Public Support For Capital Punishment Research Articles

Predictors of public support for the death penalty in the Americas: A comparative analysis

The primary purpose of this study was to explore public support for capital punishment in seven Latin and North American countries to determine factors that influence citizens’ support for the death penalty. Currently, most of the countries examined in the study do not have death penalty for ordinary crimes, but do have it for cases involving murder, war crimes, genocides, terrorism, and crimes against humanity. Our analysis made several important observations that enhance our understanding of citizens’ attitudes toward the death penalty in the Americas. For instance, we found that a significant majority of citizens from the countries under review support the death penalty even though it currently does not exist in practice. With regard to factors, we found that nationality, religiosity, prior experience with victimization, residential stability, quality of life, life satisfaction, age, and gender were among the factors that heavily predict support for the death penalty in this part of the world. The findings of this study have serious implications for research and practice.

Predicting Israeli Public Support for Capital Punishment: Crime Type and Severity, Offender, Observer, and Victim Characteristics

This study investigates whether crime type and severity, as well as offender, observer, and victim characteristics predict public attitudes towards capital punishment in Israel. We surveyed Israeli citizens by phone. A random and representative sample of 594 participants, ages 20 to 74, read scenarios illustrating crimes and were asked about their perception of capital punishment as an appropriate punishment. The results indicate that most participants did not support capital punishment. Perceived high-crime severity, a crime that constitutes terrorism, and male observer (participant) status predicted 34% in an increased likelihood of supporting capital punishment. The discussion attributes the stronger support of capital punishment in cases of terrorism to the Israeli experience of chronic terrorism and explains gender differences by gender-role socialization.

Racial Sympathy and Support for Capital Punishment: A Case Study in Concept Transfer

ABSTRACT Beliefs about race, especially racial resentment, are key predictors of public support for capital punishment and punitiveness generally. Drawing on a conceptual innovation by political scientist Jennifer Chudy, we explore the utility of transferring into criminology her construct of racial sympathy – or Whites’ concern about Blacks’ suffering. First, across three data sets, we replicate Chudy’s finding that racial sympathy and resentment are empirically distinct constructs. Second, based on a national-level 2019 YouGov survey (n = 760 White respondents) and consistent with Chudy’s thesis, racial sympathy is then shown to be significantly related to the race-specific view that capital punishment is discriminatory but not support for the death penalty or harsher courts. Racial sympathy also is positively associated with advocacy of rehabilitation as the main goal of prison. Notably, in all models, racial resentment has robust effects, increasing punitive sentiments. Taken together, the results suggest that racial sympathy is a concept that can enrich criminologists’ study of how racial beliefs shape crime policy preferences in the United States and beyond, especially those with disparate effects on Blacks.

‘Alternative facts’: Public opinion surveys on the death penalty for drug offences in selected Asian countries

Backgroundin recent years, many Asian countries have witnessed an intensification in populist discourses identifying the death penalty as a central tool of drug control, with public opinion surveys referred to as invaluable evidence of public support for the death penalty. This paper will address the claim that the public supports capital punishment, and the role of surveys in shaping this discourse. Methodsreview of thirty-nine public opinion surveys on the death penalty carried out in five Asian countries which retain the death penalty for drugs or are considering re-introducing it. The review was conducted by analysing and comparing design, methodology, findings, and the relationship between these elements. Resultsall but two surveys recorded a majoritarian support for the death penalty, driven by beliefs in (a) deterrent effect of the death penalty, and (b) perfect justice – both disproven. Complex surveys found a low intensity of support, and a limited interest and knowledge by the public in capital punishment. Support for capital punishment is lower for drug offences specifically, and it decreases significantly when expressed with reference to real-life cases.Limited data suggest that the public in the focus countries has reservations on the effectiveness of the death penalty to reduce drug offences, and prefers a discretionary system of punishment. The analysis also revealed correlations between the framing of survey questions and their findings. ConclusionPublic opinion surveys conducted in China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand suggest that the public knows little and has little interest in the death penalty. Although majoritarian, its support is based on a faulty understanding of key facts related to capital punishment, and an increase in knowledge is correlated to a decrease in support. More rigorous polling exercises demonstrate that public support for capital punishment – both in general and for drug offences specifically – is instinctive, abstract, elastic, and contextual.

Racial Sympathy and Support for Capital Punishment: A Case Study in Concept Transfer

Beliefs about race, especially racial resentment, are key predictors of public support for capital punishment and punitiveness generally. Drawing on a conceptual innovation by political scientist Jennifer Chudy, we explore the utility of transferring into criminology her construct of racial sympathy—or Whites’ concern about Blacks’ suffering. First, across three data sets, we replicate Chudy’s finding that racial sympathy and resentment are empirically distinct constructs. Second, based on a national-level 2019 YouGov survey (n = 760 White respondents) and consistent with Chudy’s thesis, racial sympathy is then shown to be significantly related to the race-specific view that capital punishment is discriminatory but not support for the death penalty or harsher courts. Racial sympathy also is positively associated with advocacy of rehabilitation as the main goal of prison. Notably, in all models, racial resentment has robust effects, increasing punitive sentiments. Taken together, the results suggest that racial sympathy is a concept that can enrich criminologists’ study of how race shapes crime policy preferences in the United States and beyond.

Racial Sympathy and Support for Capital Punishment:A Case Study in Concept Transfer

Beliefs about race, especially racial resentment, are key predictors of public support for capital punishment and punitiveness generally. Drawing on a conceptual innovation by political scientist Jennifer Chudy, we explore the utility of transferring into criminology her construct of racial sympathy—or Whites’ concern about Blacks’ suffering. First, across three data sets, we replicate Chudy’s finding that racial sympathy and resentment are empirically distinct constructs. Second, based on a national-level 2019 YouGov survey (n = 760 White respondents) and consistent with Chudy’s thesis, racial sympathy is then shown to be significantly related to the race-specific view that capital punishment is discriminatory but not support for the death penalty or harsher courts. Racial sympathy also is positively associated with advocacy of rehabilitation as the main goal of prison. Notably, in all models, racial resentment has robust effects, increasing punitive sentiments. Taken together, the results suggest that racial sympathy is a concept that can enrich criminologists’ study of how race shapes crime policy preferences in the United States and beyond.

Public support for the death penalty in a red state: The distrustful, the angry, and the unsure

Set against the backdrop of Nebraska’s 2015 legislative repeal of the death penalty and the 2016 electoral reinstatement, we examined public support for capital punishment. Using two years of statewide survey data, we compared respondents who preferred the death penalty for murder, those who preferred other penalties, and those who were unsure, a respondent group often excluded from research. To understand what distinguishes among these groups, we examined media consumption, instrumental and expressive feelings about crime, and confidence and trust in the government regarding criminal justice. Results revealed that those who preferred the death penalty expressed more anger about crime and greater distrust, but perceived the death penalty as applied more fairly, relative to the other groups. The unsures, compared to those who preferred other penalties, were less trusting and viewed the death penalty as applied more fairly. The persistence of public support for capital punishment may best be understood for its symbolic, expressive qualities.

The nexus between attribution theory and racial attitudes: a test of racial attribution and public opinion of capital punishment

ABSTRACTResearch has shown that attribution theory and racial attitudes are among the most consistent attitudinal predictors of capital punishment opinion. This study explores the overlap of these two constructs, racial attribution, and its ability to account for support and opposition to the death penalty. Using data from the 1972–2016 cumulative data file of the General Social Survey, three logistic regression models were used to analyze the effect of internal and external racial attribution on capital punishment opinions for (a) the aggregate sample, (b) White respondents only, and (c) Black respondents only. Respondents were asked whether racial inequalities were due to structural disadvantages or personal deficiencies of Black Americans. Findings showed that respondents in all three models were more likely to support the death penalty when they attributed racial inequalities to personal deficiencies of Blacks and less likely to support the death penalty when they endorsed structural disadvantages, although the effects were somewhat muted for Black respondents. These findings suggest that ongoing public support for capital punishment in the United States is based at least in part on a fundamental attribution error in which Whites and some Blacks alike blame Blacks for their own deprivation.

Building authentic power: a study of the campaign to repeal Connecticut's death penalty

ABSTRACTPersistent public support for capital punishment and constraints on political elites in the US breed skepticism over grassroots campaigns’ ability to have much impact on this policy. Andrew Hammel advances this point in his study of successful efforts in Europe to repeal the death penalty and the lack of success in the US, where opportunities for repeal seem minimal. We challenge this view by offering the 2012 campaign to repeal Connecticut's death penalty as a counterexample. Drawing on legislative, campaign, and media source documents, we provide a case study of this campaign. Particularly important in the Connecticut campaign was the participation of murder victims’ families and communities of color, who exercised what we term authentic power: the extent that a group harmed by a policy can get policy-makers and other government officials to acknowledge this harm and, ultimately, to change the policy to the group's benefit. Elites face limits in their ability to end the death penalty and enact criminal justice reforms, but the Connecticut example suggests a greater role than previously imagined for authentic power in overcoming these limits.

Public Opinion and the Death Penalty: A Qualitative Approach

Strong public support for capital punishment is arguably the number one reason why the death penalty continues to be used as a form of correctional policy in the U.S. criminal justice system. Therefore, it is fundamental that the measure of death penalty opinion be heavily scrutinized. Utilizing a methodological approach not typically employed in this area, the current study conducted six focus groups to gain a better understanding of the complexity of these opinions. During the focus groups, participants were asked to state their general beliefs concerning the death penalty, respond to scenarios, and respond to research findings regarding the death penalty (i.e., costs, deterrence, wrongful convictions, race, etc.). The findings suggest that participants' views regarding the death penalty are more multifaceted than previously believed. This study further suggests that current methods used to measure public support of the death penalty fail to capture the complexity of sentiment on this issue.

Public Opinion and the Abolition or Retention of the Death Penalty Why Is the United States Different?

This paper explores the relationship between public opinion and the abolition or retention of the death penalty, comparing the U.S. experience to that of other nations (with a particular focus on Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and Canada). Although the experience of each country includes distinctive elements, several common themes emerge. In each country, political elites led the abolition movement. The structure of the electoral process and the parliamentary party system, moreover, allowed legislators and other public officials a degree of insulation from popular opinion. The elites differed from their electorates in education, experience, and knowledge of the issue. Because of these differences, support for capital punishment was much lower among these elites than among the general public. In abolishing capital punishment, the elites acted in accordance with their own views, rather than those of the median voter or the general public. Some scholars have characterized this type of political behavior as the “elite leadership hypothesis.” Additionally, international agreements and norms played a significant role in Europe, making abolition difficult to reverse once enacted and helping to persuade other nations to abolish capital punishment despite the existence of popular support. Finally, abolition (whether de jure or de facto) has had a tendency over time to reduce public support for capital punishment, thus diminishing popular pressure to reverse course.

The Gender Gap in Support for Capital Punishment: A Test of Attribution Theory

Studies of public support for capital punishment have consistently observed a strong and enduring gender gap in the level of death penalty support, with males consistently more inclined than females to support capital punishment. This unexplained relationship has endured over time and space as well as across a myriad of research designs. The present study uses attribution theory in a factorial survey design to account for this relationship. Analyses of data obtained from jurors provide mixed support for attribution theory yet fails to bridge the gender gap in death penalty support. The implications of these findings as they relate to gender, socialization, and attributions are discussed.

To execute or not to execute? Examining public support for capital punishment of sex offenders

In the 1990s, states enacted a plethora of new “get tough” laws targeting sex crime. These included extending the death penalty—a punishment typically reserved for murderers—to convicted sex offenders. Little attention, however, has been given to explaining why these tougher responses emerged and, in particular, whether the public supported extending the use of the death penalty to sex offenders. The goal of this paper was to examine whether public perceptions about executing sex offenders accorded with the punitive shift in policy and, more broadly, to contribute to scholarship on the death penalty. To this end, this paper examined data from a 1991 national public opinion poll, conducted just prior to the punitive shift in sex crime policies. The study found that views about executing sex offenders depended heavily on whether the victim was a child, that support for executing sex offenders was substantially lower than for executing murderers, and that few social and demographic divides differentially predicted support for executing sex offenders versus murderers. Implications of the study are discussed.

Racial Differences in Public Support for the Death Penalty: Can Racist sentiment and Core Values Explain the Racial Divide?

Prior research has established a strong and enduring “racial divide” in support for capital punishment, but little research has explored the processes that explain the racial divide. Following the lead of Unnever and Cullen (Social Forces 85:1281–1301, 2007a), this research explores whether racist sentiment and core values (individualism, egalitarianism, symbolic patriotism, and authoritarianism) can partially explain the racial divide in public support for capital punishment. The findings suggest that racist sentiment by Whites and belief in core values by Whites partially explains the racial divide in support for capital punishment.

State Public Opinion, the Death Penalty, and the Practice of Electing Judges

Do state supreme courts act impartially or are they swayed by public opinion? Do judicial elections influence judge behavior? To date these questions have received little direct attention due to the absence of comparable public opinion data in states and obstacles to collecting data necessary for comprehensive analysis of state supreme court outcomes. Advances in measurement, data archiving, and methodology now allow for consideration of the link between public opinion and judicial outcomes in the American states. The analysis presented considers public opinion's influence on the composition of courts (indirect effects) and its influence on judge votes in capital punishment cases (direct effects). In elective state supreme courts, public support for capital punishment influences the ideological composition of those courts and judge willingness to uphold death sentences. Notably, public support for capital punishment has no measurable effect on nonelective state supreme courts. On the highly salient issue of the death penalty, mass opinion and the institution of electing judges systematically influence court composition and judge behavior.

The Determinants of Executions since 1951: How Politics, Protests, Public Opinion, and Social Divisions Shape Capital Punishment

This time-series study uses hypotheses derived from a politically refined version of conflict theory to explain both public support for the death penalty and the number of executions. With murders in death penalty states and Supreme Court decisions held constant, tests of hypotheses about lags suggest that public support and Republican strength in the states influence yearly executions by their effects on death sentences rather than the later appeals process. Other dynamic results show that national level Republican strength, presidential elections that emphasize law and order, economic inequality, and higher murder rates increase yearly executions because they affect the extremely influential but later appeals process. Civil rights protests, however, immediately reduce both public support and executions. Although minority threat enhances public support for capital punishment, this contextual factor does not explain executions. These results are unique as no prior studies have assessed the conditions that determine how often the harshest punishment is used.

POLITICAL IDENTITY AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A TEST OF ATTRIBUTION THEORY

ABSTRACT Studies of public support for capital punishment have consistently observed modest relationships between both political ideology and party affiliation and support for the death penalty; conservatives and Republicans are more inclined to support capital punishment than are liberals and Democrats. This relationship has endured over time and space as well as across a myriad of research designs. Despite its constancy, this relationship has remained unexplained. This study employs the theoretical rubrics of political socialization and identity formation and attribution theory to account for this relationship. Analyses of survey data obtained from jurors summoned to service provide clear support for our claims. That is, conservatives and Republicans are more inclined to support capital punishment because they are also more inclined to adopt a dispositional attribution style which stresses the individual responsibility, deservedness, and moral culpability of criminal offender

EMPATHY AND PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT

ABSTRACT Using the 2002 General Social Survey (GSS), this study illuminates the relationships among empathy—the imaginative transporting of oneself into the thinking, feeling, and acting of another and by doing so viewing the world as the person does—two intervening variables, and public support for the death penalty. More specifically, we investigate whether empathetic Americans are less likely to be racially and ethnically intolerant and politically conservative, and whether these intervening variables mediate the relationship between empathy and support the death penalty. Our results show that empathy has a direct and indirect effect on public support for capital punishment. Thus, we discovered that empathy directly predicts support for the death penalty and empathetic Americans were less likely to support capital punishment because they tended to be politically liberal and racially and ethnically tolerant. Accordingly, our results indicate that scholars investigating public support for the death penalty should include humanistic-oriented beliefs such as empathy into their analysis.

Representing ‘The Killing State’: The Death Penalty in Nineties Hollywood Cinema

Abstract: This article explores the ways in which the issue of capital punishment was raised in nineties Hollywood cinema. It is argued that the death penalty cycle of the mid‐ to late‐1990s represented a conscious attempt by film makers to diffuse an anti‐capital punishment sentiment through popular culture. Consideration of the effects of this cycle of films should be included in any assessment of the reasons for the waning of public support for capital punishment in America at the turn of the century.

What Did Lawrence Hold? Of Autonomy, Desuetude, Sexuality, and Marriage

What Did Lawrence Hold? Of Autonomy, Desuetude, Sexuality, and Marriage