Protracted Political Conflict Research Articles

Governance, policy, and health systems responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Thailand: a qualitative study.

Since 2020, Thailand has experienced four waves of COVID-19. By 31 January 2022, there were 2.4 million cumulative cases and 22,176 deaths nationwide. This study assessed the governance and policy responses adapted to different sizes of the pandemic outbreaks and other challenges. A qualitative study was applied, including literature reviews and in-depth interviews with 17 multi-sectoral actors purposively identified from those who were responsible for pandemic control and vaccine rollout. We applied deductive approaches using health systems building blocks, and inductive approaches using analysis of in-depth interview content, where key content formed sub-themes, and different sub-themes formed the themes of the study. Three themes emerged from this study. First, the large scale of COVID-19 infections, especially the Delta strain in 2021, challenged the functioning of the health system's capacity to respond to cases and maintain essential health services. The Bangkok local government insufficiently performed due to its limited capacity, ineffective multi-sectoral collaboration, and high levels of vulnerability in the population. However, adequate financing, universal health coverage, and health workforce professionalism and commitment were key enabling factors that supported the health system. Second, the population's vulnerability exacerbated infection spread, and protracted political conflicts and political interference resulted in the politicization of pandemic control measures and vaccine roll-out; all were key barriers to effective pandemic control. Third, various innovations and adaptive capacities minimized the supply-side gaps, while social capital and civil society engagement boosted community resilience. This study identifies key governance gaps including in public communication, managing infodemics, and inadequate coordination with Bangkok local government, and between public and private sectors on pandemic control and health service provisions. The Bangkok government had limited capacity in light of high levels of population vulnerability. These gaps were widened by political conflicts and interference. Key strengths are universal health coverage with full funding support, and health workforce commitment, innovations, and capacity to adapt interventions to the unfolding emergency. Existing social capital and civil society action increases community resilience and minimizes negative impacts on the population.

Quality of life between the hammer and the anvil: Challenges of living with a disability in areas of protracted political conflict

AbstractArticle 11 of the United Nations' Convention for the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and various relevant humanitarian actors recognize the obligation to ensure the protection and safety of persons with disabilities in various situations of risk, including armed and political conflict. Nonetheless, protracted crises exacerbate the existing inequalities and vulnerabilities of individuals with disabilities. This article suggests that, in addition to recognized subcultural issues, the political context should be considered in the policies and practices concerning those with disabilities. To assist individuals with disabilities and their families who are living in situations of protracted political conflict and the professionals who serve them, research should further explore these issues and their effects in terms of quality‐of‐life measures. A better understanding of the individual, organizational, and social contextual factors of political conflict in the conceptualization and measurement of the quality of life of individuals with disabilities and their families will promote improved and more sensitive services, support, and interventions.

Exploring the Influence of Perceived Ingroup and Outgroup Threat on Quality of Life in a Region Impacted by Protracted Conflict.

While the detrimental effects of protracted political conflict on the wellbeing of Palestinians living in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are generally recognized, the impact of perceived threat on quality of life (QoL) faced from within their community (ingroup; Palestinians) and from the outgroup (Israelis) is unexplored. This cross-sectional study examined the following: (1) The status of perceptions of QoL on four domains measured by the World Health Organization Quality of Life (WHOQoL-Bref) instrument, physical health, psychological health, social relationships, and environment, among Palestinian adults (n = 709) living in the Gaza Strip; (2) The associations between perceived ingroup threat (PIT) and QoL on the four domains; (3) The associations between perceived outgroup threat (POT) and QoL on the four domains. Multivariable linear regression models revealed PIT was negatively associated with QoL in each of the four domains (p < 0.001). POT was positively associated with QoL in three of the four domains: physical health (p < 0.001), psychological health (p < 0.001), and social relationships (p < 0.001). This study contributes valuable insights into how QoL is viewed by a group experiencing collective existential threat. The findings expand the limited recognition of the reciprocal roles of perceived threat from the ingroup and outgroup on the QoL of vulnerable populations.

Planning and Food Sovereignty in Conflict Cities

Problem, research strategy, and findings Protracted political conflicts disrupt people's lives, including their ability to feed themselves. Urban planning, operating within the ambit of the state, impacts food systems in conflict cities. We examine the confluence of planning and political misgovernance on food sovereignty in conflict cities. We do so by documenting the experiences of urban growers who cultivate, eat, and distribute indigenous greens (haakh) in the city of Srinagar in the Himalayan belt of Jammu and Kashmir, the site of a protracted conflict. Experiences of growers were analyzed within the context of the city's complex urban planning landscape. Empirical methods included qualitative interviews of urban growers (n = 40) and review of land use plans and policies. We found that haakh production ensured access to affordable, nutritious, and culturally celebrated greens for haakh growing households. That said, intersecting burdens from undemocratic governance and militarism (from India), weak forms of local planning (within Srinagar), and climate change threaten urban growers' work, and imperils food sovereignty. Completing a study in a conflict region was extraordinarily challenging. The study's generalizability is limited by its short duration and small sample size—the inductive findings set the stage for future research. Takeaway for practice Conflict cities are a reminder that urban planning is anything but technical. Planning curricula must prepare future planners for the politics of planning. Planners in conflict cities are in liminal positions—between the state and the public. To the best of their ability, planners in conflict cities such as Srinagar have to protect smallholder growers' control of their food system, especially over land and water. The monitoring, recording, and suspension of contested or undemocratic land conversions, land grabs, or land transfers without full consent of indigenous and local peoples ought to be a local and international policy priority.

The Psychological Wellbeing of Palestinian Children Living among Israeli Settlements in Hebron Old City

For more than ten decades, the Palestinian Occupied Territories are marked by a protracted political conflict. During this conflict, more than 300 settlements have been built inside West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem “Occupied Palestinian Territories”, since that time the conflict between Palestinian and Israeli occupation forces is still ongoing. One of the most important results of this occupation and conflict is the suffering of Palestinian living among these Israeli settlements. Therefore, this study aimed at gaining insight into the impact of living within this situation on children and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. 357 8-18 years old Palestinian children took part; Two self-report questionnaires: the UCLA-PTSD-Reaction Index, investigating symptoms of posttraumatic stress, and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaires, looking at overall psychological problems, were filed by children themselves, mothers, and teachers. Descriptive analyses investigated mental health differences between both variables, gender, and age, and the mental health outcomes. This study shows the important impact of being lived among Israeli settlements on the psychological wellbeing of Palestinian, above, girls, younger adolescents, also reported higher scores on both questionnaires, the study urges for more psychological care and support for family members – in particular children.

The teaching of royalist-nationalist civic education and history in Thai schools: Education for the production of ‘docile subjects’

As a response to the protracted political conflict that has plagued Thailand for over a decade, Thai royalist-nationalists have stated that the problem of Thai political development derives from a lack of ‘citizenship’ characteristics in Thais. In their view, the best solution is to educate the masses and to cultivate civic education by teaching both it and normative Thai ‘core values’, together with royalist-nationalist history, as subjects to students. As a result, students are destined to become patriotic ‘saviours’. They are expected to be strong citizens who can solve the political development ‘problem’ of democracy under the ‘Democratic Regime of the Government with the King as Head of State’. This article seeks to understand how the two topics of civic education and history have been taught in Thai schools for twelve years, covering both primary and secondary schools. What type of Thai citizen does this curriculum desire to produce? The author rigorously analysed a corpus of civic education and history teaching material, and argues that the contents of these topics are designed to transform students into ‘docile subjects’. They are ideally ‘objects’ that are to be ordered and imposed upon by the state ideology, shaping them into ultra-royalists and ultra-nationalists.

Integration of internally displaced persons into host communities in the context of contemporary socio-cultural challenges

The article deals with the problems of integration of internally forced migrants in Ukraine in the context of a protracted military and political conflict. The definition and essence of the concept “integration of migrants” in the context of forced internal migration in Ukraine are considered. The state of forced migration in the country as a result of a long-term military and political conflict is analyzed. Internally displaced person (IDP) is considered as a specific category of internal forced migrants. The main indicators of IDP integration are identified as employment opportunities, access to health care and social services, availability of housing, access to education and training for children and adults, communication and social contacts, and the opportunity to vote. The nature, content and participants of the actual process of integration of internally displaced persons are established. It is specified that the success of integration is determined by the combined active interaction of three main factors: government policy on IDP integration; the willingness of the local community to accept IDPs and the desire of IDPs to integrate into the local community. Indicators and aspects of forced relocation, which should be taken into account by the Government’s policy in the process of developing tools for the integration of migrants, are formulated. The challenges faced by migrants as well as residents of host communities are analyzed. Teachers of the displaced university are considered as a specific focus group for a sociological survey of IDP integration. Indicators of forced migrants’ self-assessment of their integration level into local communities are analyzed. The indicators of integration of teachers in the relocated university are compared with similar indicators in Ukraine as a whole. An assessment of the level of trust of displaced teachers in the local community and migrant colleagues is made. The main reasons for the lack of full trust of migrants in local residents are identified. A sociological survey of displaced teachers of the relocated university shows a lack of their integration into the local community and a negative social and psychological state. The inability to restore the pre-crisis level of well-being, unsatisfactory living conditions, latent social conflicts on political and cultural grounds and a low level of trust in local residents hinder the integration process. Ways to strengthen and deepen the integration of migrants into host communities are identified. The migrants are suggested to be considered a valuable human resource that has professional knowledge and experience, the initiator of starting a new business and a carrier of culture.

Значение правовых позиций международных и внутригосударственных судебных органов для предотвращения сецессии: теоретико-исторический аспект

The legal regulation of secession – the unilateral withdrawal of a part of territory from the parent state, is carried out at the junction of two branches of law – international and constitutional. Due to the absence in most of written constitutions of norms directly related to secession, and the laconic nature of relevant principles of international law, allowing for the possibility of ambiguous interpretation, decisions of international and domestic judicial authorities on the admissibility of secession play a special role in the legal mechanisms for its prevention, which determines the relevance of the chosen themes. Based on the analysis of the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of the United Nations of July 22, 2010 “On compliance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo”, we formulate a conclusion about the absence of uniform international legal criteria to determine the admissibility of secession. In our opinion, the Inter-national Court of Justice has not resolved the legal issue underlying the pro-tracted political conflict, has not created a new norm of customary interna-tional law, but has not provided the supporters of the unilateral declaration of independence with the necessary and sufficient arguments for the legal justification of their position. This allows us to speak about the importance of this decision in the international legal mechanisms for the prevention of secession, which, however, are at the stage of formation. Their development should take place synchronously with the constitutional and legal intrastate mechanisms, which in modern conditions should be aimed at finding a bal-ance between the interests of the center and regional communities, establish-ing a dialogue with supporters of independence and protecting the national and cultural identity of population.

Beyond Land Redistribution: A Case for Stewardship in Land Reform

The right to own and derive value out of the land, (cf. ownership) is a human right enshrined in the constitution of most democratic countries. Land reform is arguably the most emotional, socio-economic, and political subject of the colonial and post-colonial era of the African continent. It is a subject that has remained sacred and a taboo creating a fertile ground for protracted political, social, economic, and religious conflicts. Many African indigenous communities are genuinely struggling to address inequality and deprivation. Despite the overwhelming economic demand to address the land question, only a handful of African countries have been bold enough to tackle the issue head-on, sometimes with dire consequences. In the current article, we use the Zimbabwe land reform programme as a case and through a biblical lens show cause for land not just as a commodity where belonging is the ultimate deciding factor but rather emphasise ownership by stewardship. This perspective is compatible with modern systems of governance, ubuntu in the African traditional culture, and encourage efficiency of production to achieve food security despite the polarised discourse of land reform in most countries.

Muslim Women’s Entrepreneurship in Conflict Zones: Religiosity, Culture, and Gender Egalitarianism

Whilst the role and impact of culture upon women’s entrepreneurship have been acknowledged within the entrepreneurship literature, the interplay and nuances of Islamic religiosity and gender egalitarianism as cultural indicators of Muslim women’s entrepreneurship in conflict-ridden countries remain understudied. Within this study, we contribute to this special issue and bridge this gap by analysing the interplay between Islamic culture and Muslim women’s entrepreneurial behaviours and strategies in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine, as all three contexts continue to experience decades of intense and protracted political and violent conflict. Our qualitative data collected from 16 Muslim women entrepreneurs operating their businesses in these contexts shows how their Islamic religiosity plays a powerful role in guiding entrepreneurial behaviours and strategies in multiple ways within precarious structural conditions and failed states. Indeed, the women’s Islamic religiosity influenced the launch, operations and growth of their enterprises, and anchored them within the chaotic and dangerous void within their failed states. In addition, this study shows that Islamic gender egalitarianism embedded within Islamic principles is promoted by the women entrepreneurs as they utilise their entrepreneurship as an expression of Islamic feminist activism challenging the prevailing stereotypes of Muslim women under patriarchal cultural contexts, and creating awareness about women’s rights to engage in entrepreneurship under Islamic law.

Impact of political conflict on trajectories of adolescent prosocial behavior: Implications for civic engagement.

Counterbalancing the narrative of youth as either helpless victims or ruthless perpetrators, a new generation of research in conflict settings focuses on their peace-building potential, including constructs such as prosocial behaviors and civic engagement. Previous research on the impact of political violence on prosocial behaviors in mixed, finding both positive and negative links. This study examines this relation using a launch and ambient approach, which helps to disentangle these effects over time. To do so, the article prospectively examines trajectories of adolescent prosocial behaviors (N = 999; Time 1: Mage = 12.18 years, SD = 1.82, range = 10-20) over 6 consecutive years in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a setting of on-going sectarian conflict. A dual change model, which combines the strengths of auto-regressive and latent growth curves approaches, found an initial shallow decrease in prosocial behaviors that dropped more sharply in later adolescence. Exposure to sectarianism related to an accelerated decrease in prosocial behaviors. Trajectories of prosocial behaviors positively related to later social and political engagement. Intervention implications address how to promote youth prosocial behaviors and civic engagement amid protracted political conflict. This type of research is needed because participation in civic life is a good indicator of youth agency and has positive implications for society. (PsycINFO Database Record

Changes in out-of-pocket payments and health-seeking behaviours in the Gaza Strip

BackgroundPeople living in the Gaza Strip have experienced a protracted political conflict and extreme socioeconomic adversity since 1948. Economic conditions have deteriorated markedly since the onset of the Palestinian Intifada in 1987 and have been exacerbated by the economic siege after 2006. The health system in the Gaza Strip has faced additional challenges. The aim of this study was to assess how Palestinian households in the Gaza Strip experienced health care services during this period of political turmoil, socioeconomic adversity, and challenges to health services. MethodsMixed methods research (MMR) was used. The quantitative part of the MMR involved the analysis of data from ten rounds of the Palestinian Expenditure and Consumption Survey from 1996 to 2011. This survey enabled the components of out-of-pocket health expenditures and their catastrophic and impoverishing effects across the years to be measured and traced in different groups of households. The occurrence of catastrophic out-of-pocket spending was calculated at thresholds of spending 10% or more of the households' resources and 40% of their capacity to pay (non-food expenditure) for health care. The qualitative component of MMR consisted of life histories reported via semi-structured in-depth interviews with heads of households aged 46 years or older to capture changes over time in their experience with health services. The interviews were analysed using thematic narrative analysis and timeline analysis. The results of the Palestinian Expenditure and Consumption Survey and the interviews were triangulated. FindingsThe occurrence of catastrophic out-of-pocket spending was stable, with no changes between 1996 and 2011. However, vulnerable groups tended to become less exposed to catastrophic out-of-pocket spending, especially after the major deterioration of the economic situation in the Gaza Strip after 2006. The ability to pay for health care, the nature of health conditions of the households, and the accessibility and entitlement to certain health services determined their choice of health providers and influenced their health-seeking behaviours. Additionally, households had used a wide range of coping mechanisms, including self-medications, decreasing the use of private health services, and relying on social capital. Interview respondents noticed the expansion of both public and private health services, but expressed their dissatisfaction with public services. The low financial cost of using public services is coupled with other costs such as increased waiting times, perceptions of indignity, and perceived low quality of services. InterpretationsThe findings are interpreted within the political history of the Gaza Strip and its health-care system during the last three decades. The reduced occurrence of health-care-related financial catastrophe and impoverishment in the more vulnerable groups in the Gaza Strip could point to an emerging paradox of resilience and high level of household and health-system adaptation, which should be investigated carefully. FundingNone.

Adolescent Civic Engagement and Perceived Political Conflict

Adolescents are often exposed to the lasting effects of political conflict. Complementing existing research on negative outcomes in these settings, this article focuses on the role of the family (N = 731 mother/adolescent dyads, 51% female, M = 14.72, SD = 1.99, years old at Time 1) in promoting constructive youth outcomes in response to perceived conflict in Northern Ireland. Exploratory factor analyses revealed two related forms of youth civic engagement: volunteerism and political participation. Structural equation modeling revealed that compared with males, female adolescents reported more volunteerism. Older adolescents reported higher political participation and lower volunteerism. Moreover, over three time points, the primary model test revealed that the impact of perceived political conflict on adolescent volunteerism and political engagement was partially mediated by family cohesion. These findings suggest that amid protracted political conflict, the family may be a key factor underlying adolescents’ contributions to post-accord peacebuilding.

The Elephants in the Room: Sex, HIV, and LGBT Populations in MENA. Intersectionality in Lebanon Comment on "Improving the Quality and Quantity of HIV Data in the Middle East and North Africa: Key Challenges and Ways Forward".

In response to this insightful editorial, we wish to provide commentary that seeks to highlight recent successes and illuminate the often unspoken hurdles at the intersections of culture, politics, and taboo. We focus on sexual transmission and draw examples from Lebanon, where the pursuit of data in quality and quantity is teaching us lessons about the way forward and where we are experiencing many of the challenges referenced in the editorial such as discrepancies between national statistics and rates derived via research as well as the impact of protracted political conflict and displacement. Two important points were raised in the editorial about HIV in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) that we would like to expand further: (1) The epidemic is largely driven by drug-related and sexual behavior among key populations; and (2) Several key populations continue to be criminalized and excluded from surveillance programs.

Mental Suffering in Protracted Political Conflict: Feeling Broken or Destroyed.

PurposeThis mixed-methods exploratory study identified and then developed and validated a quantitative measure of a new construct of mental suffering in the occupied Palestinian territory: feeling broken or destroyed.MethodsGroup interviews were conducted in 2011 with 68 Palestinians, most aged 30–40, in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip to discern local definitions of functioning. Interview participants articulated of a type of suffering not captured in existing mental health instruments used in regions of political conflict. In contrast to the specific difficulties measured by depression and PTSD (sleep, appetite, energy, flashbacks, avoidance, etc.), participants elaborated a more existential form of mental suffering: feeling that one’s spirit, morale and/or future was broken or destroyed, and emotional and psychological exhaustion. Participants articulated these feelings when describing the rigors of the political and economic contexts in which they live. We wrote survey items to capture these sentiments and administered these items—along with standard survey measures of mental health—to a representative sample of 1,778 32–43 year olds in the occupied Palestinian territory. The same survey questions also were administered to a representative subsample (n = 508) six months earlier, providing repeated measures of the construct.ResultsAcross samples and time, the feeling broken or destroyed scale: 1) comprised a separate factor in exploratory factor analyses, 2) had high inter-item consistency, 3) was reported by both genders and in all regions, 4) showed discriminate validity via moderate correlations with measures of feelings of depression and trauma-related stress, and 5) was more commonly experienced than either feelings of depression or trauma-related stress.ConclusionsFeeling broken or destroyed can be reliably measured and distinguished from conventional measures of mental health. Such locally grounded and contextualized measures should be identified and included in assessments of the full impact of protracted political conflict on functioning.

Impact of political violence, social trust, and depression on civic participation in Colombia.

Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. There was a significant, positive direct effects between past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust on civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that individuals respond in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities, when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior). Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.

The association between parental imprisonment and the mental health of Palestinian adolescents.

Since 1967, the Palestinian Occupied Territories are marked by a protracted political conflict. During this conflict, about one fifth of the Palestinian population has been detained; a considerable part of them having children outside prison. Although parental detention negatively impacts children's psychological well-being, little is known about this impact within contexts of protracted armed conflict. Therefore, this study aimed at gaining insight into the impact of parental detention onto adolescents' psychological well-being. Of 314 (11- to 18-year old) Palestinian adolescents who took part, the fathers of 204 adolescents were detained in Israeli prisons. The adolescents completed two self-report questionnaires: the UCLA-PTSD-Reaction Index, investigating symptoms of posttraumatic stress, and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, looking at overall psychological problems. Several hierarchical regression analyses investigated mental health differences between both the groups, and possible associations between sociodemographic characteristics and the witnessing of the father's arrest, and the mental health outcomes. Parental detention largely impacted adolescents' mental health, with one fifth to two thirds of the adolescents reporting considerable mental health problems. Witnessing the arrest of the father even increased this risk considerably. Above, girls, younger adolescents, participants living in refugee camps, and those living with extended families also reported higher scores on both questionnaires. Detention of fathers in the context of protracted armed conflicts has a large impact on adolescents' mental health. Besides an overall plea to end armed conflicts as fast as possible, the study also delineates considerable implications for the support and care for these adolescents and their families.

Trajectories of Adolescent Aggression and Family Cohesion: The Potential to Perpetuate or Ameliorate Political Conflict

Correlations between intergroup violence and youth aggression are often reported. Yet longitudinal research is needed to understand the developmental factors underlying this relation, including between-person differences in within-person change in aggression through the adolescent years. Multilevel modeling was used to explore developmental and contextual influences related to risk for youth aggression using 4 waves of a prospective, longitudinal study of adolescent/mother dyad reports (N = 820; 51% female; 10–20 years old) in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a setting of protracted political conflict. Experience with sectarian (i.e., intergroup) antisocial behavior predicted greater youth aggression; however, that effect declined with age, and youth were buffered by a cohesive family environment. The trajectory of aggression (i.e., intercepts and linear slopes) related to more youth engagement in sectarian antisocial behavior; however, being female and having a more cohesive family were associated with lower levels of youth participation in sectarian acts. The findings are discussed in terms of protective and risk factors for adolescent aggression, and more specifically, participation in sectarian antisocial behavior. The article concludes with clinical and intervention implications, which may decrease youth aggression and the perpetuation of intergroup violence in contexts of ongoing conflict.

Violent continuities: telling stories of one sexual minority life in the African Great Lakes region

This article examines the multi-layered continuities of violence experienced, navigated and narrated by those in the Great Lakes region from the perspective of one life. Drawing on the unfolding life stories of Alex, a sexual minority refugee in Uganda, it focuses upon the complex predicament of persecution and marginalisation of the region’s sexual minorities, as they navigate protracted political conflict, displacement and wider intersecting forms and sources of violence. This article aims to draw attention back to the lived realities of violence as they are interpreted and articulated through time and space in situated acts of speaking. An ethnographic life stories approach compels us to consider the agency of those who navigate complex constellations of intersecting and multiple forms of violence woven through the fabric of everyday life, the social topographies within which people navigate and the wider sociocultural, political and legal dimensions within which they live.

The Protective Role of Group Identity: Sectarian Antisocial Behavior and Adolescent Emotion Problems

The protective role of strength of group identity was examined for youth in a context of protracted political conflict. Participants included 814 adolescents (Mage = 13.61, SD = 1.99 at Time 1) participating in a longitudinal study in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Utilizing hierarchical linear modeling, the results show that the effect of exposure to sectarian antisocial behaviors has a stronger effect on youth emotion problems for older adolescents. The results also show that youth with higher strength of group identity reported fewer emotion problems in the face of sectarian antisocial behavior but that this buffering effect is stronger for Protestants compared to Catholics. Implications are discussed for understanding the role of social identity in postaccord societies.