Proportion Of Democrats Research Articles

The Rule, Not the Exception: One-Party Monopolies in the American States

AbstractThousands of studies have examined party competition in the American states, finding significant consequences for voter turnout, policy adoptions, and more. Long-term patterns of party control have received less attention. Here, we reexamine the operationalization of party competition. We then update Klarner’s state partisan balance data to include state house and senate composition and gubernatorial vote share since the 1930s, adding—in light of the nationalization of American politics—presidential vote share and the proportion of Democrats in each state’s congressional delegation. After establishing a threshold for one-party dominance, we examine the frequency and duration of subnational party monopolies, highlighting regional variations in the relationship between the state and national measures and applying the index to voter turnout. Our analysis reveals that extended periods of one-party dominance – currently on the uptick – are the rule, not the exception, in the American states and are a phenomenon ripe for further exploration.

Cognitive Political Economy: A Growing Partisan Divide in Economic Perceptions

Research suggests that American partisans are increasingly distinct in their beliefs. These strengthened partisan feelings extend to economic perceptions—as numerous scholars have shown, there is a substantial gap between the proportion of Democrats and the proportion of Republicans that believe the economy is improving. Here, we examine the extent to which these perceptions have polarized over the past two decades and the degree to which they still respond to objective economic indicators. Exploiting a Gallup time-series, we show that the gap in economic perceptions approximately doubled between 1999 and 2020, and that partisan economic perceptions no longer seem to converge during economic crises. We further demonstrate that the economic perceptions of Democrats and Republicans have polarized relative to Independents and that this polarization is not asymmetric in magnitude. Collectively, these results document the extraordinary rise of perceptual polarization and illustrate that neither Democrats nor Republicans are immune to its effects.

Highlighting the Recent Historical Innovations in Political Progressions from Law

In this paper, it is highlighted the recent big historical innovations of politics from law the world people participating enthusiastically, manifested in television and recorded as diaries. It was the author Cai who started and led the democratic law execution in China in 2000, which was new in history and helped establish the theory of armed police. Besides overcoming the difficulties after the June 4th Incident and acquiring some provincial supports in China, it further promoted the democracy in Mideast in many countries, differentiating the democratic law execution and democratic revolution by the legality of route map to election. During this period, it was proposed by the Mideast people the revival of race by law. To control the democratic crimes, it was suggested by the world people to innovatively use the party disciplines in congresses at various levels, including the communist parties worldwide, the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan, the Democratic National Construction Association of China, the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, and so on. It was the international movement of “Marx-MingXun calling for competitive election” that overcame the autocratic influence from China, increased the democratic proportion of world communists, and revived the communist parties synchronously in the whole world to practice law to control the democratic crimes. It was Taiwan president YingWen Cai of Democratic Progressive Party and Germany Chancellor Merkel of Christian Democratic Union who elevated the law against democratic crimes to the national level. It is expected that these political innovations would improve the democracy and law.

The impact of political institutions on U.S. state bond yields during crises: evidence from the 2008 credit market seizure

This study examines how political institutions mediate bond market reactions to severe economic crisis, based on U.S. states’ experience of the 2008 credit market seizure. Following severe fiscal shocks, political institutions assume greater importance in assessing risk characteristics of state bonds. The bond market reacts most strongly to two factors: public sector union strength in a state and the proportion of Democrats in the state legislature. We suggest that the identity of political institutions becomes increasingly important, during periods of economic crises, when credit markets might expect that political systems can no longer delay stabilisations and must deliver policy.

Political and Institutional Determinants of Tax-Exempt Bond Yields

Political-institutional factors — such as the political composition of state legislatures, and interstate variations in public sector labor environments, such as union strength, and collective bargaining rights — can explain a significant proportion of interstate variation in bankruptcy risk. We find that, controlling for multiple economic variables, states with weaker unions, weaker collective bargaining rights, and fewer Democratic state legislators pay less in borrowing costs absolutely, and less in borrowing costs at similar levels of unexpected budget deficits, than do states with stronger unions and a higher proportion of Democrats.

Green energy laws and Republican legislators in the United States

The policy context for green energy laws in the United States has changed over the past few years, because the Republican Party has increasingly opposed renewable electricity and other green energy policies. In this study, we draw on a database of 6071 votes on RPS (renewable portfolio standards) and PACE (Property-Assessed Clean Energy) laws by individual state legislators in the United States to examine the circumstances shaping Republican votes for green energy laws from 2007–2011. We find that votes on these laws are indeed increasingly partisan, with Republicans supporting RPS laws especially less than Democrats. However, Republicans' support for these laws is higher in states with weaker fossil fuel industries. Furthermore, Republicans tend to support the laws where median household income is lower, environmental organizations are weaker, labor-environmental coalitions are absent, and the proportion of Democrats in the legislature is lower, suggesting a reactive effect against green energy policies in more progressive settings.