Liberal-conservative Research Articles

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830–1930: The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, William Porcher DuBose and Edgar Gardner Murphy. By Ralph Luker. Studies in American Religion 11. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1984. ix + 463 pp. $39.95.

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830–1930: The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, William Porcher DuBose and Edgar Gardner Murphy. By Ralph Luker. Studies in American Religion 11. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1984. ix + 463 pp. $39.95.

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830-1930: The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, William Porcher Dubose, and Edgar Gardner Murphy

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830-1930: The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, William Porcher Dubose, and Edgar Gardner Murphy

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830-1930. The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, Willia Porcher Dubose and Edgar Gardner Murphy.

A Southern Tradition in Theology and Social Criticism, 1830-1930. The Religious Liberalism and Social Conservatism of James Warley Miles, Willia Porcher Dubose and Edgar Gardner Murphy.

Reviews

Book reviewed in this article: Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, Volume 1, Social Choice and Justice by K. J. Arrow Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, Volume 2, General Equilibrium, by K. J. Arrow Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, Volume 3, Individual Choice under Certainty, by K. J. Arrow Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, Volume 4, The Economics of Information, by K. J. Arrow Rational Expectations: Macroeconomics for the 1980's?, by M. Carter and R. Maddock Public Policy for Sustainable Growth, a special issue of the Australian Economic Review, 3rd Quarter 1984 Growth, Profits and Property. Essays in the Revival of Political Economy, edited by Edward J. Nell Free Market Conservatism. A Critique of Theory and Practice, edited by Edward J. Nell Incomes and Policy, by Ian Manning Optimization in Economic Analysis by G. Mills

Free Market Conservatism: A Critique of Theory and Practice

(1985). Free Market Conservatism: A Critique of Theory and Practice. Journal of Economic Issues: Vol. 19, No. 3, pp. 886-889.

Agenda for Competitiveness with Compassion

The January issue gave Sir Geoffrey Howe space to outline the philosophy of the Liberal Conservatives and the policies that emerged. His statement was assessed by four economists, to whom he responded. Here Dr David Owen outlines his philosophy and the policies of the alternative government. He is assessed by four economists, to whose reservations be replies. An editorial leader comments on these two complementary features. (The Prime Minister has recently accepted that her true opposition is the Alliance rather than Labour.)

The Short, Unhappy History of Progressive Conservatism in France, 1846-1848

The Short, Unhappy History of Progressive Conservatism in France, 1846-1848

Agenda for Liberal Conservatism

Agenda for Liberal Conservatism

Liberal Theology and Social Conservatism: A Southern Tradition, 1840–1920

In the late-flowering study of religion in the South, relatively little attention has been given to its intellectual traditions. The field's rich body of literature, largely produced in the last two decades, has yielded only one serious study of theology in the region, E. Brooks Holifield'sThe Gentlemen Theologians. So great has been the historians' stress upon the heartfelt, emotional character of popular religion in the South, says Holifield, that even to inquire into a “Southern religious ‘mind’ … is to question a commonplace.” One might say that, lacking a Jonathan Edwards, the South has no call for a Perry Miller. Even Holifield felt compelled to analyze the social status of his regional divines in order to create interest in their tomes of derivative common sense theology.

In Defense of Decadent Europe

Raymond Aron's In Defense of Decadent Europe was first conceived at a time of great uncertainty for the Western democracies. The postwar economic boom had been interrupted by stagflation, while communist and socialist parties in Italy and France were powerful factors in Europe's political landscape. Aron's book has a threefold purpose: the analysis of the Soviet Russian regime and its Marxist-Leninist theoretical foundation; the detailed empirical comparison between liberal democracies and collectivist regimes of the East; and, above all, the exploration of what might be termed the problem of democracy the tendency of democratic regimes to undermine themselves unless checked in their most extreme tendencies. Aron denounces the clash between democracy and the Marxist-Leninist mystification and explains how Marxism leads to Soviet-style ideology. The second part of the book constitutes a defense of liberal Europe. The author makes comparisons in terms of productivity, technical innovation, living standards, scientific progress, and human freedom. But Aron also notes there are important ways in which the West must put her house in order by cultivating authority in the church, in universities, in business, and even in the army. This paradox is conveyed by the title of the book, the juxtaposition of the words In Defense of and Decadent Europe. In the new introduction, Daniel Mahoney and Brian Anderson discuss the disenchanted conservative liberalism of Raymond Aron that set him apart. Among the topics they cover are: the challenge of ideocracy, the decadence of democracy, and Aron as a civic philosopher. In Defense of Decadent Europe combines ideological debate with economic and social analysis. Its thorough examination of Western freedom versus the Eastern communism of the recent past extends well beyond parochial debates into a basic vision of Western societies. The book will be compelling for historians, political scientists, economists, and philosophers.

Spanish Conservatism 1834-1923

The definition used in this article to identify the conservative position in modern Spanish politics is similar to that proposed by Robert Michels, when he observed that the term 'conservatism' does not necessarily refer to any specific values or philosophy but rather to 'a tendency to maintain the status quo regardless of what it may be.' The status quo of modern Spain its dominant political form has been constitutional parliamentary monarchy on the pattern of moderate nineteenth century liberalism. The goal of Spanish conservatism from 1834 through at least the first quarter of the twentieth century, was to preserve that institutional structure, with its values and its functional relationships, largely within the nineteenth-century framework. Classic modern Spanish conservatism was thus moderate or conservative liberalism, defending an established philosophy and system from the reactionary assaults of neotraditionalist Carlism on the one hand and all manner of progressives, radicals and revolutionaries on the other.

« What is real is rational » : The political philosophy of B. N. Chicherin

Aileen Kelly, "What is real is rational" : The political philosophy of B. N. Chicherin. B. N. Chicherin is generally regarded as one of the foremost theoreticians of Russian liberalism; but there is a wide area of disagreement among historians as to the precise nature of his liberalism and the reasons for his extreme political isolation. The present study attempts to refute the most common view of Chicherin — namely, as a moderate liberal who sought a middle path in a country polarised into extremes of right and left. Through an analysis of Chicherin's doctrine of "liberal conservatism" it is argued that Chicherin cannot be regarded as a liberal at all: the conception of liberty which he developed in the immediate post-reform period on the basis of a doctrinaire right-wing Hegelianism was incompatible with all forms of liberalism, including Hegel's, and ultimately provided an ideological justification for absolute rule.

The Martínez Campos Government of 1879: Spam’s Last Chance in Cuba

~ T HE Peace of Zanjon, wrote Antonio Maria Fabie, l offered us the one occasion which contemporary history presented to leave America with glory and honor, but the directing classes and public opinion turned their backs on it because of ignorance, indolence, and bad faith, committing the gravest and most transcendental error of the nineteenth century.' In these words Fabie characterized the tragic year of 1879 when Spain might conceivably have followed the leadership of General Arsenio Martinez Campos to initiate the comprehensive reform policies required to hold the allegiance of Cuba. For a brief nine months Martinez Campos headed a Spanish ministry usually counted as merely an interim one sponsored for his own purposes by the great architect of Restoration Spain, Antonio Canovas del Castillo. It was, however, a watershed in Spanish history. The controversies which it engendered broke the monopoly of politics by Canovas' Liberal Conservative Party. Martinez Campos led the way to the pacific integration of the military into Restoration politics. But this brief government also witnessed the failure of Cuban hopes for fundamental change. The resultant disillusionment added strength to the independence movement. The trauma of 1898 was foreshadowed in the painful events of 1879. As always in history, the question arises, Could things have gone otherwise? Why did Spain lose this last chance to maintain herself in Cuba? Most fundamental in the explanation of the course of events is the personal rivalry of Martinez Campos and Cainovas. It had begun at the very outset of the Restoration period. Martinez Campos' pronunciamiento at Sagunto, by which the restoration of Alfonso XII to

Political Liberalism-Conser Va Tism Among University Students

Political Liberalism-Conser Va Tism Among University Students

Korzenie myśli politycznej środowiska skupionego wokół tygodnika „Najwyższy Czas !”

The Najwyższy Czas! weekly – the roots of the political thought Conservatism and liberalism as ideologies are in conflict but only seemingly. Synthesis is possible. The proof is given by the journalists of the Najwyższy Czas! weekly. In short: liberalism in economy and conservatism in a social life and in morality. The roots of their conceptions we can find in a number of past and contemporary thoughts of the philosophers, economists, sociologists and politicians. Adam Smith gave the basis for economic opinions, above all about the “invisible hand” in the free market. Edmund Burke was the first conservative, who noticed the essence of liberal values. The propagator of laissez‑faire concept – Frederic Bastiat declared oneself in favour of stable law and the minimal statism (night‑watch state), which will guarantee individual’s freedom. Representatives of Austrian School – Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August von Hayek specified and extended French thinker’s conceptions, became a natural inspirers of Polish liberal conservatives. The practical ways of applying a liberal economy with preserving conservatives values gave Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.

The Ethnological Theories of Henry Sumner Maine

This article synthesizes Maine's theories, placing them in their ideological context and indicating the relevance of that context for modern anthropology. For example, Maine emphasized the group as the primal unit (not contractually related individuals) and held “primitive” man to be highly “irrational.” These and other features of his substantive theories, it is shown, fit well with his political ideology of “liberal conservatism.” This demonstration does not “disprove” Maine's substantive theories, but it should alert us to the probability that the theories, portions of which many of us now follow, have but a partial hold on the truth. Through studies such as this, hopefully, we may come closer to a theoretical “total conception” of society, which is, or ought to be, a “morality of aspiration” -whether attainable or not—of social anthropology.

Construction and validation of a Thurstone scale of liberalism--conservatism.

Construction and validation of a Thurstone scale of liberalism--conservatism.

Microcosmographia Academica: Being a Guide for the Young Academic Politician.

The margins of my copy are clean because bracketing the pearls would mean drawing lines from top to bottom of 24 pages of text. Neither can I quote from it without revealing everything. Here is the trenchant advice of a Cambridge philosopher, the savant's Northcote Parkinson, undated by almost sixty years. Get it—whether you are a Conservative Liberal, a Liberal Conservative, a Non-Placet, an Adullamite, or a Young Man in a Hurry. Get it—even if you are beyond doubt an entirely rational man.

Socio-Economic Attitudinal Correlates of Educational Viewpoint

EDUCATION, a pervasive government function, is likely to reflect liberal and conservative econom ic philosophies. Most previous investigations have assumed that liberalism-conservatism is a uni-di mensional socio-economic factor. Because Lipset (2) and others have shown that this assumption is untenable, separate scales were constructed in this study as measures of economic and social liberal ism-conservatism. Economic liberalism-conserva tism was defined with reference to disputes involv ing the distribution of wealth and power. Social lib eralism-conservatism was defined with reference to civil liberties issues. The Economic Scale is shown in Table 1 and the Social Scale is shown in Table 2. According to their responses to these two scales, respondents were characterized as conservative on both economic and social issues (CC), conservative on economic issues but liberal on social issues (CL), liberal on economic issues but conservative on so cial issues (LC) or liberal in both respects (LL). Each type of liberalism-conservatism has its own relevance for education, depending on which aspects of education are considered. Many educational is sues depend primarily on economic philosophy; oth ers depend primarily on willingness to encourage or tolerate dissent and general orientation concerning standards of morality. Accordingly, separate scales were constructed as measures of different t y p es of educational viewpoint. The sixscales, which constitute the dependent variables,were titled as follows: Equalization Scale; Moral Controver sies Scale; Methods, Standards, and Discipline Scale; Facilities Scale; Social Studies Controversies Scale ; and Breadth of Curriculum Scale. These scales are shown in Tables 3-8, respectively. All scales in the study are of the Likert-type, each hav ing six response alternatives.

The Republican Convention: Nixon's "Progressive Conservatism" More Progressive than Conservative

The Republican Convention: Nixon's "Progressive Conservatism" More Progressive than Conservative