian and global capitalism. This paper is an attempt to track the multi-faceted pressures of class, religion and nationalism in the way Akali Dal negotiates its politics in Indian federalism.

The resurgence of Bhindranwale's image in contemporary Punjab

This article will examine the resurgence since 2008 of the public imagery in Punjab of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale who symbolises a Sikh separatist movement against the Indian state which took shape in the 1980s. The rebellion, characterised in the mainstream urban-based Indian media as an extremist Khalistan movement, had its strongest years of support in the rural areas of Punjab from 1984 until the early 1990s. However, over 25 years later, the symbol of Bhindranwale, who was killed in the Indian army's Operation Blue Star, has re-emerged. The ‘bazaar economy’ has provided a new canvas for the imagery of Bhindranwale, whose images are today visible in commodified forms available for purchase in shops and market stalls in Punjab. This article analyses this resurgence as a public response to contemporary politics in Punjab and locates the circulation of Bhindranwale through souvenir-like goods within the region's ‘economic base of place’ (Urry. 1995. Consuming Places. London: Routledge) in which the consumer market has enabled a conduit through which identity and political culture can be both purchased and displayed. The article examines the backdrop of his emblematic re-emergence within the historical context as it relates to the collective memory of 1984 and the meanings of Bhindranwale's legacy and symbolism for the current times.

Class, Power, and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in Punjab

In the century following their conquest of the province, the British in Punjab erected an administrative apparatus that, like those of precolonial regimes, relied heavily upon the support of the province's landed class. The relationship between the landed class and the colonial state was one of mutual benefit, with the latter using the former to ensure the maintenance of order and collection of revenue in exchange for state patronage. In this paper, it is argued that this administrative framework gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab, allowing for the different fractions of the province's landowning class to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order in the postcolonial epoch. This paper outlines the mechanisms underlying this process of institutional development, focusing, in particular, on the strategies adopted by the landowning class to reproduce its power. This paper also considers the potentialities for institutional change in Punjab, allowing for the creation of a more democratic and participatory politics in the province.

Lionel Carter, ed., Punjab Politics, 1 January 1944–3 March 1947: Last Years of the Ministries Governors' Fortnightly Reports and Other Key Documents.

July 01 2008 Lionel Carter, ed., Punjab Politics, 1 January 1944–3 March 1947: Last Years of the Ministries Governors' Fortnightly Reports and Other Key Documents. Tan Tai Yong Tan Tai Yong Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Tan Tai Yong Online Issn: 1531-3298 Print Issn: 1520-3972 © 2008 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2008 Journal of Cold War Studies (2008) 10 (3): 162–164. https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.162 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share MailTo Twitter LinkedIn Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Tan Tai Yong; Lionel Carter, ed., Punjab Politics, 1 January 1944–3 March 1947: Last Years of the Ministries Governors' Fortnightly Reports and Other Key Documents.. Journal of Cold War Studies 2008; 10 (3): 162–164. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.162 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsJournal of Cold War Studies Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 2008 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2008 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Punjab Politics, 1936–1939: The Start of Provincial Autonomy; Governors' Fortnightly Reports and Other Key Documents. Complied and edited by Lionel Carter. New Delhi: Manohar, 2004. 443 pp. Rs 995 (cloth).

Punjab Politics, 1936–1939: The Start of Provincial Autonomy; Governors' Fortnightly Reports and Other Key Documents. Complied and edited by Lionel Carter. New Delhi: Manohar, 2004. 443 pp. Rs 995 (cloth). - Volume 64 Issue 1