Protests In South Africa Research Articles

‘Must Fall’ movements globally: transnational flows of South African student activism

This article demonstrates an important case of transnational activist influence from the Global South to both Global North and other Global South contexts. While protests, slogans, strategies and demands are expressions of a specific context-bound protest culture, they have the potential to resonate globally. In this way, specific protests become a model for other social movements, although not without tension or reconfigurations of activism. In this article, we explore the transnational flow of the ideas around ‘Must Fall’, developed initially by the South African student movement. From 2015, several university-based protests in South Africa coalesced under the slogan ‘Must Fall’, most prominently #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall. This ‘Must Fall’ idea resonated transnationally in multiple contexts. However, protests using ‘Must Fall’ also drew from other resources and held different meanings across the different contexts, creating a complex transnational flow of partially connected protests across Africa, Europe, and the US. Nevertheless, the ‘Must Fall’ protests were similar in expressing a need for a radical change to rupture and overcome structures of oppression, especially those shaped by colonialism. This article analyses the Global South genesis and meaning of the ‘Must Fall’ protests and how they travelled, resonating differently in both Southern and Northern contexts.

Protests and use of rubber bullets in South Africa: Unspoken pain and trauma of eye injuries.

The article examines the experiences of protesters and bystanders who have sustained eye injuries from rubber bullets fired by the police. Use of rubber bullets by police officers during public protests is officially regulated, but there is insufficient documentation about the nature of fatal and non-fatal injuries linked to rubber bullet use during protests in South Africa. We pres-ent three case studies based on data gathered from student protests, community protests, and media reports. Through the analysis of these sources, the article presents the personal stories of individuals who have experienced eye injuries, detailing how the incidents occurred and the subsequent impact on their lives. It also examines the accessibility of medical, psychological, and legal services available to victims in addressing the consequences of these injuries. The cases studies illustrate that rubber bullets were used frequently and often without due caution by police officers during the events examined. The use of rubber bullets was linked to numerous eye injuries, resulting in lasting psycho-logical and physical consequences for those affected. Rubber bullet-related eye injuries during protests are disturbingly common in South Africa. Consequently, there is an urgent need to provide essential services and support to those who suffer from these life-altering incidents.

The struggle for housing and basic services in South Africa: a case for service delivery protests

ABSTRACT This paper examines how struggles for housing and other basic services such as water and electricity are characterised in South Africa. There has been a shift in categorising local protests from the previously accepted “service delivery protests” to other phrases such as “local political protests” or “local protests” or “community protests.” Drawing from data gathered through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions in Gugulethu and Khayelitsha, two townships in Cape Town, South Africa, I argue that these new concepts conceal the service delivery-related challenges faced by poor communities throughout South Africa. The paper’s focus on housing stems from the fact that a house often functions as a site where several services come together. While protests are nuanced and have varying reasons, they have a large service delivery component. As such, the study of protest in South Africa will benefit from research that spotlights service delivery problems. This also helps to highlight the prevalence of such protests throughout the country.

An investigation into the causes and impact of service delivery protests on political stability: perceptions from the social contract and relative deprivation

Service delivery protests in South African municipalities are common due to governance issues. The ongoing discussions around service delivery protests in South Africa are an indication of a much-needed holistic approach to addressing the needs of the people. The objective of this study is to explore the reasons behind and effects of service delivery protests on political stability with perspectives, gained from the ideas of the social contract and relative deprivation. This study explored the individualized experiences, attitudes, and motives of persons engaging in service delivery protests using a qualitative research methodology based on an interpretivism approach. A detailed knowledge of the complex dynamics underpinning these protests was revealed using in-depth interviews, content analysis, and participant observation. The research has found that when promises of basic services and socioeconomic growth are not kept, there is a perceived breakdown of the social contract between residents and the government. Additionally, relative deprivation appeared as a major element influencing protest mobilization as people and communities perceived injustice and discontent when they contrasted their socioeconomic situation to others. Protests in the delivery of services have been found to have a variety of effects on political stability. Although they can spur government responsiveness and policy change, they also present stability hazards and the possibility of bloodshed. The study suggests a Cooperative government model to reduce protests and promote stability. This model focuses on protection, participation, and provision to ensure effective decision-making and service delivery that meets the people's needs.

AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE CAUSES AND IMPACT OF SERVICE DELIVERY PROTESTS ON POLITICAL STABILITY IN SOUTH AFRICA

Service delivery protests in South African municipalities are common due to governance issues. The ongoing discussions around service delivery protests in South Africa are an indication of a much-needed holistic approach to addressing the needs of the people. The objective of this study is to explore the reasons behind and effects of service delivery protests on political stability with perspectives gained from the ideas of the social contract and relative deprivation. This study explored the individualized experiences, attitudes, and motives of persons engaging in service delivery protests using a qualitative research methodology based on interpretivism. A detailed knowledge of the complex dynamics underpinning these protests was revealed using in-depth interviews, content analysis, and participant observation. The research found that when promises of basic services and socioeconomic growth are not kept, there is a perceived breakdown of the social contract between residents and the government. Additionally, relative deprivation appeared as a major element influencing protest mobilization as people and communities perceived injustice and discontent when they contrasted their socioeconomic situation to others. Protests in the delivery of services have been found to have a variety of effects on political stability. Although they can spur government responsiveness and policy change, they also present stability hazards and the possibility of bloodshed. To reduce the likelihood of protests and support political stability. The study suggests a Cooperative government model to reduce protests and promote stability. This model focuses on protection, participation, and provision to ensure effective decision-making and service delivery that meets the people's needs.

Ending Curriculum Violence and Academic Ancestral Worship: An Afrocentric Perspective on Decolonising Higher Education in Africa

There have been multiple contributions to the decolonisation agenda in Africa since the onset of calls to decolonise education under the auspices of the #RhodesMustFall protests in South Africa. Nevertheless, these efforts have not resulted in the realisation of a truly decolonised higher education. The present study was built on the premise that decolonising higher education requires a deep analysis of how the perpetuation of academic ancestral worship has been used to maintain the dominance of Western epistemologies at the expense of indigenous peoples. Although closely related, this study conceptualised curriculum violence as how the curriculum reinforces imbalances in knowledge production systems while academic ancestral worship is understood as the veneration of Western academic traditions and scholarships over indigenous knowledge and scholars. To effectively argue for an Afrocentric position on ending these pervasive forms of colonialism in education, the researchers used a literature review methodology, which entailed meticulously searching for published literature using keywords. The study’s findings highlight the need to commit to social justice and equity to liberate and transform higher education in Africa using a model that advocates for Afrocentric knowledge creation, validation, and dissemination. This study also raises awareness of curriculum violence and academic ancestral worship. It further increases understanding of their impact on marginalised communities to inform policy and decision-making in educational institutions and lead to the implementation of more inclusive and equitable curricula and practices. Keywords: Academic Ancestral Worship, Curriculum Violence, Decolonisation, Epistemology, Higher Education

Can the University Speak?

The problematic nature of higher education and knowledge production has been a subject of debate within the academy. University students have protested against values that evoke colonial history and Western hegemony, as seen in the #RhodesMustFall protests in South Africa. This debate has highlighted the historically one-sided and interest-driven manner in which knowledge has been produced and disseminated, especially within the contemporary academy, where neoliberal practices are deeply intertwined. In this context, I provide a concise summary of these discussions while integrating the perspectives of two influential figures in postcolonial theory, Homi Bhabha and Gayatri Spivak. Homi Bhabha's 'Theory of Mimicry' offers a plausible explanation for the imitation of the Global North's university culture and structure by peripheral countries. It suggests that the privileged position of the West as a pioneer in this regard dates back to the colonial period when non-Western societies believed they could achieve a semblance of civilization by adopting these imitative practices. However, the current state of higher education is deeply flawed and biased due to this imitation of Western models by non-Western universities. This subordination of higher education to Western ideals has made it a tool of neoliberalism, which underscores that knowledge production, and consequently higher education, lacks its own agency and is rendered subaltern. Nevertheless, Latin America provides examples of subversity and pluriversity that challenge the conventional university model in the pursuit of decolonization.

The Eastern Cape and East London: African Protest and the Historical Context of Bloody Sunday 1952

This concluding overview explores themes which provide background to the four articles in the part special issue on popular protest in the Eastern Cape, with a special focus on East London. As these articles demonstrate, East London became the site of some of the most explosive urban popular protest in South Africa from 1950 to 1952. First, we discuss distinctive features of Eastern Cape African history over the long term. Society in the Eastern Cape was shaped by a particularly violent and protracted colonial conquest, lasting a century, but also by an early and widely dispersed missionary presence and relatively incorporative franchise system. Both left deep legacies. Second, we focus on East London, and some social characteristics that underlay the protests of the 1950s. Despite control by an anglophone white elite, the City Council was strongly committed to segregation and conditions in the ‘locations’ were among the worst in South Africa. This helped to radicalise African urban communities who also united to a degree behind Africanist, rather than class or worker-based, ideas and rhetoric. Third, we discuss participation by women in movements of popular protest in the Eastern Cape, focusing on both rural and urban contexts. Women were deeply engaged in two periods of militant mobilisation in East London: from 1929 to 1931, led by the Independent Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (IICU) and 1950 to 1952, led by the ANC Youth League. The relationship between political radicalism and spiritual renewal is also briefly discussed. This overview suggests that all three of these historical processes shaped the ideas, patterns, and radicalism of popular protest in early 1950s East London.

Protest in South Africa: Rejection, reassertion, reclamation, edited by Heidi Brooks, Rekgotsofetse Chikane, and Shauna Mottiar

Protest in South Africa: Rejection, reassertion, reclamation, edited by Heidi Brooks, Rekgotsofetse Chikane, and Shauna Mottiar

“Asiphelelanga!” (We are not complete!): #FeesMustFall movement and higher education in post-apartheid South Africa

This article focuses on the Fees Must Fall Protests in South Africa as a decolonial strategy implemented by university students who seek a fully liberated South Africa. Students’ core demands of the access to and quality of university education embody Africans’ early ideals of freedom from the Victorian Era to the turbulence seen in the violent student protests of the 1970s and 1980s. Students underscored that their future is compromised by the ruling party’s inability to live up to a democratic blueprint of liberation. By marching and inflicting disruptive modes of politics, including vandalizing property, university students called for the removal of colonial artifacts. Through innovative uses of social media networks and viral hashtags, students documented their effort to decolonize their universities through a form of knowledge production infused with African epistemologies.

Social protest action, stakeholder management, and risk: Managing the impact of service delivery protests in South Africa

AbstractStakeholder management is an important method for reducing business risk. Recent decades have seen the growth of a new type of stakeholder: social protest stakeholders, individuals engaging in protest action which is directed at other unrelated parties, often the government. However, the actions of social protest stakeholders may negatively affect companies located nearby. This stakeholder category has not received any formal attention in the literature, and this article addresses the knowledge gap by exploring the effects of community‐driven protest action in South Africa and the strategies that firms adopt to mitigate the negative consequences of such protests. A multiple case study analysis was used to describe this type of stakeholder group and the management of the consequences of social protest action. Eight manufacturing companies in the Gauteng province participated in the study, the companies varied in size and industry. Among the key findings are that companies need to be highly adaptable if they are to mitigate the impact of protest action. We make practical suggestions about how companies may manage these risks, including the recommendation that companies engage more directly with social protestors to manage risks. The study makes an important contribution to the literature by identifying an additional key category of stakeholder and proposing a risk management approach to avert or minimize loss and damage.

Character and social organisation of community protests in South Africa

ABSTRACT This paper examines the character and social organisation of community protests in South Africa. South Africa’s protests have been critiqued for their supposedly sporadic and unorganised nature befitting of the descriptor, ‘popcorn protests’. Based on the findings of this study, the researcher argues that although these protests are short-lived the movements behind them are not. A closer examination of the processes that activists follow before and after the protest event reveals the social organisation of these protests. The paper explains how and why the deep organising structures harbor participatory potential, albeit with their ineffectiveness so far. The researcher triangulated data from in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and literature.

Localised Protests in South Africa: A Rebellion or a Fight for a Relationship with the Government?

Localised protests are a key feature of South African townships. Protests have been considered insurrectionary, prompting scholars to consider the protests as a rebellion of the poor. However, the question is: Do these protests ensue from revolutionary politics? Based on the findings of this study, I argue that although these protests are sometimes dramatic and militant, some of these protests may be regarded as a struggle for a relationship with the government.

Affective dimensions and the psychosocial work performed by naked body protests

ABSTRACT This paper is about the liberatory affective states associated with participation in naked body protests. The article will also touch on notions of gender as performative and located within the habitus, since affective states are intertwined with gender performance, embodiment and social construction. Exploration of these phenomena is done by analysing interview data from 16 women who participated in various naked body protests in South Africa. These include protests in Dobsonville, Soweto in 1990 and student protests at four universities in 2016. The study draws upon Wetherell’s theorisation of affect, especially their concept of affective practice. The findings illustrate that affects are always embedded in acts and practices, including forms of protest. In addition, using Judith Butler’s gender performativity theory, the study demonstrates that naked body protests have performative possibilities that both reify and challenge gender.

‘Violent protests’ in South Africa: understanding service delivery protests

ABSTRACT Violence is a crucial feature associated with service delivery protests in South Africa. The media and scholars have often referred to the rising violence trend in service delivery protests. However, the definition of violent protests is too broad; it fails to paint a correct picture of the violence. Previously, the general tendency was to classify these protests as either peaceful or violent – a simple dichotomy. Therefore, scholars have developed the 3-way formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’ and ‘violent’. Although the three-way formulation is the best so far, it conflates damage to property and injury to people as ‘violent protests’. Damage to property, however bad, should not be bracketed together with injury to people. Drawing on qualitative data from low-income communities in Cape Town, South Africa, I consider deliberately vandalising property as ‘vandalistic’ protests and attacks on persons as ‘violent’ protests. Building on the three-fold formulation of service delivery protests, I introduce a new category – the vandalistic protests. I, therefore, argue for a fourfold formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’, vandalistic and ‘violent’, which is often the normal order protests evolve. This analysis highlights the need for authorities to swiftly address communities’ grievances to avoid more radical protest tactics.

Exploring the Impact of Arrests and Prosecution on the Perpetrators of Service Delivery Protests Crimes in South Africa

This article explores the impact of arrest and prosecution on the perpetrators of service delivery protests crimes in South Africa. To date, most service delivery protests turned out to be violent and destructive to properties as well as posing a threat to the livelihood of ordinary citizens. This is because most of these service delivery protests are spontaneous and put the security and economy of the country at risk. Citizens are not conscientious by government, civil society, community organisations and leaders regarding the role of the police during the protests which makes it difficult for the police to manage these protests. The researchers followed a descriptive research approach to gather data. Data was gathered from media reports, parliamentary reports, articles, journals and statistics reported by the South African Police Service and National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). Data was purposively identified from primary sources to achieve the study purpose. The study found that criminal activities derived from service delivery protests and the challenges faced by both the SAPS and NPA in relation to arresting, charging and prosecuting the perpetrators of service delivery protest crimes in South Africa. The study found that the arrest and prosecution of service delivery protest criminals have no impact on reducing violent service delivery protests in South Africa. There is also inconsistency with regard to the number of completed (enrolled and prosecuted) cases by the NPA and the number of arrests effected by SAPS, despite that the NPA reported a successful conviction rate. The NPA is perceived to be enrolling and prosecuting easy-winnable cases related to protest crimes. Furthermore, most of the arrested protesters are either released with a warning or left off the hook without being charged by the police due to the failure to secure proper evidence. The study recommends that both the data presented by the SAPS relating to the number of arrests made and cases prosecuted by NPA must be thoroughly interrogated by responsible oversight bodies including civil society organisations due to its discrepancy.

Ramifications of Violent Protest on the Environment

South Africa has been repeatedly ranked as one of the world's most dangerous countries due to its high level of violence. The country is currently facing a surge of violent protests, which is largely due to a lack of service delivery in communities. The frustration of citizens with the government's unfulfilled promises is a common reason for such protests. University students are also not immune to such violent protests, which often disrupt academic activities. These protests lead to injuries and damage to government buildings, causing harm to both the community and institutions. Additionally, violent protests have disastrous environmental repercussions affecting air quality, aquatic and marine ecosystems. To address this issue, the study suggests that environmental education should be intensified to sensitize the public about the effects of violent protests on the environment. Using the theoretical lens of frustration-aggression theory, the study explored the effects of violent protests in South Africa. The findings highlight the need for urgent action to address the root causes of violent protests, such as inadequate service delivery. The study also emphasizes the importance of raising awareness of the environmental impact of violent protests, and the need for environmental education to be prioritized in the country. By addressing these issues, it is hoped that violent protests will be reduced and a more peaceful and sustainable future can be achieved for South Africa.

Community and Political Based Protests in South Africa: Issues, Challenges, and Lessons for the Continent

The paper seeks to examine the key reasons behind the recent violent community protests in South Africa. It analyses the challenges the political elites would have to navigate in order to address the concerns of the people and the impact such protests would have on peace, stability, and governance on the African continent. Suffice it to note that political and community-based protests have been a common occurrence in South Africa since the advent of democracy in the country in 1994. Though the nomenclature and manifestation of such protests have been a subject of great debate, their frequent reoccurrence is a cause for concern for many in South Africa and, to a greater extent, the continent. The magnitude and scale of the July 2021 protests in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal, precipitated by the incarceration of the former president Jacob Zuma, raises key fundamental concerns. First was the spontaneity in the manner in which the riots were undertaken; second was the scale and magnitude of destruction the two provinces experienced. This calls into question whether the protests were planned or genuine concerns arising from the incarceration of a political leader? While the incarceration of the former president was the trigger, there is evidence that the protests were inspired by unmet promises and the limited capacity of the country to deliver on people’s hopes and aspirations. However, Hough (2008), Tsheola (2012), and Nyamnjoh (2018) have argued that the root causes of violent protests in post-apartheid South Africa are not so much the unmet promises to address poverty and unemployment but rather people’s experiences of inequality and relative deprivation. In other words, people are dissatisfied when they compare their own quality of life and their economic and social opportunities with those of better-off communities and households. Fundamentally, therefore, one of the reasons the country has experienced violent protests is not necessarily the fact that the people are poor, but rather that protesters consider themselves poor vis-à-vis better-off communities. Evidently, the paper attempts to clarify some of the key issues political elites need to look out for as they put in place measures to avoid the re-occurrence of such protests and provides challenges the country would have to overcome in order to address people’s grievances. Fundamentally, what lessons can the African continent learn from these protests? What measures should the African Union, together with its member states, adopt in order to ensure that people’s genuine grievances are addressed in a timely and expeditious manner. The paper concludes by suggesting that a careful reassessment of local governance structures in South Africa would have to be contemplated with an emphasis on accountability and strict measures to sanction recalcitrant councilors.

The Political Thought of Nelson Mandela and the Resurgence of South Africa on the Global Stage

The aftermath of World War II not only impacted the nations competing for power worldwide, but also had significant consequences for countries that were merely pawns in the war. During World War II, much of Asia and Africa were colonized by European powers. Consequently, these nations experienced significant shifts in politics, economics, and other aspects of life. Due to the exploitation of its natural resources by Europe, Africa was more devastated compared to Asia. Despite both positive and negative consequences of the Second World War, one certainty is that African societies had to laboriously work for an extended period to restore every aspect of their lives to ensure their survival in the future. Following the victory of the African National Party in the 1948 elections, South Africa was declared a white-dominated country. People of other races were denied political rights and full citizenship. The practice of Apartheid sparked protests in South Africa and worldwide. Discrimination in education, social, and cultural spheres resulted from Apartheid policies, which were opposed by the black population. Nelson Mandela was one of the prominent figures who fought against Apartheid in South Africa.

Positioning the #FeesMustFall Movement within the Transformative Agenda: Reflections on Student Protests in South Africa

This article reflects on the successes and failures of student protests in transforming higher education in South Africa through a Marxist lens. The slow pace of change by the government in addressing structural and systemic inequalities has led to disgruntlement within the student body. In their quest to hasten the process, students engaged in protests across the country, inspired by the #RhodesMustFall movement. This article outlines the problematic areas that have led to the unrest and reflects on the #FeesMustFall movement: the lessons learnt and its impact on contemporary higher education. The reflection further unpacks what it means to be a student in South Africa and how the learning process shapes and is shaped by the student movements within universities. The study reviewed existing literature on the #FeesMustFall movement to better understand the influence of student protests on government policy and to evaluate whether any protest-based changes have occurred in higher education in South Africa.