Proposals For Electoral Reform Research Articles

The European Union: Consociational Past, Centripetal Future?

ABSTRACT Consociational interpretations of the European Union (EU) are well established and help to explain the political stability of the 27-member state system. In contrast, the increasingly common centripetal elements have not yet received systematic attention. Using a framework originally designed to map the choices for divided societies, this article highlights centripetalism in EU party regulation and proposals for electoral reform. Going beyond the spatial distribution requirements that play such a central role in aggregative institutions in the EU, the article suggests that cross-national districts rather than a supra-national district provide the strongest incentive for European parties to organise EU-wide campaigns on European issues, fielding candidates with cross-national appeal. The article concludes with a reflection on the relationship between consociational and centripetal elements in the EU. It shows that consociationalism and centripetalism in the EU can continue to co-exist, though the balance is likely to change.

Cambio de las reglas del juego: reforma de elección después del 88

El artículo explora los proyectos de reforma política en el caso brasileño desde un aspecto inexplorado: las estrategias para maximizar las ganancias electorales inherentes a las propuestas de reforma electoral. Para ello, analizamos las Propuestas de Reforma Constitucional (PEC) presentadas en el Congreso Nacional sobre el tema de los 29 años de democracia brasileña y creamos una base de datos con 493 observaciones con 52 variables que agrupamos en 5 categorías de análisis. De la literatura (Benoit, 2007; Boix, 1999; Colomer, 2004, 2005, 2018) pretendemos inferir sobre los diseños propuestos en los PEC, evaluando las posibles ganancias y pérdidas estratégicas para las partes. Los resultados muestran que los PEC no parecen estar guiados por intereses estratégicos de las partes, como se predice en la literatura. Por el contrario, la investigación sugiere una racionalidad normativa (sin maximizar las ganancias).

The Conservative Party and the Impact of the 1918 Reform Act

AbstractBefore the First World War, the Conservative Party feared the extension of the suffrage to all adult males, and was divided over even a limited granting of votes to women. However, the patriotic public response to the war moderated these attitudes, and by 1916 the Conservatives were in favour of giving the vote to all servicemen. Although the Conservatives were represented in the Speaker's conference which drew up proposals for electoral reform, when its report was published in January 1917, these were almost entirely opposed by the party organisation. However, the Conservatives came to accept adult male suffrage as the only practicable way of recognizing the servicemen's contribution. During the passage of the electoral reform bill, they successfully amended it in several respects and secured gains from the redistribution of constituencies. This essay assesses the Conservative response to the reform proposals and the impact of the Representation of the People Act 1918 upon the party's fortunes, organisation, and culture. During the following decade, the Conservative Party made substantial efforts to reach the female, younger, and working‐class voters. While it was reassured by electoral success, and especially support from women, there remained concerns about the nature of democracy and demands from the grass roots for a defensive restoration of powers to the house of lords. However, by 1928, giving the vote to women on equal terms of adult citizenship was seen as the inevitable completion of the new electoral system – in which the Conservatives became the most successful party.

The British Press and the 1918 Reform Act

AbstractThis essay provides the first comprehensive study of the British press's reporting of, and discussions about, the electoral reform proposals that became the Representation of the People Act 1918. It shows that, in responding enthusiastically to calls for substantial constitutional change, newspapers from across the ideological spectrum revealed a deep disillusionment with partisan politics and party machines, and imagined a re‐energised democracy that would rise to the complex tasks of post‐war reconstruction. Female voters were to have a significant role in this more inclusive political system, and even long‐standing opponents of women's suffrage chose this moment publicly to alter their position – although by repeatedly framing enfranchisement as an outcome of service to the nation, the language of democratic rights was sometimes blurred. Many newspapers also argued for proportional representation (PR) to create a fairer, less cynical and less strictly‐managed type of politics. These debates marked an important moment in the redefinition of British democracy, and they would have a lasting influence on post‐war political culture. After 1918, the press generally defended this new democracy, even if some commentators expressed anxieties that certain voters lacked the capacity or inclination properly to exercise their political responsibilities. Set against the political turbulence across Europe, and the inevitable disquiet generated by economic dislocation and mass unemployment, it is the resilience of democracy in Britain, rather than its weakness, that is notable. In these difficult times, the press played a crucial role in legitimising and stabilising the parliamentary system and celebrating a more inclusive politics.

The State of Electoral Reforms in Ghana

Following Ghana's December 2012 elections, there was a protracted election petition process at the nation's Supreme Court challenging the declaration of the winner as the duly elected presidential candidate. Even though the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the declared winner, it made several recommendations that paved the way for numerous interventions aimed at putting together proposals for electoral reform to fine-tune Ghana's electoral processes. Several such reform proposals were submitted to the Electoral Commission by the end of 2013. Nevertheless, these were not implemented to guide the 2016 general elections. The successful conduct of the 2016 elections has therefore been described as a “miracle.” Why were the reform proposals not implemented? What is the current state of reform proposals submitted to the Electoral Commission? What is the way forward? This article addresses these questions.

The challenge of reforming a ‘voter-friendly’ electoral system: the debates over Ireland’s single transferable vote

ABSTRACTIn the 2011 Irish general election, held in the midst of the economic crisis, electoral reform was catapulted to the top of the agenda, with all of the political parties including proposals for electoral reform in their manifestos. The matter was subsequently given to the Irish Constitutional Convention to discuss. The Convention recommended keeping a modified version of the existing single transferable vote electoral system. This article reviews the Irish debate, showing how for the most part the impetus for electoral reform came from the party leaderships. By contrast, mass public opinion on the issue was at best equivocal. A curious feature of the Irish debate was how arguably it was strategically misdirected, at least on the part of the mainstream parties: the reforms being promoted by the elite were more likely to have weakened the position of the established elite than to have strengthened it.

Electoral reform, values and party self-interest

It is often taken for granted that parties support electoral reform because they anticipate seat payoffs from the psychological and mechanical effects of the new electoral system. Although some studies point out that elements related to values and the willingness to achieve social goals are also relevant to explaining party preference in those situations, a general model of how these considerations influence support for electoral reform is still missing. To fill this gap, I develop in this article a policy-seeking model accounting for values-related factors and operationalize it using one of the most firmly established effects of electoral systems in the literature: The degree of inclusiveness and its consequences for the representation of social groups in parliament. The empirical relevance of this model is then tested using an original dataset reporting the actual position of 115 parties facing 22 electoral reform proposals in OECD countries since 1961. The results show that willingness to favour the electoral system most in line with a party’s electoral platform has a unique explanatory power over party support for a more proportional electoral system. In turn, values appear to be as crucial as party self-interest in explaining the overall electoral reform story.

Worth Talking About?: Modest Constitutional Amendment and Citizen Deliberation in Australia

This article examines the feasibility of popular deliberation in relation to proposals for modest constitutional amendment. Much of the literature on deliberation and constitutional referendums focuses on major constitutional reform issues which, by their nature, raise broad questions about democracy or national identity which are likely to have popular appeal. Examples include proposals for electoral reform and the Australian republic debate. In Australia, however, it is often the case that referendums will be held on matters that are relatively narrow and technical, often concerning the machinery of government. The proposal to give financial recognition to local government, widely discussed during the 2010–13 federal parliamentary term, falls into this category. This article argues that proposals for modest constitutional amendment pose particular challenges for proponents of citizen participation and deliberation. It contends that they attract little public interest, which in turn discourages governments and media organizations from devoting resources to initiatives and coverage that might support public awareness, learning, and participation. The article also argues that modest reforms will often not be suitable as subjects of a deliberative micro-forum. The article then considers the implications of this analysis for the design of referendum process in Australia, and argues that a robust legal and institutional framework is essential to fostering deliberative ideals with respect to modest amendments.

The Failure of Electoral Reform Proposals in Canada

The case for electoral reform in Canada is compelling, and the issue has been actively debated for many years both federally and provincially. A strong and active lobby organisation (Fair Vote Canada) continues to advance the cause, yet no reform proposal has ever been adopted. At the federal level, a serious proposal by the Law Commission was put forward in 2004, but its report was ignored and the commission was subsequently disbanded by the federal government. Five of the ten provinces have also seriously considered electoral reform. However, reform proposals failed to move forward in New Brunswick and Quebec, largely because of the ambivalence of governing parties. Referendums on reform proposals have taken place in British Columbia (2005, 2009), Prince Edward Island (2005), and Ontario (2007). All were defeated.The Canadian experience demonstrates how difficult electoral reform is to accomplish, in spite of the many arguments in its favour. Governments are typically reluctant, and numerous veto points exist. Powerful interests can be mobilised against it, particularly in a referendum campaign. This article considers the lessons of the Canadian experience, with particular emphasis on the Ontario Citizens’ Assembly and referendum. The analysis demonstrates the difficulty of transforming the electoral reform issue from a theoretical discussion among elites into a political movement capable of attracting voters’ support. The Canadian experience highlights the perceived threat that electoral reform poses to entrenched political interests, and the powerful tools that can be deployed against it when the issue is put to the people in a direct vote.

Reasoning About Institutional Change: Winners, Losers and Support for Electoral Reforms

This study assesses how the mass public reasons about political institutions by examining the effects of winning and losing on support for several electoral reform proposals. The national sample survey identified majorities supporting proposals for major changes in America's electoral institutions, and that suggested electoral losses may have a modest effect in reducing losers' satisfaction with how democracy works. Random assignment experiments that tested hypotheses derived from theories of risk perception were conducted. It was found that people who saw themselves as winners and losers in the electoral arena reasoned differently when proposals for change were framed in terms of loss. Losers may be just slightly more supportive than winners of some electoral reforms; however, they appeared less sensitive than winners to framing effects that presented reform proposals in terms of the risks of loss. Winners may support the same reform proposals but their support for change decreased more when the proposals were framed as a potential loss. Winners are thus risk aversive when evaluating electoral reform proposals, while losers may even be risk seeking. Although this survey found support for major reforms, the patterns of reasoning that were identified in the mass public suggest a basis for the stability of electoral institutions.

Democracy, Political Institutions, and Trust: The Limits of Current Electoral Reform Proposals

Democracy, Political Institutions, and Trust: The Limits of Current Electoral Reform Proposals

Democracy, Political Institutions, and Trust: The Limits of Current Electoral Reform Proposals

A variety of electoral reforms have been proposed to reduce the perceived in Canada. Among the most prominent are recall and referenda, based in neo-populist notions of direct democracy, and proportional representation and electoral spending limits, originating in representative notions of democracy. This paper examines the extent of public support in Alberta for these electoral reform initiatives and inquires into the relationship between such support, trust in government, and assessments of the health of democracy in the province. We find a stronger link between trust and assessments of the health of democracy than between support for institutional reforms and such assessments. This suggests programs and policies that enhance trust in government are more capable of reducing the distance between government and citizens than proposed reforms frequently recommended by members of the community. In particular, programs and policies that render politics more transparent and that disperse political decision-making seem to have the most promise for overcoming the deficit. Overall, the data suggest widespread public support for changes that will enhance democratic practices, a policy opportunity which should not be ignored. On a propose, pour remedier au « deficit democratique » percu au Canada, une serie de reformes electorales. Parmi celles frequemment suggerees, figurent les referendums et la revocation, inspires par des notions neopopulistes de democratie directe, ainsi que la representation proportionnelle et les limites aux depenses electorales, liees au souci d'une democratie representative. Le present article mesure jusqu'a quel point la population albertaine soutient ces initiatives de reforme electorale. Il explore aussi le rapport entre ce soutien, la confiance accordee au gouvernement et des evaluations de la vitalite de la democratie dans la province. La conclusion est qu'il existe une correlation plus etroite entre la confiance et la vitalite mesuree de la democratie qu'entre cette vitalite et le soutien aux reformes institutionnelles. Apparemment, pour reduire la distance entre le gouvernement et les citoyens, des programmes et politiques ameliorant la confiance accordee au gouvernement valent mieux que les reformes frequemment recommandees par les membres du milieu politique. En outre, parmi ces programmes et politiques, ceux ameliorant la transparence des politiques et repartissant la prise de decision politique semblent particulierement aptes a remedier au deficit. Dans l'ensemble, les donnees suggerent qu'il existe dans la population un soutien generalise pour des changements permettant d'ameliorer la pratique de la democratie, etat d'esprit que les politiques devraient exploiter.

Political geography in practice II

Abstract The paper reviews public debates in Israel during the past four years to reform the electoral system, laying out the issues and the obstacles to putting reform into practice. It examines several proposals for electoral reform, in particular whether districting is a practical possibility within constraints laid down by a committee comprising senior members of the two largest political parties—Likud and Labour—and proposes a districting plan that meets these demands. It then presents a series of simulations in the hypothetical constituencies, relating to disciplined and undisciplined voting for party candidates, analysing some possible effects of districting on the results of Israeli elections. The paper outlines the relative benefits and drawbacks to the principal political actors, the parties.

Socialism, Politics, and Citizenship : Reflections On a Czech Tho Ught-Experiment

AbstractThis article attempts to draw out some theoretical implications from the thought-experiment of Vladimir Klokocka, a Czech political jurist who was a leading member of a team of experts that was entrusted with the working out of electoral reform proposals during the late 1960s. The thought-experiment in question found articulation in chapter 9 of Klokocka's Volby v pluralitnich democraciích (Elections in Pluralist Democracies), which, published in Prague after the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, had an exceedingly brief exposure because it was withdrawn from circulation shortly after publication.1 Substantial excerpts of this chapter have recently appeared in translation elsewhere with a brief commentary.2 I should like to enlarge here on this commentary. The chapter in question apart from its historical interest, presents a penetrating analysis of democracy under socialism that-sheds light not merely on the arguable possibilities of reform of existing Communist régimes, but also on the broader question of pluralism within any political context.

Who Will Gain and Who Will Lose Influence Under Different Electoral Rules

Electoral reform has periodically been an issue of immense importance, and as long s the potential for crisis remains, this issue is certain to recur. What would constitute an electoral crisis is, foremost, an indecisive contest, and, secondarily, a failure by the electoral vote winner to capture a plurality of the popular vote. A number of proposals for electoral reform have been advanced, ranging from simple alterations of the present Electoral College system to comprehensive reformations such as adopting a district plan, proportional division of the electoral vote, or direct popular election of the president. In this paper we investigate how the impact of various social groups on the outcome of a presidential contest would be altered under each of the reform proposals. A simulation methodology is used, with baseline data on group voting obtained from the 1960 contest between Kennedy and Nixon. Our results indicate that, in comparison with the popular vote, the Electoral College advantages the following population groups: large-state residents, metropolitan area residents, Negroes, Catholics, and possibly low-income persons. The district and proportional plans, by generally disadvantaging these populations relative to the popular vote, would build a reverse bias into the electoral system.